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fj^trc^  -^^^C^-f^ 


THE 


HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND 


E.G. House,  Printer, 
No.  100,  Court-Slrcet,  Ko^toii. 


ii 


HISTORY 


OF 


ENGLAND, 


FROM  THE 


E.mLIEST  PERIOD, 
TO  THE   CLOSE   OF   THE   YEAR   181:3. 


VOL.  I. 


BY  J.  BIGLAND,  \ 

Author  of  a  Geographical  and  Historical  View  of  the  World — Letters  on  the 

Study  of  Ancient  and  Modern  History — History  of  Spain — 

History  of  Europe,  CfC 


PUBLISHED  BY 
WEST  &  RICHARDSON,  BOSTON;  AND  EASTBIIRN,  KIRK  if  CO.  NEW-VORK. 

isii'. 


<0. 


fo  3  "I  o  n  I- 

V.I 


PREFACE. 


The  importance  of  historical  knowledge  is  tooob- 
vious  to  need  any  illustration.  History  is  the  mir- 
ror of  ages,  reflecting  a  view  of  the  human  species 
under  all  its  social  modifications,  and  in  all  tlie  va- 
riety of  action.  It  furnishes  the  most  ample  and 
accurate  knowledge  of  mankind,  and  is,  therefore, 
a  study  essentially  necessary  to  man  :  every  indi- 
vidual is  directly  or  indirectly  concerned  in  the 
subjects  which  it  brings  forward  to  his  inspection. 
But  if  some  kno^^  ledge  of  general  history  be  in- 
dispensable in  a  person  who  makes  any  pretensions 
to  literature,  an  acquaintance  witli  that  of  his  own 
country  is  requisite  to  every  inhabitant  of  this  hap- 
py realm.  The  slave  of  despotism,  possessing  no 
rights,  can  have  little  satisfViction  in  the  retrospect 
of  those  events  that  have  caused  or  confirmed  his 
slavery ;  but  no  one,  who  Ijoasts  tlie  name  of  a 
Briton,  can  l)e  indifl'ercnt  to  the  steps  by  which  his 


vi  PREFACE. 

coimtry  has  riseu  to  the  commanding  eminence  on 
which  it  now  stands,  and  by  which  he  himself  has 
ascended  to  so  exalted  a  place  in  the  scale  of  hu- 
man existence,  enjoying  the  blessings  of  liberty  un- 
der the  protection  of  a  constitution  the  most  excel- 
lent that  the  world  has  yet  seen. 

From  the  consideration  that  so  many  histories  of 
England  have  already  been  written,  any  addition 
to  their  number  might,  on  the  first  view  of  the  sub- 
ject, be  deemed  unnecessary.  But,  on  further  ex- 
amination and  reflection,  it  will  be  found  that  scarce- 
ly any  of  those  that  have  hitherto  appeared  are  suf- 
ficiently adapted  to  the  conveniency  of  the  public. 
The  common  school  books  of  this  kind  are  too 
much  epitomized  to  exhibit  the  connected  chain  of 
facts  and  events,  of  causes  and  consequences : 
some  of  them  present  only  barren  registers  ;  and 
others  are  grossly  erroneous  in  their  statements. 
Those  histories,  which  are  on  a  more  extended 
scale,  are  too  prolix  and  expensive  for  general  use. 
Few  readers  have  the  leisure  and  patience  requisite 
for  an  attentive  perusal  of  the  voluminous  compila- 
tions of  Rapin,  Hume,  Smollet,  &c.  with  their  con- 
tinuations by  difierent  authors;  and  little  knowledge, 
relating  to  the  gradual  progress  of  British  society, 
can  be  obtained  from  our  commmon  historical  epit- 
omes. The  progress  or  retrogradation  of  arts, 
sciences,  commerce,  and  civilization,  can  be  traced 
only  through  the  series  of  transactions  and  events 
from  which  national  prosperity  or  depression,  and 
social  refinement  or  barbarism,  originate.  But  the 
acknowledged  importance  of  historical  information 


PREFACE.  vii 

points  out  the  necessity  of  rendering  it  accessible. 
Conciseness  becomes  daily  more  requisite,  as  great 
events  are  every  year  taking  place,  and  an  immens- 
ity of  materials  for  history  is  constantly  accumu- 
lating. The  time,  indeed,  must  soon  come  when 
compression  will  be  an  indispensable  requisite  in 
history ;  otherAvise  the  life  of  man  will  be  found 
too  short  for  the  perusal  of  its  ponderous  volumes. 

These  obvious  considerations  suggest  the  utility 
of  a  history  of  our  country  that  may  be  a  medium 
between  the  two  extremes  of  sterile  conciseness 
and  tiresome  prolixity ;  that  may  equally  suit  the 
library  and  the  school ;  and  that,  witlioiit  being  too 
expensive  to  the  purchaser,  or  too  tedious  to  the 
reader,  may  distinctly  exhibit  the  series  of  events 
that  marks  our  annals,  and  has  raised  the  British 
nation  from  a  horde  of  half  naked  savages  to  a 
nursery  of  statesmen,  legislators,  and  warriors ; 
of  merchants,  artists,  and  literati. 

Such  is  the  design  of  this  compendium.  In  the 
execution,  party  spirit,  and  religious  prejudice,  are 
wholly  excluded.  The  ill  authenticated,  uninter- 
esting and  ephemeral  occurrences  which,  in  every 
period  of  time,  furnish  the  idle  tattle  of  the  day,  and 
soon  sink  into  merited  oblivion,  are  either  omitted  or 
slightly  touched ;  and  the  reader's  attention  is  di- 
rected to  subjects  and  events  truly  national,  uni- 
versally interesting,  and  worthy  of  remembrance. 
At  the  close  of  each  reign,  a  general  view  of  its 
eflects,  on  the  political  system  and  social  structure 
of  the  nation,  is  laid  before  the  reader ;  and  the 
character  of  the  monarch  is  impartially  delineated 


viii  PREFACE. 

In  treating  every  affair,  whether  of  a  political  or 
civil,  military  or  religious  nature,  I  have  carefully 
endeavoured  to  proportion  the  detail  to  the  impor- 
tance of  the  subject ;  and  thus  to  exhibit  a  concen- 
trated and  animated  view  of  British  history,  adap- 
ted to  the  use  of  those  who,  without  consuming 
much  time,  are  desirous  of  acquiring  a  competent 
knowledge  of  the  events  that  have  either  checked 
or  promoted  the  interests  of  their  country  during 
its  gradual  advancement  from  primeval  poverty  and 
barbarity  to  the  flourishing  state  in  which  it  now 
stands — the  great  opposer  of  tyranny  and  support 
of  the  independence  of  Europe. 


JaiSTOUY  OF  ENGLAND. 


jL  he  history  of  every  natron  may  be  traced  back  to  a  period 
ill  which  it  is  involved  in  the  gloom  of  impenetrable  obscurity. 
Some  rays  of  light  at  length  begin  to  appear,  and  the  con- 
fused scene  brightens  by  slow  degrees.  Great  Britain  was 
known  at  an  early  period  to  the  Phoenicians,  who  traded 
hither  for  tin  many  centuries  before  the  christian  aera,  and 
are  supposed  to  have  given  to  the  island  the  name  of  Britan- 
nia, expressive  of  the  article  which  was  then  the  staple  of 
its  commerce.*  Its  first  inhabitants  undoubtedly  came  from 
the  opposite  coasts  of  France  and  Flanders,  which  >vere  first 
peopled  by  two  kindred  tribes,  the  Southern  Kelts  and  the 
Kimbri,  or  Kumri,  called  by  some  authors  the  Northern 
Kelts,  and  who,  together  with  the  Belgas,  a  German  or  Scy- 
thian tribe,  are  considered  as  the  people  whom  our  writers 
distinguish  by  the  name  of  Britons. f  But  without  expatiating 
in  the  boundless  field  of  conjecture,  it  suffices  to  observe,  that 
the  first  authentic  information  respecting  this  island  is  re- 
ceived from  Julius  Cssar,  who  invaded  Britain  fifty-five  years 
before  the  christian  sera.t  Csesar  informs  us  that  the  primi- 
tive inhabitants  were  driven  into  the  interior,  and  that  the 
maritime  provinces  in  the  south-eastern  parts  of  the  island 

*  This,  however,  is  controverted  by  Camden,  who  imagines  the  name  to 
be  derived  from  the  custom  of  painting  or  staining  their  bodies.  See  lus 
long  dissertations  on  this  subject  in  his  Britannia. 

f  iMr.  Turner  makes  no  doubt  but  the  Kimbri,  or  the  Kumri,  were  the 
.incient  Cimmerians.— Hist.  Aug.  Sax.  1.  p.  5.  For  the  migrations,  &.c.  of 
the  Cimmerians,  or  Kimmerlans,  •vide  Strabo  lib.  1.  p,  12  and  38.  Herodot. 
Clio  lib.  15  and  16.  Turner  thinks  it  doubtful  whether  the  Belgse,  in  Gaul, 
were  a  German  or  a  Keltic  tribe ;  but  he  is  of  opinion  that  the  Belgs  of 
Britain  were  KeUs.— Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1.  p.  33  and  34,  The  Bclgx,  both  of 
.Gaul  and  Britain,  appear  to  liave  been  the  same  people. 

+  Camden  says  in  the  fifty-fourth  year  before  Christ. — See  Britannia.  But 
Dr.  Halley  makes  it  apjicar  that  Cxsar  landed  in  Britain,  26th  August,  A, 
A.  C.  55.  A.  U.  G.  696,— See  his  Miscell.  Curios.  3.  p.  422,  &.c. 
B 


Z  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

w'ere  occupied  by  the  Belgas.  The  towns  Mere  only  collec- 
tions of  mean  liuts,  generally  situated  in  the  middle  of  thick 
\yoods,  encompassed  with  trenches  and  ramparts  of  trees  cut 
down  and  piled  together  for  a  defence  against  hostile  attack.* 
Tlie  inhabitants  appear  to  have  had  no  other  clothing  than 
the  skins  of  beasts,  and  they  stained  their  bodies  with  a  blue 
colour,  which,  with  their  dishevelled  hair  and  long  whiskers 
on  the  upper  lip,  gave  them  a  terrible  aspect  in  battle. t  Some 
of  their  customs  described  by  Cassar  indicate  a  state  of  abso- 
lute barbarism ;  but  from  an  accurate  examination  of  his 
commentaries,  it  will  appear  that  the  Britons  were  advanced 
considerably  above  the  rank  of  savages.  They  had  estab- 
lished systems  of  Government :  the  country  was  divided  into 
a  number  of  sovereignties ;  and,  on  the  Roman  invasion,  Cas- 
sivellaunus  was  invested  with  the  supreme  authority. 

Caesar  often  speaks  ef  their  princes  or  chiefs  holding  con- 
sultations, and  displaying  a  considerable  degree  of  judgment 
and  skill  in  planning  their  military  operations.  Their  mode  of 
fighting,  though  singular  in  its  kind,  displayed  an  extraordi- 
nary degree,  not  only  of  courage,  but  of  sagacity ;  and  the 
dexterity  with  which  they  managed  their  war  chariots  ap- 
pears astonishing.:!:  On  every  occasion  they  judiciously  avail- 
ed themselves  of  local  circumstances,  and  when  they  found 
themselves  unable  to  keep  the  field,  they  used  to  retire  to  the 
forests  and  other  inaccessible  places,  from  whence  they  often 
sallied  out  and  surprised  the  enemy.§ 

*  Cxsai"  Comm.  lib.  5.  cap.  17. 
*'  Oppldiim  uutem  Britanni  vocant  quum 
*'  Sylvas  impcditas  vallo  atque  fossa  muiiierant." 

f  Cxsav's  Comm.  lib.  5.  cap.  10.  Perhaps  it  was  originally  intended  for 
this  purpose,  and  also  to  defend  Uiem  against  the  cold,  by  closing  up  the 
porcs  of  the  body. 

t  CjEsar  gives  a  most  animated  description  of  the  dexterity  of  the  Britons 
in  managing  their  war  chariots,  and  by  ascribing  it  to  constant  use  and  in- 
cessant exercise,  intimates  that  the  Britons  were  continually  engaged  in 
intestine  wars.  This  he  says  was  the  case  of  the  Gauls,  and  this  must  be 
tlie  case  of  every  semi-barbarous  people  divided  into  a  number  of  petty 
sovereignties:  how  much  soever  particular  customs  may  differ,  the  gene- 
ral aspect  of  society  will  be  the  same  in  all  countries  in  the  same  degree 
of  civiUzation.— Compare  Cesar's  Comm. lib.  4.  cap.  29.  with  lib.  4.  cap.  14. 

§  Cxsar's  Comm.  lib.  5.  cap.  15.  This  was  the  method  taken  by  Cassivel- 
launus,  when  Ca:s.u  hud  passed  the  Thames,  and  was  marching  towards 


BRITONS. 


t 


Their  religion  was  under  the  management  of  the  Druids,  a 
priesthood,  which,  according  to  Cassar,  was  supposed  to  have 
originated  in  Britain,  and  from  tlicnce  to  have  been  transmit- 
ted into  Gaul.  Asa  proof  of  the  reasonableness  of  the  con- 
jecture, CsEsar  informs  us  that  such  of  the  Gallic  youth  as  de- 
sired to  be  perfectly  instructed  in  their  sacred  mysteries,  re- 
paired to  this  country  in  order  to  obtain  a  complete  education. 
Their  doctrines  were  never  committed  to  writing,  but  com- 
prised in  verses,  which  were  learned  verbatim  by  freqnent  re- 
hearsals, and  carefully  committed  to  memory  ;  and  in  the  Dru- 
idical  seminaries  twenty  years  was  sometimes  spent  by  the 
pupils  in  this  tedious  study.  As  they  were  not  ignorant  of 
letters,*  it  appears  that  their  prohibition  of  committing  to 
writing  any  thing  relating  to  their  religion  or  philosophy, 
proceeded  from  the  desire  of  rendering  their  doctrines  of  dif- 
ficult access,  and  of  confining  all  their  knowledge  within  the 
limits  of  their  own  fraternity.!  For  no  sacerdotal  body,  not 
even  that  of  ancient  Egypt,  ever  possessed  a  more  absolute 
control  over  the  minds  and  bodies  of  men.  The  Druids  di- 
rected all  public  aftairs,  and  decided  all  private  controversieSf 
They  carefully  inculcated  the  doctrine  of  the  immortality  of 
the  soul,  which  they  justly  considered  as  the  most  powerful 
support  of  courage  and  fortitude. |:  If  any  one  was  deficient 
in  reverence  to  their  dictates  or  decrees,  he  was  subjected  to 
an  interdict,  numbered  among  the  reprobate,  and  shunned  by 
society.K     Thus  by  having  in  their  hands  the  formidable  en- 

his  capital,  supposed  to  occupy  the  site  of  Verulam,  now  St,  Alban's,  in 
Hertfordshire.     Camd.  Brit.  295. 

•  Comm.  lib.  6.  cap.  13.  Cxsar  says  that  the  Druids  in  all  their  affairs, 
both  public  and  private,  generally  used  the  Greek  language,  a  circumstance 
which  appears  incredible,  if  we  could  suppose  such  a  man  to  mistake  in  a 
matter  so  easy  to  ascertain. 

f  Cxsar  says  that  the  Druids  tauglit  "many  things  concerningthe stars 
and  their  motions,  the  magnitude  of  tlie  earth,  and  the  nature  of  things ; 
but  it  is  impossible  to  say  how  far  their  knowledge  of  astronomy  or  of  na- 
tural  philosophy  extended. — For  an  account  of  the  Druids,  see  also  Diod. 
Sic.  lib.  5.— Strabo.  lib.  4.  p.  302,  &c. 

t  It  appears  that  the  Druids  l.iuf^ht  the  transmigration  of  souls  into  other 
hum.in  bodies,  as  the  words  of  Cxsar  are  "In  primishoc  volunt  persua- 
dere  non  interire  animas  sed  ab  aliis  post  mortem  transire  ad  alios." — Comm. 
lib.  6.  cap.  13. 

^  Comm.  ibi  supra. 


4  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

gine  of  excommuulcation,  which,  besides  its  temporal  terrorg, 
involved  an  exclusion  from  the  jo^ys  oi'  a  future  life,  and  the 
infliction  of  future  punishments,  they  extended  their  authority 
as  far  as  imagination  could  carry  its  fears. 

It  is  probable  tliat  the  private  religion  of  the  Druids,  like 
that  of  other  philosophical  heathens,  was  a  mixture  of  Poly- 
theism and  Theism.*  Cajsar,  however,  who  was  not  initiated 
into  their  sacred  mysteiies,  exhibits  them  entirely  in  the  cha- 
racter of  Polytbeists,  and  if  they  believed  in  one  supreme 
and  self-existaut  Being,  it  is  certain  that  they  also  acknowl- 
edged a  number  of  inferior  divinities,  whom  they  Morshipped 
with  barbarous  rites,  and  endeavoured  to  render  propitious 
with  human  sacrifices.  They  had  images  of  a  prodigious 
magnitude  constructed  qf  wicker  work,  and  these  being  filled 
with  living  men,  and  then  set  on  fire,  the  unfortunate  victims 
were  miserably  consumed  in  the  flames. f  Although  our  pic- 
tures of  Druidism  being  delineated  by  Roman  pencils,  may, 
in  some  of  their  features,  have  received  too  deep  a  colouring, 
yet  M'e  may  safely  conclude  that  no  system  of  superstition  was 
ever  more  terrible,  none  ever  better  calculated  to  inspire  ig- 
jiorance  with  awe,  and  extort  implicit  obedience  from  both 
princes  and  people. | 

In  regard  to  the  state  of  society  among  the  Britons,  agri- 
culture was  not  unknown  to  them,  although  in  the  interior 
parts  of  the  island  they  sowed  but  little  corn,  p^nd  like  the 
modern  Tartars,  lived  chiefly  on  flesh  and  milk.  The  coun- 
try was  extremely  populous,  and  the  cattle  very  numerous. § 
Horses  appear  to  have  been  plentiful ;  and  the  Britans  by  the 
dexterous  mode  in  which  they  conducted  their  war  chariots, 

*  At  some  of  their  sacred  rites  the  women  went  naked,  but  stained  a 
dark  colour  with  some  kind  of  vegetable  juice. — Pliny,  lib.  22.  cap.  2. 

f  The  Druids  also  consulted  their  gods  o<i  the  subject  of  futurity,  in- 
specting' the  quivering  flesh  of  human  victims.  They  were  also  great  pre- 
tenders to  magic. — Pliny  lib.  30.  cap.  4. 

i  It  is  asserted  by  some  modern  writers,  that  Druidism  included  the  doc- 
li'incs  of  a  Millenium,  and  of  the  universal  restoration.  Mr,  Evans,  in  a 
note,  refers  to  a  sketch  of  the  system  of  Druidismj  by  Edward  Williams, 
the  Welch  bard,  a  work  whicli  1  liave  not  seen,  and  consequently  can  form 
no  opinion  of  its  merit. — Evan's  Sketch  of  Denominations,  p  217  and  218. 
Article  Millenarians. 

§  Csesar  Comm.  lib.  5.  cap.  10. 


BRITONS,  Q 

gliewed  that  they  veil  understood  their  training  and  manage- 
ment. It  does  not  appear  that  they  possessed  either  gold  or 
silver.*  These  mefals  indeed  were  at  that  time  exceedingly 
scarce  in  all  those  parts  of  Europe  that  were  remote  from 
Rome,  and  had  not  heen  subdued  by  her  arms.  The  Britons, 
in  their  traffic,  used  either  brass  or  small  iron  rings  for 
money. t  In  civilization  they  appear,  at  least  in  the  mari- 
time parts  on  the  south  and  south-east  of  the  island,  to  have 
been  nearly  on  a  level  with  the  Gauls. 

After  many  harrassing  marches  and  sanguinary  conflicts, 
Czsar  obliged  a  few  of  the  British  princes  to  give  hostages, 
and  pay  a  small  tribute  to  Rome.  From  that  period  till  the 
reign  of  Claudius,  the  Britons  remain  unmolested; 
■  '  *  but  for  the  sake  of  peace  and  a  free  intercourse  with 
Gaul  they  cultivated  the  friendship  of  tlie  Romans  by  conti- 
nuing to  pay  the  stipulated  tribute. ^  The  Emperor  Claudius, 
or  at  least  Aulus  Plautius,  his  lieutenant,  led  a  powerful  army 
into  Britain :  and  his  reign  is  the  epoch  from  whence  this 
island  must  date  its  real  subjection  to  the  Roman  dominion. 
In  less  than  twenty  years  several  emporia  were  established, 
and  the  marks  of  an  active  commerce  began  to  appear,§  Ro- 
man manners  began  to  prevail,  and  tlie  petty  princes  and 
chiefs  of  Britain  vied  with  each  other  in  adopting  the  cus- 
toms of  their  polished  masters.  But  the  Druids,  who  beheld 
>vith  regret  that  the  subversion  of  their  ancient  constitution, 
and  the  consequent  extinction  of  their  power  and  influence, 
assiduously  laboured  to  excite  the  Britons  to  revolt.  Sueto- 
nius Paulinus,  Nero's  lieutenant,  therefore  resolved  to  extir- 
pate an  order  of  priests,  who  seemed  to  have  vowed  perpe- 

•  C?esar  ibid. — Pliny  seems  to  intimate  tliat  tlie}'  bad  some  small  quan- 
tity of  gold  and  silver  for  ornaments ;  but  from  tlicir  intercourse  ^ith  the 

Bomans,  an  alteration  might  have  taken  place  since  tlie  time  of  Cssar. 

Pliny,  ubi  supra. 

I  Coesar's  Comm-  lib.  5.  cap.  10. — Camden,  in  his  Britannia  s.iys,  that  the 
Britons  had  some  gold  and  silver  coins ;  but  Bishop  Ciibson  says  that  all 
tjiose  he  had  seen  were  neither  good  gold  nor  silver,  but  a  kind  of  compo- 
sition  or  mi:tture.  Camden  gives  the  representation  of  seventy-two  Brit, 
ish  coins ;  but  they  seem  to  be  those  of  the  princes  who  were  tributaries 
to  the  Romans,  and  consequently  posterior  to  Csesar's  invasion. 

i  Tacit.  Ann.  lib.  2. 

§  Stdlingflcet  Orig.  Brit.  p.  6. 


6  41IST0RY  OF  ENGLAND. 

lual  enmity  to  tlie  Roman  name,  and  marched  to  attack  the 
island  of  Moua,*  their  principal  sanctuary  and  their  last  re- 
fuge. But  the  tyrannical  conduct  of  the  Romans  themselves 
proved  more  prejudicial  to  their  interests  than  the  machina- 
tions of  the  Druids.  Their  insolent  and  indecent  treatment 
of  Boadicea,  widow  of  the  King  of  the  Iceni,  and  her  two 
daughters,  occasioned  a  general  revolt.  This  intrepid  hero- 
ine placing  herself  at  the  head  of  an  innumwable  multitude 
of  Britons,  first  directed  her  fury  against  the  Roman  colony 
of  Verulam,  the  modern  St.  Alban's,  which  she  took  by  as- 
sault, and  put  all  to  the  svvord.f  London,  and  several  other 
cities,  experienced  the  same  treatment.  But  ihe  courage  and 
skill  of  Paulinus,  who  returned  with  great  celerity  from  Mo- 
na,  and  defeated  her  tumultuous  army,  saved  the  remainder 
of  the  Romans,  whom  her  rapid  and  sanguinary  successes 
threatened  with  total  destruction. 

The  Roman  dominion,  however,  was  not  fully  established 
in  Britain  till  the  reign  of  Vespasian,|  whose  lieutenant,  Ju- 
lius Elgricola,  reduced  to  subjection  the  greatest  part  of  the 
island,  and  secured,  by  a  judicious  policy,  what  he  had  ac- 
quired by  arms.  He  resumed  the  expedition  against  Mona, 
and  accomplished  the  destruction  or  dispersion  of  the  Druids. 
Having  penetrated  as  far  north  as  the  frith  of  Murray,  and 
defeated  the  celebrated  Galgacus,  King  of  the  Caledonians, 
he  divided  the  Roman  territory  into  the  four  provinces  of 
Britannia  prima,  comprising  the  southern  part  of  England  : 
Flavia  Caesariensis  comprising  the  middle:  Maxima  Cajsari- 
ensis  the  northern  parts,  and  Vespasiana,  consisting  of  the 
conquests  which  he  had  made  in  Caledonia.  The  country 
Was  now  entirely  romanised;  the  edifices,  both  public  and 
private,  were  constructed  in  the  Roman  style  of  architecture  : 
the  Britons  conformed  to  the  Roman  customs,  studied  the 
Latin  language,  and  considered  themselves  as  Romans. 

In  this,  as  well  as  in  all  the  other  conquered  countries,  the 
Romans  made  great  improvements.  Walls  or  ramparts,  with 
deep  trenches,  were,  at  different  periods  thrown  up.  for  de> 

*  The  modern  Anglesey. 

•}■  Tacit.  Ann.  lib.  14. — This  revolt  and  massacre  happened  A,  D.  61. 
t  Vespasian  bimfeelf  bad  formerly  served  in  Britain. — Sucton.  in  Vesp, 
cap.  4. 


BRITOJfS.  7 

fence  against  the  unsubdued  tribes  iu  the  northern  parts  of 
the  island  ;  and  roads  were  made  in  order  to  render  the  com- 
munication between  the  military  stations  safe  and  conimo* 
dious.  Several  of  the  Emperors  visited  Britain.  Adrian, 
during  his  residence  in  the  island,  constructed  for  its  defence 
the  famous  wall  or  rampart  which  extended  across  the  coun- 
try from  Newcastle  to  Carlisle.  This,  however,  did  not  prove 
an  effectual  defence  against  the  northern  marauders,  who, 
after  the  departure  of  Adrian,  renewed  their  incursions  into 
the  Roman  province.  In  order  to  provide  for  its  better  se- 
curity the  Emperor  Septimus  Severus  came  into  Britain,  and 
having  repulsed  the  Caledonians,  and  repaired  the  wall  of 

Adrian,  he  died  at  York.  At  that  city,  the  chief 
'of  the  Roman  stations  in  Britain,  Conslantius  Chlo- 
rus,  father  of  Constautine  the  Great,  also  long  resided,  and 
there  he  expired.  His  son,  Constautine,  received  the  impe- 
rial purple  at  York  from  the  hands  of  the  Roman  soldiery, 
and  carried  with  him  to  the  continent  the  flower  of  the  Brit- 
ish youth.*  The  numerous  benefits  which  the  Britons  derived 
from  their  subjection  to  the  Romans,  who  carried  the  arts  of 
civilization  as  far  as  their  conquests  extended,  were  counter- 
acted by  a  serious  evil ;  the  country  was  continually  drained 
of  its  warlike  youth,  to  fight  the  battles  ef  the  empire  iu  dis- 
tant climes. t  Amidst  the  commotions  which  so  often  cou- 
vulsed  the  Roman  state,  several  of  the  military  commanders 
in  Britain  assumed  the  imperial  purple ;  and  numbers  of  the 
natives  allnred  by  honours,  rewards,  and  promises,  inlisted 
under  their  banners,  and  perished  in  supporting  their  cause. 
At  the  commencement  of  the  reign  of  Theodosius  the  Great, 

Maximus,  commander  of  the  Roman  forces  in  this 

A    D    338    • 

*  island,  assumed  the  imperial  title  and  dignity,  and 
carried  over  into  Gaul  a  numerous  army,  composed  chiefly  of 
Britons.    AVith  this  force  he  made  himself  master  of  Gaul 

*  Constantine,  in  his  war  ag;ainst  Maxentius,  led  over  the  Alps  uito  Italy, 
an  army  of  Britons,  Gauls,  and  Germans,  amounting  to  98,000  men. — See 
Bi'ady,  p.  53. 

t  According  to  the  "Notitia  inaperll,"  no  less  than  twelve  British  corps 
of  infantry  and  cavalry  were  constantly  dispersed  in  tlie  distant  provinces 
of  the  empire,  while  foreign  soldiers  were,  according  to  the  invariable 
maxims  of  Roman  policy,  stationed  in  Britain. 


8  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

and  jpart  of  Germany ;  but  afterwards  advancing  into  Italy, 
lie  was  defeated  and  slain,  and  seareely  any  of  his  British 
troops  ever  returned  to  tlieir  own  country.*     The  consequen- 
ces of  these  military  emigrations  were  afterwards  severely 
felt.     Soon  after  the  commencement  of  the  fifth  century,  the 
Roman  empire,  being  divided  between  the  two  sons  of  Theo- 
dosius  the  Great,  was  rent  with  intestine  divisions,  and  at- 
tacked on  the  whole  length  of  its  extensive  frontier  by  the 
barbarous  nations  seated  to  the  north  of  the  Danube.     In 
these  circumstances  the  Romans  were  unable  to  send  any  suc- 
cours to  the  distant  province  of  Britain,  which  was  exposed 
to  the  depredations  of  the  Picts  and  Scots- 1     The  Britons 
despairing  of  aid  from  Rome,  proceeded  to  elect  a  new  Em- 
peror :  two  persons  were  saccesslvely  vested  with  that  dignity, 
and  successively  deposed  and  slain.   A  common  soldier,  named 
Constantino,  was  then  raised  to  the  imperial  purple.    The 
new  emperor  being  a  man  of  courage  and  conduct,  repulsed 
the  invaders  ',\  but  his  ambition  contributed  to  the  further  ex- 
haustion of  the  military  strength  of  the  country.     Not  satis- 
lied  with  the  sovereignty  of  Britain,  he  formed  the  design  of 
making  himself  master  of  the  whole  empire.    In  this  view 
lie  collected  all  that  \vere  fit  to  bear  arms,  both  Romans  and 
Britons,  and  led  a  numerous  army  into  Gaul,  but  was  taken 
prisoner  at  Aries  by  the  troops  of  the  Emperor  Honorius,  and 
put  to  death  as  an  usurper.     Honorius,  however, 
'  being  unable  to  defend  his  continental  empire,  or 
even  the  imperial  city  of  Rome,  which  was  taken  and  sacked 
by  Ataric,  King  of  the  Goths,  voluntarily  resigned  the  sover- 
eignty of  Britain.    But  in  the  reign  of  Valentinian  III.  the 
Britons,  by  their  earnest  solicitations,  prevailed  on  ^tius, 
the  Roman  general  in  Gaul,  to  send  Gallio  of  Ravenna  with 
a  legion  to  their  assistance.   Gallio  repulsed  the  Picts  and 

*  Many  of  the  British  soldiers  wlio  had  followed  Maxlmus,  are  said  to 
have  settled  in  Armorlca,  the  modern  province  of  Bretagne,  iu  rrancc.— 
Rapin  1.  p.  25.     This  is  contradicted  by  Du  Bos. — Hist.  Crlt.  2.  p.  470. 

f  The  Picts  were  the  remnant  of  the  ancient  Britons,  who  Iiaving  re- 
tired into  the  countries  beyond  the  Tyne,  iiad  ever  maintained  a  predatory 
war  against  the  Roman  province.  The  Scots  came  from  Ireland,  and  unit- 
ing with  the  Picts,  at  length  became  masters  of  all  the  norlheni  l~arts  ot 
Britain.     See  Lloyd's  Hist.  Ace.  p.  5,  &c.  &€• 

+  Zosim.  lib.  6,     Marcclin  p,  38. 


BRITONS.  9 

-Scots;  but  being  soon  recalled  to  the  defence  of  the  empire, 

which  was  now  invaded  in  every  quarter,  and  ready  to  sink 

under  the  incessant  attacks  of  the  northern  barbarians,  the 

Roman  commander  ijiformed  the  Britons  that  they  had  no 

further  aid  to  expect  from  the  Emperor ;  and  after  assisting 

them  in  repairing  and  fortifying  the  wall  of  Severus,  and 

giving  (hem  a  variety  of  political  and  military  instructions, 

he  departed  with  his  troops  to  the  continent.* 

Thus  in  the  reign  of  Valentinian  III.  the  Romans 

'    r  '  finally  abandoned  Britain,  after  having  held  the  sov- 
or427.  •  ^ 

ereignty  of  the  island  about  four  hundred  and  seventy 

six  years,  reckoning  from  Caesar's  invasion.!  But  it  must  be  ob- 
served that  no  colonies  had  been  established  before  the  reign 
of  Claudius.  The  Romans  had  greatly  improved  and  en- 
riched the  island ;  the  commerce  of  which  was  extended  to 
every  part  of  the  empire.  To  their  conquerors  the  Britons 
owed  tlie  introduction  of  the  christian  religion,  as  well  as  of 
letters  and  science,  and  of  various  mechanical  arts,  of  which 
they  were  formerly  ignorant.  The  IJomans  had  also  intro- 
duced a  variety  of  vegetable  productions,  before  unknown  in 
the  island.^  They  also  fouinlcd  twenty-eight  cities  on  the 
site  of  which  stand  many  of  our  principal  modern  towns. 
Under  the  Roman  dominion  Britain  had  assumed  a  new  as- 
pect, and  emerged  from  barbarity  to  civilization.§ 

•  Mr.  Turner  ghies  no  credit  to  this  account,  which  rests  chiefly  on  the 
authority  of  Gildas  and  Bede.  Gibbon  Dec  Rom.  Emp.  3.  p.  275,  andDu 
Bos.  Hist.  Crit.  p.  211,  fix  on  the  year  409  for  the  defection  of  Britain. — 
Compare  also  Bede  hb.  1.  cap.  2  and  11. 

t  This  is  Rapin's  account.  Turner  says  that  the  Britains  findings  tliem- 
selvcs  unsupported  by  tlie  Romans,  deposed  the  imperial  magistrates,  and 
declared  themselves  independent.  He  ridicules  the  pretended  letter  to 
.Utius,  tlie  consul,  thougli  generally  retailed  by  our  writers.  Hist.  Ang-. 
Sax.  1.  p,  77,  &c.  Du  Bos.  Hist.  Crit.  p.  221 ;  and  Gibbon  Dec.  Rom,  Emp. 
S.  p.  275,  place  tlie  defection  of  the  Brit.  A.  D.  409. 

^  Bradley's  Surv.  Anc.  Husband,  p.  104. 

§  Pancirolus  computes  the  number  of  Roman  troops  generally  stationed 
in  Britain  at  19,000  infantry  and  1,700  cavahy.  Dr.  A rbuthnot  calculates 
the  pay  of  the  infantry  at  6d.  and  that  of  the  cavalry  at  Is.  6d.  per  diem, 
of  our  money,  making  the  annual  expense  of  219,9121. 10s.  sterj.  exclusive 
of  the  surplus  of  officers'  pay,  arms,  stores,  and  other  contingencies.  Ap- 
buth.  Tub.  p.  179,  &c. 

G 


10  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

On  the  departure  of  the  Romans,  who  had  been  so  long 
their  rulers  and  protectors,  the  Britons  found  themselves  to- 
tally unable  to  resist  their  barbarian  enemies.  The  armies 
carried  over  to  the  continent  by  Clodius  Albinus,  Carausius, 
Constantine  the  Great,  Magnentius,  Maximus,  and  the  last 
Constantine,  had  exhausted  the  military  strength  of  the  coun- 
try; and  constant  levies  had  prevented  the  reparation  of  such 
losses. — Such  also  of  the  Britons  as  had  embraced  a  sea-far- 
ing life,  served  on  board  tlie  fleet,  which  being  withdrawn  as 
well  as  the  army,  the  island  was  completely  stripped  of  its 
force,  both  naval  and  military,  m  hen  it  was  abandoned  by  the 
Romans.  All  the  martial  inhabitants  had  been  carried  out 
of  the  country,  and  those  that  remained  were  the  old  and  in- 
firm, the  luxurious  and  profligate,  many  of  whom  were  turbu- 
lent and  seditious,  incapable  of  resisting  their  enemies,  and 
unwilling  to  obey  the  governors  whom  they  themselves  chose.* 
Being  thus  without  order  or  discipline,  involved  in  civil  wars 
and  continually  harrassed  by  the  Picts  and  Scots,  who  at- 
tacked the  frontier,  demolished  part  of  the  wall  of  Severus, 
and  spread  devastation  through  the  northern  part  of  the 
country,  they  adopted  the  desperate  expedient  of  calling  in 
one  barbarous  nation  to  protect  them  against  another.  In 
this  they  followed  the  example  of  their  old  masters,  the  Ro- 
mans, and  experienced  the  same  misfortunes. t 

The  nation  whom  the  Britons  employed  as  auxiliaries  were 
the  Saxons.  The  origin  of  this  people  is  no  otherwise  known 
than  that  they  were  a  Gothic  or  Scythian  tribe.  Turner 
seems  to  derive  them  from  the  Sacae  mentioned  by  Pliny.|: 
Others,  however,  consider  this  as  a  far-fetched  origin,  resting 
upon  an  uncertain  etymology,  and  unsupported  by  any  histo- 
rical account  of  their  migrations  from  Armorica  to  the  shores 

*  On  the  deposition  or  departure  of  the  Roman  magistrates,  Bi'itain  was 
divided  into  thirty  independent  republics :  a  scene  of  civil  discord  ensued, 
and  terminated  in  the  predominance  of  military  tyrants.  Gildas  S.  19. — 
St.  Jerome  denominates  Britain  "provincia  fertilis  tyrannorum."  Gibbon 
Dec.  Rom.  Emp.  3— p.  SZf. 

■\  Montesq.  dela  Grandeur  et  dela  decadence  des  Remains,  chap.  IS — 
p.  168  and  169. — Gibbon  Dec.  Rom.  Emp.  ubi  supra, 

4  Pliny  lib.  6.  cap.  11  and  19. 


BRITONS.  li 

of  the  German  ocean.*  Without  bewildering  ourselves  in 
conjectures,  it  suffices  therefore  to  say,  that  Ptolemy,  the  first 
writer  who  makes  any  distinct  mention  of  the  Saxons,  des- 
cribes them  as  settled  before  the  middle  of  the  second  cen- 
tury, in  a  narrow  district  on  the  north  side  of  the  Elbe,  on 
the  neck  of  the  Cimbric  Chersonesus,  and  in  three  small 
islands  not  far  from  the  coast.t  At  that  period  their  country 
was  limited  by  the  Elbe  and  the  Eider:  in  process  of  time  be- 
ing strengthened  by  a  league  with  the  Frisians,  the  Jutes,  the 
Angles,  the  Batavians,  and  other  neighbouring  tribes,  a  pow- 
erful confederacy  was  formed  under  one  common  denomination  ; 
and  the  Saxon  territory  was  extended  over  South  Jutland, 
now  known  by  the  duchy  of  Sleswick,  and  to  the  banks  of 
the  Rhine,  as  well  as  to  a  considerable  distance  into  the  in- 
terior of  Germany4  A  view  of  their  manners  is  given  by 
Cxsar  and  Tacitus  in  their  accounts  of  the  German  na- 
tions.H  Their  general  characteristic  was  the  love  of  free- 
dom and  of  arms.§  Their  kings  or  chiefs  had,  in  time  of 
peace,  a  very  limited  authority ;  but  in  war,  they  were  vested 
with  every  power  that  was  requisite  to  enforce  obedience.** 
Their  public  affairs  were  discussed  in  their  national  councils. 
All  that  we  know  of  the  Saxon  religion  is,  tliat  it  was  the 
grossest  idolatry,  and  that  their  princes  pretended  to  be  the 
descendants  of  Wodin,  a  chieftain  deified  for  his  Avarlike  ex- 
ploits.    The  Saxons  had  long  carried  on  a  system  of  pira- 

*  Tlndal's  notes  on  Rapin,  1.  p.  27. 

I  Ptolemy  Geog.  lib.  2.  cap.  11.  The  three  islands  were  those  now 
called  North  Strand,  Busen,  and  Heligoland. 

i  Among  the  nations  composing  this  confederacy  the  Saxons,  the  Jutes, 
and  the  Angles  were  those  that  were  chiefly  concerned  in  the  conquest  of 
Britain.  The  Jutes  and  the  Angles  were  seated  in  the  duchy  of  Sleswick. 
The  city  of  Sleswick  was  the  capital  of  the  Angles.  Pontan.  Geog.  p.  655, 
&c.    Rapin  1.  p.  26  and  27. 

fl  Cxsar  Comm.  lib.  6.  cap,  19,  20,  21,  22.  Tacitus  de  moribus  Germa- 
norum. 

§  Caesar  Comm.  lib.  6.  cap.  19,  8ic.  T.acit.  de.  mor.  Germanorum  lib.  cap. 
14,  15. 

••  Caesar  Comm,  lib.  6.  cap.  21.  It  must  here  be  observed,  that  neither 
Ca:sar  nor  Tacitus  mentions  the  Saxons  in  pai-ticular ;  but  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  their  manners  and  customs  \^'ere  nearly  similar  to  those  of  the 
other  German  nations. 


13  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

tical  depredation.  In  the  time  of  Carausius,  who  assumed 
the  imperial  purple  in  Britain  A.  D,  288,  tliey,  as  well  as  the 
Franks,  greatly  increased  their  sireni^lh  by  their  alliance 
with  that  famous  Roman  usurper,  who,  in  order  to  support  his 
power  hy  their  maritime  services,  furnished  them  with  ships 
and  experienced  officers,  from  whom  tliey  derived  great  im- 
provement in  the  art  of  navigation.*  Every  coast  that  did 
not  acknowledge  the  authority  of  Carausius,  was  exposed  to 
their  incursions  ;  and  during  his  reign  of  seven  years,  they 
perfected  themselves  in  the  practice  of  piratical  warfare. 
From  this  time  they  made  frequent  descents  on  the  island  of 
Britain,  during  the  fourth  century ;  and  in  order  to  repel 
their  incursions,  the  Romans  had  always  a  body  of  troops 
stationed  on  the  coast,  under  a  general,  entitled  "  Comes  litto- 
ris  Saxonici,''  or  commander  of  the  Saxon  shore. f  The  de- 
cline of  the  Roman  power  was  ftivourable  to  their  piratical 
enterprises;  and  while  their  neighbours,  the  Franks,  were 
moving  forward  to  the  conquest  of  Belgium  and  Gaul,  the 
Saxons  were  employed  in  ravaging  the  coast  of  Britain,  till 
at  length  they  succeeded  in  making  permanent  establishments 
hi  the  island,  and  subjugating  or  expelling  its  ancient  inhabi- 
tants. 

Two  Saxon  chiefs,  Hengist  and  his  brother,  Horsa, 
■  arrived  on  the  Kentish  coast  with  three  small  ships, 
which,  if  their  size  be  estimated  by  that  of  the  Danish  ves- 
vels  in  a  subsequent  age,  could  not  cai*ry  more  than  three  hun- 
dred men. I  Being  retained  by  the  British  King  to  assist  him 
against  the  Picts  and  Scots,  they  departed,  after  having  win- 
tered in  the  Isle  of  Thanet ;  and  having  engaged  a  number 
of  their  countrymen  to  join  in  the  enterprise,  they  returned, 
and  assisted  the  Britons  in  defeating  and  driving  out  their 
enemies.  But  observing  the  weakness  and  disunion  of  the 
Britons,  they  soon  formed  the  design  of  establishing  them- 
selves in  a  country  which  agriculture  and  civilization  had 
rendered  so  greatly  superior  to  their  own.  A  pretext  was 
soon  formed  for  a  quarrel  with  the  Britons ;  whose   disunion 

*  Gibbon  Dec.  Rom.  Emp. 
J  i.  e.  of  the  coasts  exposed  to  the  Saxons, 

+  The  Danisli  ships  used  to  cany  100  men  each.  Turner  Hist.  Ang-.  Sax; 
I.  p.  90,  note  6. 


BRITONS.  13 

rendered  them  incapable  of  concerting  just  measures,  ami 
concentrating  their  force.*  Hostilities  Avcre  com- 
^^'  mcnced ;  and  a  sanguinary  scene  ensued.  Hors<a 
fell  in  the  contest ;  but  Hengist,  after  being  successful  in  se- 
veral battles,  kept  possession  of  Kent,  of  which  he  had  as- 
sumed the  title  of  king  at  the  commencement  of  the  war.f 

Other  Saxon  chiefs  brought  over  into  Britain  their  barba- 
rian bands,  and  following  the  example  of  Hengist,  met  with 
similar  success.  The  seven  kingdoms  which  composed  the 
heptarchy,  were  founded  in  the  following  order  :  1st,  Kent,  as 
already  mentioned  by  Hengist,  A.  D.  153  ;  2d,  South  Saxons, 
comprising  Sussex  and  Surrey,  by  Ella,  A.  U.  491  ;  3d,  West 
Saxons  or  Wessex,  comprehending  Berkshire,  Hampshire, 
Wiltshire,  Dorsetshire,  Somersetshire,  and  J3evonshire,  by 
Cerdic,  A.  D.  519  ;  4th,  East  Saxons,  occupying  only  Essex, 
Middlesex,  and  part  of  Hertfordshire,  by  Erchenwind,  A.  D. 
527:  5tb,  Northumberland,  which  included  the  counties  of 
York,  Lancaster,  AVestmoreland,  Cumberland,  Northumber- 
land, and  Durham,  was  founded  by  Ida,  A.  D.  547  :|  fith, 
East  Anglia,  comprising  Norfolk,  Suttbik,  and  Cambridge, 
by  Uffa,  A.  D.  575 ;  and  7th,  Mercia,  the  most  extensive  of 
all  the  kingdoms  of  the  heptarchy,  comprehending  all  the 
midland  counties  from  the   coast  of  Lincolnshire  on  the  east, 

*  We  hear  of  kings  of  Devonshire,  Cornwall,  Kent,  and  Glastonbury, 
several  contemporary  kings  of  Wulcs,  kings  of  Deira  and  Bernicia,  and  oth- 
ers in  the  north  and  west  of  England,  about  the  time  of  the  Saxons.  Tur- 
nor  Mist.  Ang.  Sax.  1.  p  85,  &c. — Another  author  says,  "Tola  insula  di- 
^■ersis  regibus  divisa."  The  whole  island  was  divided  among  different 
kings.     Usher  p.  662. 

t  The  kingdom  of  Kent  embraced  Christianity  A.  D.  598.  Ethelred,  the 
first  christian  king  of  the  Saxons,  being  converted  by  Augustine,  the  monk, 
and  other  missionaries,  sent  from  Rome  for  that  ])urpose.  Hume  believes 
that  Hengist  carried  his  devastations  to  the  remotest  corners  of  the  island  ; 
but  Mr.  Whitakcr  is  of  opinion  that  he  never  extended  his  territories  be- 
yond the  county  of  Kent.     Whitak.  Hist,  Manchest  2.  p.  28. 

+  Northumberland  was  sometimes  divided  into  two  distinct  kingdoms, 
Bernicia  and  Deira ;  the  former  comprising  that  part  which  lies  on  the  north 
of  the  Tyne ;  the  latter  all  the  district  from  the  Tyne  to  the  Humber,  De- 
ira  always  had  York  for  its  capital.  For  the  Anglo  Saxon  Geography  see 
Usher's  Primord  cap.  12.  ajid  Whitaker's  Jljst.  of  Manchest,  2.  chap.  4. 


14  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

to  Chester  on  the  west,  was  established  by  Crida,  A.  D.  584.*- 
At  this  period  the  heptarchy  was  completely  formed  ;  and 
the  Britons  giving  up  the  long  and  arduous  contest,  made 
their  final  retreat  into  Cornwall  and  Wales. 

From  this  historical  sketch  of  the  heptarchy,  exhibiting 
in  a  succinct  and  regular  series  the  different  sovereignties  and 
the  epochas  of  their  foundatiou,  it  appears  that  the  war  be- 
tween the  Britons  and  the  Saxons  had  continued,  almost  witli^ 
out  interruption,  for  the  space  of  a  hundred  and  twenty- 
nine  years,  before  the  latter  could  completely  establish  their 
dominion.  This  long  and  sanguinary  period  exhibits  a 
dreadful  series  of  wars  and  devastations,  of  which  the  ob- 
scure and  confused  accounts  have  baffled  and  perplexed  our 
ablest  historians.!  But  the  aggregate  of  these  calamitous 
scenes  may  be  concentrated  in  one  general  and  gloomy  pic- 
ture. The  Saxons  being  a  cruel,  fierce,  and  rapacious  peo- 
ple, unrestrained  by  any  sense  of  humanity  or  principle  of 
religion,  spread  desolation  wherever  they  came,  and  convert- 
ed the  country  into  a  desert.  Gildas  and  Bede  inform  us, 
that  all  the  cities  and  towns  from  the  eastern  to  the  western 
sea,  with  all  the  churches  and  other  public  edifices,  were  des- 
troyed 5  that  all  who  made  any  resistance  were  indiscriml- 

*  The  order  in  which  the  different  kingdoms  of  the  heptarchy  embraced 
clunstianity  is  as  follows : — 

Kent,  as  already  observed, A.D.  598 

East  Saxons  about - A.D.  604 

Northumberland  about  -  -  - A.D.  628 

East  Anglia  about A.D.  636 

Wessex  about  -  --- -------  A.  D.  636 

Mercia  about A.D.  669 

South  Saxons  about - A.D.  686 

As  so  great  a  revolution  could  not  be  the  work  of  a  moment.  It  is  im- 
possible, in  some  cases,  to  fix  the  asras  with  precision :  they  are  here  mark, 
ed  according  to  the  most  authentic  historians.  For  an  account  of  tlieir  con. 
version  see  Bede  lib.  1,  2,  3,  4. 

j-  Turner  confesses  that  he  finds  himself  entirely  at  a  loss  for  any  au- 
thentic documents  concerning  the  stories  of  Vortigem  and  Rowena,  the 
daughter  of  Hengist,  the  slaughter  of  the  British  nobles,  &c.  so  often  re- 
peated by  liistorians.  He  seems  to  consider  the  whole  history  of  Vortigem 
as  fictitious.    liist.  Ang.  Sax.  1.  p.  d7  and  92. 


BRITONS,  15 

nately  put  to  the  sword ;  and  that  famine  was  the  consequence 
of  the  general  devastation.* 

During  this  long  and  terrible  contest,  the  Britons  appear 
to  have  been  often  victorious  ;  but  their  exploits  are,  in  their 
own  histories,  exaggerated  beyond  the  limits  of  credibility. 
The  existence  even  of  some  of  their  heroes,  as  Ambrosius 
and  Arthur,  has,  in  the  eyes  of  some  critics,  appeared  proble- 
matical.f  But  if  any  credit  can  be  given  to  the  records  of 
past  ages,  these  Mere  the  two  principal  props  of  the  falling 
Britons.  According  to  their  accounts,  Ambrosius,  who,  by 
the  general  suffrage  was  elected  monarch  of  the  Britons  A.  D. 
476,  maintained  a  glorious  and  successful  war  against  Hen- 
gist,  Cerdic,  and  other  Saxon  chiefs,  till  he  fell  in  battle  A.  D. 
508.  His  successor,  Arthur,  surpassed  him  in  the  glory  of 
his  exploits  and  the  extent  of  his  fame.:^  After  rendering 
his  name  terrible  to  the  Saxons,  he  and  his  nephew,  Mordred, 
the  usurper  of  his  throne,  are  said  to  have  fallen  in  battle  by- 
each  other's  hands.  It  is  said  that  Mordred  was 
"slain  on  the  spot,  and  that  Arthur,  being  mortally 
wounded,  was  carried  to  the  abbey  of  Glastonbury,  where  he 
expired,  at  the  age  of  ninety  years,  of  which  he  had  spent 
seventy-six  in  the  exercise  of  arms.  The  generality  of  the 
Britons,  however,  >vould  not  believe  that  he  was  dead.  And 
what  might  appear  incredible,  there  were  many,  that  some 
ages  afterwards,  imagined  that  he  Mas  still  travelling  in  for- 
eign parts,  and  expected  his  return.§    Historians  even  assert 

•  Gildas  cap.  24,  and  Bede  lib.  5.  cap.  15. 

■j-  As  Alexander  esteemed  Achilles  happy  In  having^  a  Homer  to  celc 
brate  his  exploits,  so  Artliur  may  be  regarded  as  fortunate  in  having  the 
British  bards  to  sing  his  praise.     See  Plutarch  vit.  Alex. 

^  For  the  doubts  which  have  been  excited  concerning  the  existence  of 
Arthur,  see  Usher  522,  and  Turner  1.  p.  101. 

§  So  late  as  the  12th  century  the  people  of  Bretagne  esteemed  themselves 
so  greatly  interested  in  the  fame  of  Arthur,  that  Alanus  de  insulis  says, 
"  if  you  will  not  believe  me,  go  into  Bretagne  and  mention  in  the  streets 
and  villages  that  Arthur  is  really  dead  like  other  men,  you  will  not  escape 
with  impunity :  you  will  be  either  hooted  with  the  cui'ses  of  your  hearers, 
or  stoned  to  death."  Alan,  de  insul.  p.  17.  ap.  Turner's  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1. 
p.  113.  For  the  circumstances  to  which  Arthur  is  indebted  for  his  extra- 
ordinary fame,  see  Turner's  elaborate  disquisition.  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1.  p. 
108,  &c.  to  114. 


16  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

fliat  this  extravagant  notion  was  not  eradicated  till  the  reign  of 
Henry  II,  six  hundred  years  after  his  death,  when  his  body 
is  said  to  have  been  discovered  in  a  perfect  state  of  preserva- 
tion, in  the  abbey  of  Glastonbury,  the  place  of  his  interment.* 
The  tale,  however,  is  equally  false  and  ridiculous;  and  the 
fact  appears  to  be,  that  though  his  remains  were  found, 
iiothiug  but  dust  and  bones  were  visible. t  What  is  said  of  his 
stature  is  equally  romantic,  namely,  that  the  space  between 
his  eye-brows  was  a  span,  and  the  rest  of  his  body  in  propor- 
tion. But  every  thing  relating  to  Arthur  was  destined  to  be 
the  thenie  of  lab! e  and  exaggeration.  As  his  exploits  were 
extraordinary  his  stature  must  be  gigantic ;  and  his  history 
has  been  so  much  blended  v.ith  romance  and  disfigured  by 
fiction,  that  some  have  even  doubted  of  his  existence.  The 
records  of  those  times  are  indeed  so  obscure,  so  confused  and 
contradictory,  as  to  baffle  investigation  4  but  from  the  length  of 
time  employed  by  the  Saxons  in  establishing  themselves  in 
the  island,  it  appears  that  if  the  Britons  had  avoided  intestine 
quarrels,  they  might  have  preserved  their  country.  But  ex- 
perience itself  could  not  teach  them  this  salutary  lesson.  Al- 
though they  Avere  never  deficient  in  courage,  they  seemed  in- 
capable of  political  union.  AVhenever  they  obtained  tlie  least 
respite  from  foreign  aggression,  they  relapsed  into  civil  wars, 
which  exhausted  their  strength  and  diverted  their  attention 
from  the  means  of  providing  for  their  future  security. 

During  these  times  of  devastation  and  distress,  many  of  the 
Britons  withdrew  to  Armorica,  since  called  Bretagne  in  France, 
where  a  colony  of  a  kindred  race  were  already  settled.il     A 

*  Rapin.  1.  p.  39. 

f  Turner  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1 ,  p.  108.  Arthm^'s  body  was  found  A.D,  1189: 
his  sword,  which  was  named  Caliburiio,  was  presented,  as  a  precious  g-ift, 
J)y  Richard  1.  to  the  King  ol'  Sicily. 

4:  "  We  are  not  able,"  says  Mr.  Turner,  "  to  give  the  successive  conquests 
in  exact  chronology:  we  cannot  state  in  what  year  each  British  principality 
was  destroyed,  or  each  county  subdued :  we  only  know  that  from  the  sea 
coast  where  they  landed,  the  invaders  fouglit  their  way  with  peitinacity 
bat  with  difficulty  to  the  inland  provinces."  Turner's  Hist.  Aug.  Sax.  1 . 
ch.4.  p.  129. 

^That  t!ie  people  of  Armorica  were  of  the  same  origin  r.s  tliose  of  Bii- 
tain,  is  not  to  be  doubled ;  but  the  common  story  of  tlie  British  saldiers. 


BRITONS.  ly 

large  body  of  them  also  retired  into  Cornwall  and  Devonshire, 
where  they  formed  a  small  state,  which  had  Exeter  for  its 
capital,  and  maintained  a  sort  of  precarious  independence  till 
they  were  finally  reduced  by  Athelstan  in  the  ninth  century. 
But  the  last  refuge  of  the  Britons  was  that  part  of  the  island 
called  Wales.  In  that  mountainous  region  the  relics  of  the 
British  nation  relapsed  almost  into  a  state  of  barbarism.  The 
country  being  divided  into  a  number  of  petty  principalities, 
their  intestine  quarrels  prevented  them  from  pursuing  any 
common  interest,  and  private  resentments  predominated  over 
every  public  consideration.  Reiterated  scenes  of  anarchy  and 
confirmed  habits  of  rapine  rendered  them  inattentive  to  the 
arts  of  peace ;  and  predatory  >var  became  their  chief  and  al- 
most their  sole  occupation.  Their  whole  history  presents  lit- 
tle else  than  a  constant  succession  of  the  same  scenes  of  de- 
predation and  restless  hostility,  till  Edward  I.  as  will  be  af- 
terwards related,  annexed  Wales  to  the  English  dominions. 

This  slight  sketch  of  the  state  of  the  ancient  Britons  in  their 
last  retreat  having  necessarily  led  to  a  chronological  anticipa- 
tion, it  is  time  to  return  to  the  affairs  of  the  Saxons.  Their 
history,  during  the  existence  of  the  heptarchy,  is  scarcely 
less  dark  and  confused  than  that  of  the  Britons.  We  find 
little  else  in  their  records  than  the  accession  and  demise  of 
their  princes,  their  frequent  hostilities,  and  their  religious 
foundations,  without  any  direct  information  relative  to  their 
progress  in  arts,  in  sciences,  and  commerce ;  and  are  left  to 
the  guidance  of  conjecture  in  regard  to  their  general  state  of 
society.  Whether  the  Saxons  were  acquainted  with  letters 
before  their  arrival  in  Britain  appears  problematical ;  but  if 
they  owed  the  introduction  of  letters  as  well  as  of  Christianity 
to  Augustine  the  Monk,  as  some  have  supposed,  it  must  be  ac- 
knowledged that  their  progress  in  literature,  as  well  as  in  re- 
ligion, was  exceedingly  rapid.*    It  is  evident,  however,  that 

\vho  followed  Maximus,  having  settled  in  that  country,  is  by  many  called 
in  question.  The  time  of  the  arrival  of  a  colony  from  this  island,  in  Bre- 
tagne,  is  fixed  A.  D.  513.     Du  Bos.  Hist.  Crit.  2.  p.  470- 

*  Ina,  the  famous  king  of  the  West  Saxons,  who  began  his  reign  A.  D. 
688,  published  a  code  of  laws,  which  served  as  a  basis  to  those  of  Alfred 
tlie  Great  in  the  ninth  century.— Bish  Nichols,  Hist,  Library,  p.  45. 
D 


18  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

no  traces  of  Icarnins^.  nor  any  marks  of  civilization,  are  dis- 
covered in  tlielr  history  previous  to  the  introduction  of  the 
christian  religion,  Avhich,  witliin  sixty  years  after  its  reception 
in  Kent,  was  established  in  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  heptarchy. 
From  this  epoch  must  be  dat»'d  the  first  dawn  of  literature 
and  science  among  the  Anglo-Saxons,  a  circumstance  which 
among  a  multitude  of  others  of  a  similar  nature  to  be  found  in 
the  history  of  mankind,  contributes  to  shew  how  admirably  the 
precepts  of  tlie  gosj)el  are  calculuted  for  the  improvement  and 
happiness  of  society.     The  scenes  of  carnage  and  desolation 
had  no  sooner  ceased  than  the  dift'erent  kingdoms  of  the  hep- 
tarchy began  to  assume  something  of  a  civilized  aspect.  Towns 
and  fortresses  were  built  on  the  Roman  foundations  ;  a  num- 
ber  of   churches  and  monasteries  were  erected ;   and  some 
men  of  learning  began  to  make  their  appearance.*  In  regard 
to  the  commerce  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  under  the  hej)tarchy, 
although  we  have  no  satisfactory  documents  to  enable  us  to 
form  any  clear  judgment  of  its  nature  or  extent,  yet  the  lib- 
eral benefactions  of  Ina  and  others  of  their  princes  to  the 
churches  and  monasteries,  afford  grounds  for  a  very  probable 
conjeclnre,  that  trade  keeping  pace  with  other  improvements 
had  caused  a  considerable  influx  of  wealth.f 

*  The  cathedral  of  St.  Paul's,  at  London,  was  founded  about  A.  D.  610, 
by  Ethelbert,  king  of  Kent.  See  Bede  lib.  2.  cap.  3  Malmsb.  235.  Stowe 
lib.  3.  p.  141.  Others  ascribe  its  foundation  to  Sibert,  king  of  tlie  East  Sax- 
ons, London  being  the  capital  of  that  kingdom.  Sibert  was  also  the  foun- 
der of  Westminster  abbey,  in  a  place  called  Thorney  by  the  Saxons,  and 
where  formerly  stood  a  famous  temple  sacred  to  Apollo.  Camb.Brit,  Mid- 
dlesex.  The  cathedral  of  York  was  founded  about  A  D.  628,  by  Edwin, 
and  finished  by  Oswald,  kings  of  Northumberland.  Bede  lib.  2.  cap.  16. 
The  monastery  of  Glastonbury  and  the  cliurcli  M-cre  magnificently  rebuilt 
by  Ina,  king  of  the  West  Saxons,  about  A.  D.  700.  Malmsb  p.  14.  Croy- 
land  abbe}',  by  Ethelbald,  king  of  ?.1ercia,  A.  D.  716.  See  Gough's  Antiq. 
Cra3land.  Tlie  other  Saxon  buildings  were  numerous,  but  they  were 
mean,  and  luive  been  rebuilt  in  after  times. 

f  For  the  donations  and  charters  of  Ina  to  the  Abbey  of  Glastonbury, 
and  the  rich  ornaments  of  tlie  great  church,  see  Malmsb.  Antlq.  Glaston. 
3.  Gale  309,  &.c.  and  Dugdale's  Monasticon  1.  p.  12,  &c.  About  A.  D.  727, 
Ina  laid  down  his  sceptre  and  retired  to  Home,  where  he  liad  fi)unded  a 
school,  with  liberal  endowments,  for  the  instruction  of  English  ecclesi- 
astics ;  and  assuming  the  monastic  habit,  employed  the  remainder  of  his 


BRITONS.  19 

The  political  system  of  the  heptarchy  is  as  little  known  as 
the  civil  organization  and  social  state  of  its  diiferent  king- 
doms. It  appears,  however,  tliat  one  of  the  kings  generally 
had  a  paramount  power,  and  was  considered  as  monarch  of 
the  whole  heptarchy.  But  this  pr  rogalive  Mas  not  cenfmed 
to  any  particular  kingdom  or  royal  family,  and  whether  the 
usual  predominancy  of  one  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  kings  was  the 
result  of  actual  conquest,  or  a  dignity  conceded  in  compliance 
with  some  ancient  custom  cannot  be  ascertained.*  The  hep- 
tarchy was  soon  changed  into  a  hcxarchy  by  the  celebrated  Ina, 
king  of  the  West  Saxons,  who  aljout  A.  D.  723,  subdued  the 
kingdom  of  Sussex,  and  annexed  it  to  his  own  dominions. — 
And  when  Egbert  ascended  the  tlirone  of  Wessex, 
■  England  was  verging  towards  a  triarchy.  The  petty 
kingdoms  of  Kent,  Essex,  and  East  Anglia,  had  already  be- 
come the  satellites  of  Mercia.  Wessex  was  enlarged  by  the  in- 
corporation of  Sussex.  And  Xorthumbria  occupied  in  producing 
and  destroying  a  succession  of  usurpers  and  tiirbtilent  nobles, 
had  ceased  from  troubling  her  neighbours. t  Egbert  having 
been  compelled,  by  domestic  dangers,  to  seek  safety  in  expa-r 
triation,  had,  previous  to  his  accession,  resided  at  the  court  of 
Charlemagne,  where  he  had  learned  the  arts  of  government 
■and  war.  Possessing  so  great  a  superiority,  both  in  political 
and  military  skill,  over  the  rest  of  the  Aglo-Saxon  princes, 
he  easily  reduced  them  under  his  :lominion.  But  although  he 
procured  the  pre-eminence  for  Wessex,  he  did  not  incorporate 
East  Anglia,  Mercia,  or  Northumbria,  which  were  suftered  to 
exist  as  vassal  states,  governed  l)y  their  own  sovereigns,  till 
the  Danish  sword  destroyed  these  kingdoms.!  His  prosperity, 

days  in  acts  of  devotion.  To  retire  to  Rome,  as  well  as  to  travel  thither, 
was  greatly  the  fashion  among  all  classes  of  the  Anglo  Saxons  of  this  pe- 
riod. "  Plurcs  ex  gente  Anglorum  nobilcs,  ignoblles,  laici,  clerici,  viiiac 
feminx  certatim  consueverunt."  In  this  respect  many  of  tlie  English  na- 
tion, both  noble  anil  ignoble,  laymen  and  ecclesiastics,  men  and  women, 
emulated  one  another.     Bede  lib.  5.  cap.  7. 

•  Turner  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  I.  p.  133. 

y  Tvu-ner's  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1 .  chap.  7. 

4  Turner  discredits  the  common  story  of  Egliert  abolishing  all  prorin. 
cial  ajipellatioHs,  and  commanding  the  whole  kingdom  to  be  called  Eng- 
land.—Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1.  chap.  7.  He  supposes  that  the  country  Was  so 
i;allcd  long  before  the  accession  of  Egbert. 


20  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

however,  was  soon  interrupted  by  an  event  which  proved  the 

commencement  of  two  hundred  years  of  disasters.    This  was 

the  invasion  of  the  kiuardom  by  the  Danes,  who  land- 

A    D   833  o  .'  7 

'  ing  on  different  parts  of  the  coast,  committed  the 
most  horrible  ravages.  Egbert  hastily  collecting  some  troops, 
marched  against  the  invaders,  but  received  a  total  defeat. 
The  Danes,  after  plundering  tbe  country,  retired  to  their 
ships.  Two  years  afterwards  they  returned,  and  formed  a 
confederacy  with  the  Britons  of  Cornwall ;  but  their  united 
forces  were  completely  defeated  by  Egbert,  who  having  res- 
tored tranquillity  to  his  kingdom,  died  in  the  following  year. 

Ethelwolph,  his  son  and  successor,  was  of  a  relis- 
A.  D.  838.  •  .         .  ' 

'  ious  rather  than  a  martial  disposition.  This  prince, 

however,  being  aided  by  the  military  talents  of  his  son  Ethel- 
stan,  was  successful  in  repelling  the  Danish  invasions.  Being 
deprived  by  death  of  his  eldest  son  Ethelstan,  his  two  younger 
sons,  Etbelbert  and  Ethelred  I.  successively  ascended  the 
throne.  The  reigns  of  both  these  princes  were  extremely 
calamitous.  Ethelred  is  described  as  a  prince  equally  relig- 
ious and  warlike.  He  is  said  to  have  fought  in  one  year  nine 
pitched  battles  with  the  Danes,  the  last  of  M'hieh  cost  him 
his  life.*  But  although  he  had  on  every  occasion  displayed 
a  dauntless  courage,  his  eftorts  were  unsueeessful.  In  his 
reign  the  Danes  ravaged  every  part  of  England,  destroyed 
the  famous  monasteries  of  Croyland,  Ely,  and  Peterborough,! 
and  entirely  subdued  the  tributary  kingdoms  of  Northumber- 
land and  East  Anglia.| 

England  was  in  the  most  deplorable  state,  when 
A.  D.  872.  ^if,,ej^  ^]^^  brother  of  Ethelred  I.  succeeded  to  its 
precarious  throne.  The  Danes  were  already  masters  of  a 
great  part  of  the  country,  and  were  pushing  their  conquests 
with  extreme  rapidity.     In  the  following  year  they  subdued 

*  Rapln  1.  p.  90. 

f  Tngvilph  p.  15,  16,  IT,  Sec. 

i  Edmund,  the  last  king  of  the  East  Angles,  being  made  prisoner  by 
the  Danes,  was,  by  the  command  of  their  chief,  tied  to  a  tree,  and  shot  to 
death  with  arrows,  A-  D.  870.  His  body  was  afterwards  interred  at  Bury 
St.  Edmi^nd's,  which  derived  from  him  its  name,  and  miracles  were  he- 
lieyed  to  be  wrought  at  his  tomb. — Rapin  1.  p.  89. 


BRITONS.  SI 

Mercia ;  and  the  lands  of  that  country,  as  well  as  those  of 
Northumberland,  were  parcelled  out  among  the  Danish  offi- 
cers.* Alfred,  however,  repulsed  a  numerous  body  of  those 
foreigners,  commanded  by  the  celebrated  RoUo,  who  having 
unsuccessfully  attempted  to  obtain  a  settlement  in  England, 
sailed  into  France  and  took  possession  of  Normandy. t  He 
also  expelled  the  Danes  from  Exeter,  and  obliged  them  to  re- 
tire into  Mercia.  But  new  fleets  and  armies  arriving  from 
the  Baltic,  the  subjects  of  Alfred,  either  disgusted  by  some- 
thing in  his  conduct,  or  terrified  by  the  formidable  appearance 
of  the  enemy,  abandoned  their  sovereign,  some  of  them  re- 
tiring into  Wales,  and  others  submitting  to  the  Danes-I — 
In  consequence  of  this  general  defection,  Alfred  having  dis- 
missed his  faithful  domestics,  concealed  himself  for  some 
time  in  the  Isle  of  Athelney,  a  place  which  nature  had 
rendered  almost  inaccessible.§  In  the  mean  while  the  Earl 
of  Devonshire,  with  a  few  valiant  adherents,  having  re- 
tired to  the  castle  of  Kimwith,  was  closely  besieged  by 
the  Danish  army.     At  length  he  and  his  followers  making  a 

•  Rapln  1 .  p.  91. 

I  Rollo  having  conquered  Neustria,  which  from  the  Normans  or  Nortli- 
men  acquired  the  name  of  Normandy,  was  confirmed  in  tlie  possession  of 
that  province  by  a  treaty  concluded  with  Charles,  tlie  simple  king  of  France, 
whose  daughter  he  married,  and  embraced  the  christian  i-eligion.  See 
Hon.  Ab.  Chron.  dc  I'Hist.  de  France,  An.  912-  William  the  Conqueror 
was  the  seventh  duke  of  Normandy  frem  Rollo,  Rapin  1.  p,  164.  See  also 
P.  Dan.  Hist,  de  France,  219. 

t  This  is  a  very  obscure  part  of  historj'.  Rapin  supposes  that  the  Eng- 
lish were  panic  struck  at  the  appearance  of  the  Danisli  army.  Hist.Eng. 
1.  p.  92.  Hume  also  supposes  that  the  English  were  quite  exhausted  be- 
fore  Alfred's  flight :  Turner,  on  the  contrary,  makes  it  appear  that  Alfred 
was  not  expelled  from  his  dominions  by  tlie  Danes,  but  that  he  was  for- 
saken by  his  subjects  for  some  misconduct  in  the  beginning  of  his  reign, 
though  not  specified  by  historians.  Turner's  Hist  Ang.  Sax.  1.  book  4.  ch.  2. 

§  The  Isle  of  Athelney,  in  Somersetshire,  is  situated  a  few  miles  N.E. 
from  Taunton,  and  S.  E  from  Bridgewater,  at  the  confluence  of  the  rivers 
Parret  and  Thone.  It  consisted  of  only  two  or  three  acres  of  firm  ground, 
covered  with  bushes,  and  surrounded  with  impassible  morasses,  being  ac- 
cessible only  by  an  intricate  path.  R.ipin  1.  p  92  Camd.  Britann.  Som- 
erset. Camp.  Polit.  Surv.  1.  p.  333.  2.  338.  Aik.  Delin.  Somerset,  p.  321. 
Here  Alfred  afterwards  erected  a  fort.  Malms,  and  Camd.  Britann.  ubi 
fupra. 


g!^  HISTOEY  OF  ENGLAND. 

desperate  sally,  totally  defeated  the  Danes,  killed  Ilubba, 
their  general,  and  took  their  famous  standard  called  the  Rea- 
fan  or  Raven,  the  loss  of  which  greatly  contributed  to  dis- 
courage tlieni  in  their  future  attempts.* 

The  news  of  this  defeat  of  the  Danes  and  the  death  of 
their  general,  drew  Alfred  fi'om  his  sequestered  retreat.  He 
is  said  by  historians  to  have  assumed  the  habit  of  a  minstrel, 
and  in  this  disguise  to  have  visited  the  Danish  camp,  where 
lie  stayed  several  days,  and  observed  their  careless  security 
and  total  inattention  to  the  rules  of  military  prudenee.f 
Whether  the  story  be  true  or  false,  it  is  certain  that  Alfred, 
soon  after  his  departure  from  Athelney,  surprised  and  totally 
defeated  the  Danes.  He  then  concluded  a  peace  with  Guth- 
ram,  their  chief,  who,  with  his  people,  embraced  Christianity, 
and  was  confirmed  in  his  possession  of  East  Anglia.  A  few 
years  after  this  event,  Alfred  laid  siege  to  London, 

A    D    88"^  . 

and  recovered  that  city  from  the  Danes.  But  the 
reader  of  English  history  must  not  expect  a  succinct  or  circum- 
stantial narration  of  the  Danish  wars  in  this  country.  Their 
disembarkations  were  often  unexpected :  the  object  of  some 
of  their  expeditions  was  to  make  a  permanent  settlement ;  oth- 
ers were  only  for  plunder.  All  their  operations  were  irregu- 
lar, and  the  occurrences  of  those  turbulent  times  are  confusedly 
related  by  historians.:}:  It  suffices,  therefore,  to  observe,  that, 
in  the  time  of  Ethelred  I.  and  the  first  part  of  the  reign  of 
Alfred  the  Great,  those  terrible  invaders  ravaged  every  part 
of  the  kingdom,  and  scarealy  a  city,  church,  or  monastery, 
escaped  destruction  or  pillage.  In  fine  the  Danes  retaliated 
on  the  Anglo  Saxons  the  same  calamities  which  their  ances- 
tors had  formerly  inflicted  on  the  Britons.  It  niust,  however, 
be  observed,  that  the  people  to  whom  popular  language,  which 
is  seldom  accurate,  has  given  the  name  of  Danes,  and  who, 
in  France,  were  called  Normans,  and  in  Ireland  Easterlings, 
were  composed  of  all  the  nations  who  lived  in  the  regions 
BOW  known  by  the  general  appellation  of  Sweden  and  Nor- 

*  Asser  Vita  Alfredi,  p.  10. 

f  This  story,  related  by  Ingulphus  and  Malmsbury,  is  not  found  in  As- 
serius,  the  writer  of  the  life  of  Alfred. 
^  See  Rapin's  observation  1.  p,  94. 


BRiTOiirs.  23 

way,  as  well  as  of  the  inhabitants  of  Denmark.*  Their  ex- 
peditions were  not  national  concerns,  but  private  underta- 
kings :  each  barbarian  band  fought  only  for  its  own  emolu- 
ment. From  this  circumstance  we  may  readily  account  for 
their  frequent  violation  of  treaties,  so  much  complained  of  by 
the  English  historians.  As  their  armaments  were  generally 
unconnected,  no  treaty  concluded  with  any  of  their  chiefs 
could  be  binding  to  future  adventurers.  In  the  year  891,  tha 
Danes  renewed  their  invasions.  Numerous  bodies  of  these  de- 
predators arriving  from  the  continent,  landed  on  various  parts 
of  the  coast,  and  again  reduced  England  to  a  deplorable  state. 
Historians  have  not  informed  us  of  the  means  by  which  Alfred 
was  freed  from  this  new  host  of  enemies. f  Rapin  supposes 
that  the  plague  compelled  them  to  retire.  It  is  certain,  that, 
after  the  war  had  continued  three  years,  these  new  comers 
suddenly  departed  ;  and  the  Danes  already  settled  in  East 
Anglia,  Mcrcia,  and  Northumbria,  acknowledged  Alfred  as 
paramount  sovereign  of  all  England. 

Having  restored  tranquillity  to  his  kingdom,  Alfred  turned 
his  attention  to  the  regulations  of  the  police,  and  the  advance- 
ment of  letters  and  commerce.  In  the  year  893,  he  published 
&.  code  of  laws,  which  have  been  considered  as  the  basis  of 
the  Anglo  Saxon  and  eventually  of  the  English  constitution^ 
The  restoration  of  learning  also  demanded  his  care.  The 
ravages  of  the  Danes  had  converted  the  country  into  a  scene 
of  desolation  and  extinguished  the  study  of  letters.  Almost 
every  town  in  the  kingdoiu  was  reduced  to  a  heap  of  ruins  : 
the  monasteries,  in  those  days,  the  chief  and  almost  the  only 
receptacles  and  seminaries  of  learning,  were  all  pillaged  and 

•  Turner's  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1.  book  3.  chap.  1. 

f  Rapin  1.  p.  94.  This  expedition  was  conducted  by  tlie  celebrated 
Hastings,  who  also  committed  dreadful  ravages  in  France.  Daniel  Hist, 
do  Fr.ance  2.  p.  99. 

■^  Some  of  Alfred's  laws  shew  the  dreadful  state  of  society  which  was 
the  result  of  those  predatory  wars.  It  was  customary  among  both  the 
Danes  and  tl)e  Saxons  to  steal  not  only  cattle,  but  also  men  and  women, 
and  sell  them  to  each  otlier.  Alfred,  therefore,  enacted  a  law  prohibiting 
the  sale  of  cattle  or  slaves  without  a  vouclicr.  Another  of  his  laws  set  a 
certain  price  on  the  life  and  on  evciy  limb  of  persons  of  each  class  and 
rank  from  the  king  to  the  slave.    Tindul's  Notes  on  Rapin  1.  p.  95.  fcl,  ed. 


S4?  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

most  of  them  destroyed,  and  the  monks  every  where  massa- 
cred or  expelled.  Amidst  those  scenes  of  universal  danger  and 
distress,  when  every  one's  attention  was  solely  directed  to  the 
single  object  of  self-preservation,  and  continually  occupied 
with  projects  of  resistance  or  escape,  the  improvement  of  the 
human  mind  was  neglected,  and  almost  every  trace  of  litera- 
ture, as  well  as  of  religion,  was  obliterated.  Alfred  himself, 
in  his  preface  to  Gregory's  pastoral,  complains  that,  between 
the  Humber  and  the  Thames,  there  could  not  be  found  a  priest 
who  understood  the  liturgy  in  his  vernacular  language,  nor 
any  person,  from  the  Thames  to  the  sea,  that  was  capable  of 
translating  the  easiest  piece  of  Latin.*  In  order,  therefore, 
to  promote  the  restoration  of  learning  among  his  subjects,  he 
established  seminaries  in  different  places  ;  and  he  is  generally 
regarded  as  the  founder  of  the  famous  university  of  Oxford, 
where,  according  to  Rapin,  he  erected  four  colleges. f  He 
invited  from  all  countries  the  most  learned  professors,  among 
whom  was  the  celebrated  Johannes  Scotus,  whose  name  is  so 
eminent  in  the  republic  of  letters. |  These  he  encouraged  by 
his  liberality  and  animated  by  his  example ;  for  although  a 
great  part  of  his  life  had  been  spent  amidst  the  bustle  of 
camps  and  the  tumults  of  war,  no  prince  scarcely  ever  applied 
himself  more  assiduously  to  study.  He  was  well  skilled  in 
grammar,  rhetoric,  history,  philosophy,  geometry,  and  archi- 
tecture ;  he  wrote  several  books  which  were  considered  as  ex- 
cellent specimens  of  composition ;  and  he  was  esteemed  the 

*  Spelman  p.  141,  Sec. 

■}-  Rapin  1.  p.  95.  Some,  however,  give  to  this  celebrated  university  a 
more  ancient  origin  ;  and  Camden  says,  that  even  before  the  amval  of  the 
Saxons  in  this  island,  Oxford  was  a  seat  of  learning.  Britann.  with  addi- 
tions by  Bish.  Gibson,  Camd-  mentions  only  three  colleges.  If,  however, 
Alfred  was  not  its  founder,  he  was  certainly  its  restorer,  and  from  his  reign 
we  may  date  the  commencement  of  that  celebrity  which  it  has  maintain- 
ed through  a  long  succession  of  ages.  The  origin  of  the  famous  univer- 
sity of  Cambridge  is  equally  unknown.  Bede  informs  us  that  about  A.  D. 
630,  Sigebert,  King  of  East  Anglia,  established  a  school  wliich  some  sup. 
pose  to  have  been  at  Cambridge,  others  at  Thetford,  in  Norfolk.  Camp- 
bell's Polit.  Surv.  2.  p.  330.  See  also  Turner's  remarks  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1. 
p.  323,  Sec. 

+  Tyrrel  1,  p.  306, 


DANES.  So 

best  Saxon  poet  of  his  time.*  A  prince  so  attentive  to  every 
species  of  improvement,  conld  not  overlook  the  importance  of 
navigation  and  commerce.  He  caused  ships  to  be  built  of  a 
larger  size  than  any  of  those  formerly  used  by  the  English, 
and  rendered  his  maritime  force  superior  to  that  of  the  Danes. 
And  for  the  encouragement  of  trade  he  caused  vessels  to  be 
built  at  the  public  expense,  and  let  out  to  merchants.  It  is 
also  related,  that  Alfred  sent  Sighelm,  Bishop  of  Sherborne, 
with  gifts  to  the  christians  of  St.  Thomas,  in  India,  and  that 
this  prelate,  having  successfully  performed  the  voyage,  brought 
back  precious  stones  and  other  oriental  commodities.  The 
truth  of  this  story,  however,  appears  to  some  problematical. f 
But  it  is  universally  allowed  that,  under  his  auspices  and  di- 
rections, several  of  the  northern  coasts  of  Europe  were  ex- 
plored, and  voyages  were  made  to  the  Greenland  seas.  Amidst 
these  endeavours  for  promoting  the  good  of  his  people,  Alfred 
was  not  less  solicitous  for  preserving  the  public  tranquillity  : 
he  established  a  weW  regulated  militia,  and  took  every  mea- 
sure that  prudence  could  suggest  for  the  security  of  his  king- 
dom. This  incomparable  monarch  died  in  the  fifty- 
'  'second  year  of  his  age,  and  in  the  twenty-ninth,  or, 
according  to  some,  in  the  thirtieth  year  of  his  reign, 
which  was  one  of  the  most  glorious  recorded  in  history. 1:  His 
character  was  adorned  with  every  virtue  and  unblemished  by 
any  vice.    Voltaire  says,  "  I  question  whether  there  has  ever 

•  Alfred  acquired  the  rudiments  of  his  ed\ication  at  Rome  ;  and  as  he 
had  received  from  nature  an  excellent  capacity,  he  spared  no  pains  to  cul- 
tivate tliose  advantages.  He  distributed  his  time  into  three  portions :  of  the 
twentj'-four  hours  in  the  day  he  always  devoted  eight  to  the  duties  of  re- 
ligion, eight  to  the  administration  of  public  affairs,  and  eight  to  the  differ- 
ent purposes  of  study,  sleep,  refreshment,  &c. 

f  This  extraordinary  journey  is  mentioned  in  Flor.  Worcest.  p.  320, 
Bromp.  812.  Hunt.  350.  Sax.  Chron.  p.  86.  M.  West.  333.  Malmsb.  p. 
248.  Rapin  simply  mentions  the  circum.stance ;  and  Tindal,  his  commen- 
tator, enters  into  no  investigation  of  tlie  subject.  See  Tindal's  notes  on 
Rapin  1.  p.  95.  But  the  existence  of  a  community  of  christians,  in  India, 
is  a  fact  established  by  the  best  historical  evidence  See  Gibbon  Dec.  Rom. 
Emp.  4.  p.  599.  De  Guignes  Acad,  dis  Inscrip.  54.  p.  333.  Mr.  Turner, 
in  a  judicious  dissertation,  evinces  the  probability  of  this  journey  of  the 
Bishop  of  Sherborne.     Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1.  p,  314,  &c. 

+  Kapin,  with  Tindal's  notes,  1.  p.  97. 

£ 


26  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.' 

been,  on  earth,  a  man  more  worthy  of  the  regard  of  posterity 
than  Alfred  tlie  Great,  uho  rendered  those  services  to  his 
country,  supposing  that  every  thing  related  of  him  be  true."* 
Another  writer  calls  Alfred  a  pattern  for  kings  in  the  time  of 
extremity  :  a  bright  star  in  the  history  of  mankind. t 

When  Edward,  the  son  and  successor  of  Alfred,  ascended 
the  throne,  England  was  almost  equally  divided  between  the 
English  and  tlic  Danes.  The  English  Avere  in  possession  of 
Wessex,  comprising  the  ancient  kingdom  of  Essex  and  all 
the  country  south  of  the  Thames.  Mercia  was  peopled  with 
a  mixture  of  English  and  Danes ;  but  the  former  were  supe- 
rior in  the  southern  and  the  latter  in  the  northern  parts.  East 
Anglia  and  Northumbria  were  entirely  in  the  possession  of  the 
Danes,  who,  however,  acknowledged  the  paramount  sway  of 
the  English  sceptre ;  and  during  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of 
Alfred,  they  had  peaceably  submitted  to  his  dominion. 

The  first  danger  that  threatened  Edward  arose  from  the 
pretensions  of  Ethel  ward,  his  cousin,  who,  attempting  to  hurl 
Lim  from  his  throne,  brought  over  the  Danes  to  his  own  in- 
terest. A  bloody  war  ensued,  of  which  a  circumstantial  re- 
lation would  be  little  interesting  to  the  reader.  The  result 
was,  that  Ethelward  being  slain  in  battle,  the  Danes  were 
glad  to  conclude  a  peace,  and  acknowledge  Edward  for  their 
sovereign.  But  this  interval  of  tranquillity  was  only  of  short 
duration.  The  war  m  as  renewed  :  Edward  was  again  suc- 
cessful ;  and  having  entirely  conquered  Mercia,  constituted  his 
brother-in-law,  Ethelred,  earl  and  viceroy  of  that  province. | 
Ethelred  dying  soon  after,  the  government  of  Mercia  Mas 
committed  to  his  widow,  the  Princess  Elfleda,  a  woman  of  a 
masculine  genius,  who,  as  well  as  her  husband,  had  greatly 
contribnted  to  the  successes  of  the  king  her  brother.  The  Eng- 
lish still  gaining  ground,  the  Danes  of  East  Anglia  submitted 
to  Edward,  and  laid  dow  n  their  arms.  But  those  of  JVorthum- 

•  "  Je  ne  seals  s'il  y  aye  jamais  eu  sUr  la  terre  un  homme  plusdigne  des 
respects  de  la  posterite  qu'  Alfred  le  Grand  qui  rend  it  ces  services  a  sa 
patrie,  suppose  que  tout  ce  qu'on  raconte  de  lui  soit  veritable."  Voltaire 
Oeuv.  Essai  sur  les  mccurs  16.  p.  473. 

•j-  Herder  Outlines  Phllos.  Hist,  of  Man.  p.  547. 

i  London,  which  had  formerly  been  the  capital  of  the  kingdom  of  the 
East  Saxon?,  was  now  the  metropolis  of  Mercia.    Rapin  1.  p.  98. 


DANES.  ^ 

berland  being  tlie  most  powerful,  were  the  last  that  were 
reduced  to  subjection-  That  extensive  territory  was  almost 
entirely  inhabited  by  the  Danes  :  they  were  governed  by 
three  kings  :  two  brothers,  Sithric  and  Nigel,  reigned  beyond 
the  Tyne  in  Bcrnicia ;  and  Reginald,  who  resided  at  York, 
ruled  Deira  or  the  country  between  the  Tync  and  the  Hnui- 
ber.  The  Northumbrian  Danes,  however,  at  length  were 
obliged  to  submit  and  acknowledge  the  paramount  sovereignty 
of  the  English  monarch.*  Edward,  having  successfully  end- 
ed the  Danish  war,  turned  his  arms  against  the  Britons  of 
Wales,  whom  he  obliged  to  pay  an  annual  tribute. t  He  also 
erected  a  number  of  forts  in  order  to  overawe  the  Danes, 
and  thus  provided  for  the  security  of  the  kingdom.  But  he 
did  not  long  enjoy  the  fruit  of  his  victories.  He 
'  departed  tliis  life  in  the  twenty  fifth  year  of  a  glo- 
rious reign,  beloved  by  his  friends  and  feared  by  his  enemies. 
Edward  was  succeeded  by  his  natural  son,  Athclslan,  whose 
eminent  qualifications  effaced  the  blemisli  that  attended  his 
birth,  and  supplied  the  defect  in  his  title.  He  expelled  the 
two  sons  of  Sithric,  the  Dane,  from  the  throne  of  Northum- 
berland ;  but  the  inaccurate  historians  of  those  times  have 
not  informed  us  of  the  cause  of  the  quarrel.  Anlaft",  one  of 
the  brothers,  found  means  to  engage  the  Irish,  the  Scots,  and 
the  Welch,  in  a  confederacy  with  the  Northumbrian  Danes, 
and  entering  the  Humber  with  a  fleet  of  six  hundred  ships, 
made  himself  master  of  a  considerable  part  of  the  country.:}: 
But  Athelstan  having,  with  extraordinary  activity  and  dili- 
gence, collected  a  powerful  force,  marched  against  the  con- 
federate princes,  over  w  hom  he  obtained  a  signal 
^'  °*        '  and  decisive  victory.§     This  battle  is  said  to  have 

*  Rapin,  however,  observes,  that  the  sovereignty  of  Alfred  and  Edward 
over  the  English  Danes,  consisted  in  nothing  more  than  the  right  of 
homage  from  their  princes,  liap.  Hist.  Eng.  1.  p.  99. 

f  This  was  only  the  renewal  of  the  former  trilnite. 

+  Historians  are  not  agreed  as  to  the  number  of  Anlaff's  ships.  Turner 
stales  them  at  615,  and  in  a  marginal  note,  iNo.  22,  supposes  that  30,000 
men  might  be  the  probable  amount  of  his  army.  Turner's  Hist.  Ang. 
Sax  1.  p.  344. 

§  It  is  somewhat  singular  that  the  place  where  this  famous  battle  was 
fouglit  cannot  be  ascertained  from  any  historical  rcjation.  bi  the  Sax,  Ann. 


28  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

been  attended  with  a  greater  carnage  than  any  that  had  ever 
before  been  fought  in  this  island.  Constantinc,  King  of  Scot- 
land, six  other  Irish  or  Welch  kings,  and  twelve  earls  and 
general  officers  were  among  the  slain.  This  victory  was 
chiefly  owing  to  the  valour  of  Turketil,  the  king's  cousin, 
who  was  afterwards  Abbot  of  Croyland.*  After  this  decisive 
blow  Athelstan  met  with  little  resistance :  he  wrested  West- 
moreland and  Cumberland  from  the  Scots,  and  recovered 
Northumberland  from  the  Danish  king  :  he  marched  against 
the  Cornish  Britons,  who  had  also  joined  the  confederacy, 
and  after  reducing  Exeter,  their  capital,  compelled  them 
to  retire  beyond  the  Tamar.f  He  also  chastised  the  AVelch 
by  raising  their  tribute  to  twenty  pounds  weight  of  gold,  three 
hundred  of  silver,  and  twenty-five  thousand  head  of  cattle, 
besides  expelling  them  from  the  country  between  the  Severn 
and  the  Wye4  And  a  modern  historian  of  distinguished 
eminence  observes,  that  Athelstan  was,  in  reality,  the  first 
monarch  of  all  England. §  His  various  and  splendid  succes- 
ses carried  his  name  into  foreign  countries,  and  several  of  the 
continental  princes  courted  his  alliance.  But  military  affairs 
did  not  wholly  occupy  his  thoughts  ;  he  was  equally  attentive 
to  the  interests  of  literature  and  commerce.  He  was  the  first 
Anglo  Saxon  king  that  caused  the  scriptures  to  be  translated 
into  that  language  ;*1I  and  he  enacted  a  law  which  conferred 
extraordinary  honours  and  privileges  on  every  merchant  who 

it  is  called  Brunanbiirh.  Different  vriters  give  it  different  names,  but 
with  so  little  variation  that  they  evidently  mean  the  same  place  ;  but  none 
of  them  indicate  in  what  part  of  the  kingdom  it  was  situated.  See  Tur- 
ner's Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1  p.  347.     Note  No.  35. 

•  Rapin  l.p.lOl. 

I  Rapin  ibid,  and  Tindal's  Notes. 

t  Rapin  1.  p.  101.  Previous  to  this  period  the  Severn  was  the  boun- 
dary between  England  and  Wales. 

§  Turner's  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1.  book  2.  chap.  7.  p.  183. 

^  Rapin  observes,  on  this  occasion,  the  rapid  progress  which  learning 
had  made  in  consequence  of  the  wise  regulations  of  Alfred  tlie  Great ;  at 
the  first  part  of  whose  reign  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  find,  in 
England,  a  person  capable  of  translating  the  scriptures.  Hist.  Eng.  1. 
p.  102. 


DANES.  29 

made  three  voyages  to  the  Mediterranean.*  AUiel- 
*'  °*  *  Stan  died,  unmarried,  in  the  forty-sixth  year  of  his 
age,  and  the  sixteenth  of  liis  reign,  m  hich  was  one  of  the  most 
glorious  of  all  those  of  the  Anglo  Saxon  monarchs.f 

Edmund,  his  brother  and  successor,  was  not  above  eighteen 
years  of  age  when  he  ascended  the  throne.  Athelstan  had 
left  England  in  profound  tranquillity  ;  but  that  monarch  was 
no  sooner  laid  in  his  grave  than  the  D.anes  began  to  prepare 
for  revolt.  Anlaflf,  the  Danish  king  of  Northumberland,  who 
had  been  expelled  by  Athelstan,  considered  the  youth  of  Ed- 
mund, who  was  not  above  eighteen  years  of  age,  as  offering 
a  favourable  opportunity  of  recovering  his  throne.  Having 
prevailed  on  Olaus,  king  of  Norway,  to  espouse  his  cause,  he 
once  more  landed  in  Northumberland,  and  appearing  before 
York,  the  gates  were  opened  to  him  by  the  citizens.  The  ex- 
ample of  the  metropolis  was  followed  by  most  of  the  other 
towns,  the  garrisons  of  which  were  either  expelled  or  massa- 
cred by  the  inhabitants,  who  were  in  general  of  the  Danish 
race.  After  the  conquest  of  Northuniberland,  Anlafl' carried 
his  arms  into  Mercia,  where  the  Danes  received  him  with  ev- 
ery demonstration  of  joy.  Edmund  having  collected  his  for- 
ces, a  battle  was  fought;  but  neither  party  could  boast  of  any 
advantage;  and  the  nobles  desirous  of  preventing  a  repetition 
of  those  calamities  to  which  the  country  had  been  so  often  ex- 
posed, obliged  the  two  kings  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  peace,  by 
which  Anlaff  recovered  the  Northumbrian  kingdom,  with  the 
addition  of  several  counties,  so  that  England  was  once  more 
almost  equally  divided  between  the  English  and  the  Danes. 

The  peace,  however,  was  only  of  short  duration.  A  civil 
war  broke  out  among  the  Northumbrian  Danes.  Those  of  the 
ancient  kingdom  of  Deira  revolted  against  the  government  of 
Anlaff;  and  having  called  in  his  nephew,  Reginald,  crowned 
liim  king  at  York.     The  English  monarch  seizing  this  fav- 

♦  Anderson's  Hist.  Comm.  1.  p.  90.  Mr.  Anderson  from  hence  very 
justly  infers,  that  such  voyages  were,  at  that  time,  extremely  rare. 

f  The  first  instance  of  political  intercourse  or  connexion  between  Engf- 
land  and  France,  is  found  in  the  reign  of  Athelstan,  who  supported  Louis 
D'Outrcmer  against  his  rebellious  subjects.  P.  Daniel  Hist,  de  France  3. 
p.  256. 


30  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

ouiable  opportunity,  marched  into  Northumberland,  and  hav- 
ing expelled  both  the  Danish  kings,  reduced  the  country  once 
more  under  his  own  dominion.  Edmund  tlion  turned  his  arms 
against  the  King  of  Cumberland,  who  had  assisted  the  Danes, 
and  soon  conquered  that  petty  kingdom.  He  did  not,  however, 
retain  that  conquest,  but  gave  it  to  the  King  of  Scotland,  to 
hold  in  vassalage,  on  condition  of  assisting  him  in  all  his 
wars.*  By  this  judicious  cession  of  a  distant  province,  on  a 
precarious  frontier,  Edmund  not  only  detached  the  Scottish 
monarch  from  the  Danish  alliance,  but  attached  him  to  his 
own  interests.  But  Edmund  lost  his  life  by  a  fatal  accident 
when  he  was  begiuning  to  reap  the  fruit  of  his  victories.  A 
notorious  delinquent,  named  Leolf,  who  had  been  banished 
for  his  crimes,  having,  at  a  solemn  festival,  presumed  to  ap- 
pear in  the  royal  presence,  and  sit  down  to  dinner  at  one  of 
the  tables,  the  king,  incensed  at  his  insolence,  instantly  seiz- 
ed him.  A  struggle  ensued,  and  Leolf  stabbed  the  king  with 
a  dagger.f  Edmund,  on  receiving  the  wound,  in- 
'  stantly  expired,  in  the  twenty-fifth  year  of  his  ag© 
and  the  eighth  of  his  reign,  in  which  he  had  equally  displayed 
liis  political  and  martial  abilities. 

Edred,  his  brotlier,  was  placed  on  tlie  throne  by  the  unani- 
mous suffrages  of  the  nobles  and  clergy.  His  accession  was  the 
signal  of  revolt  to  the  Danes,  who  recalled  Anlaft'to  the  throne 
of  Nortliumberland.  This  prince,  however,  was  no  sooner 
restored,  than  a  strong  party  being  formed  against  him,  h© 
found  himself  obliged  to  fly  into  Ireland  and  leave  his  rival, 
Erie,  in  possession  of  his  kingdom.  The  Northumbrian  Danes 
being  thus  divided  into  two  factions,  the  English  monarch 

♦  Rapin  thinks  that  the  homage  from  the  Scottish  monarch  for  Cum- 
berland, was  one  of  tlie  reasons  wliich  induced  the  Entjlisli  historians  to 
regard  the  kings  of  Scotland  as  vassals  to  the  crown  of  England.  Hist. 
Eng.  1.  p.  103. 

■\  Historians  vary  in  relating  the  circumstances  of  his  death.  This,  in- 
deed, ought  not  to  excite  our  surprise  ;  but  it  is  somewhat  singular  that 
they  differ  as  much  in  regard  to  the  jilace  where  it  happened  ;  some  wri- 
ters affirming  it  to  have  been  at  Canterbury ;  others  In  Gloucestershire, 
Sic.  See  Turner  Hist.  Aug.  Sax.  1.  p.  367  and  368.  These  disagree- 
ments sliew  the  uncertainty  of  historical  relations  In  those  ages  of  igno- 
rance and  confusion. 


SAXOXS  AND  DANES.  31 

entered  their  kingdom,  Avhich  he  subdued  and  reduced  to  a 
province,*  From  this  period  the  Northumbrians,  overawed 
by  English  garrisons  and  governors,  gave  no  further  disturb- 
ance till  the  foreign  Danes  once  more  entered  the  country. 

After  the  reduction  of  the  Northumbrian  kingdom,  Edred 
reigned  in  peace  over  all  England.  This  happy  calm  having 
put  an  end  to  his  military  labours,  he  turned  his  attention  en- 
tirely to  the  affairs  of  religion,  and  gave  himself  wholly  up 
to  the  direction  of  the  famous  Dunstan,  Abbot  of  Glastonbury. 
He  made  him  his  treasurer,  and  committed  to  his  care  all  his 
temporal  as  well  as  his  spiritual  concerns.  Inspired  with 
ambition  and  zeal  for  the  honour  and  interest  of  his  order, 
Dunstan  made  use  of  his  influence  over  the  king  to  advance 
the  monastic  above  the  secular  clergy.  The  monks  were  in- 
troduced into  the  ecclesiastical  benefices ;  and  none  durst  op- 
pose their  elevation  through  the  fear  of  offending  the  king  and 
the  favourite.  But  the  death  of  Edred,  in  the 
'  eleventh  year  of  his  reign,  put  a  stop,  for  a  season, 
to  the  triumphs  of  the  monastic  party. 

Edred's  two  sons  being  very  young,  his  nephew,  Edwy,  son 
of  Edmund  1.  was  called  to  the  succession.  This  prince  was 
unfortunate  in  ascending  the  throne  at  a  juncture  when  the 
dissentions  between  the  monks  and  the  secular  clergy  divided 
the  nation,  as  well  as  the  church,  into  two  parties.  Edwy  de- 
clared in  favour  of  the  latter,  and  banished  Dunstan,  the  chief 
of  the  monkish  faction.  The  disgraced  party,  however,  had 
such  influence  over  the  people, as  to  raise  a  formidable  insurrec- 
tion in  Mercia.  Edgar,  the  king's  brother,  placed  himself  at 
the  head  of  the  malcontents,  and  being  joined  by  the  Danes  of 
Northumberland  and  East  Anglia,  obliged  Edwy  to  retire  into 
AVessex  and  yield  up  the  rest  of  the  kingdom.  This  partition, 
however,  did  not  long  continue  :  the  triumph  of  the  monks  and 
the  dismemberment  of  his  dominions  affected  the  health  and 
spirits  of  Edwy  to  such  a  degree,  that  an  excess 
'of  melancholy  brought  him  to  his  grave,  in  the  fifth 
year  of  his  reign. f 

*  Ingulphus  p.  30,  31,  32,  kc.  &c. 

t  Th#  monkish  historians,  who  use  every  endeavour  to  blacken  the 
character  of  this  monarch,  relate  that,  on  the  day  of  his  coronation,  he 
withdrew  from  tlie  council  to  the  chamber  of  a  lady  whom  he  kept  as  a 


22  HISTORY  OP  ENGLAND. 

The  premature  death  of  Edwy  left  his  brother,  Edgar,  in 
the  undisputed  possession  of  England.  This  prince  was  not 
above  sixteen  years  old ;  but  the  maturity  of  his  judgment 
and  the  extent  of  his  genius,  compensated  his  want  of  age 
and  experience.  His  conduct  was  equally  politic  and  success- 
ful, and  his  reign  was  uniformly  peaceful  and  prosperous.  He 
attached  himself  to  the  monks,  who  had  been  the  authors  of 
his  first  elevation,  and  M'hom  he  ever  after  found  lo  be  the 
firm  support  of  his  power.  On  being  elected  King  of  Mercia, 
he  immediately  recalled  Dunstan  from  banishment,  and  pro- 
moted him  successively  to  the  bishopricks  of  Worcester  and 
London,  and  afterwards  to  the  arehiepiscopal  see  of  Canter- 
bury. This  celebrated  monk  was,  during  his  whole  reign,  his 
chief  favourite  and  counsellor ;  and  his  sage  advice  was  pro- 
bably the  cause  of  Edgar's  greatness  and  prosperity..  The 
uninterrupted  tranquillity  of  his  reign  must  be  ascribed  to  his 
formidable  military  and  naval  establishments,  which  greatly 
surpassed  those  of  his  predecessors.  By  maintaining  a  stand- 
ing army  in  the  northern  provinces,  he  struck  terror  into  the 
kings  of  Scotland  and  Wales,  and  overawed  his  Danish  sub- 
jects. He  also  took  the  most  eifectual  measures  for  prevent- 
ing the  invasions  of  the  foreign  Danes.  He  equipped  a  numer- 
ous fleet,  which,  being  distributed  in  all  the  ports  and  cruising 
incessantly  along  the  coasts,  preserved  the  kingdom  from  any 
attack.*    By  these  warlike  arrangements  Edgar  maintained 

mistress ;  and  that  Dunstan  having  the  courage  to  drag  him  from  her 
company  and  bring  him  back  to  the  council-room,  occasioned  the  hatred 
of  Edwy  to  the  monks.  Some  say,  that  this  lady,  whose  name  was  Elgi- 
va,  was  his  wife,  but  that  being  within  the  limits  of  consanguinity,  pro- 
hibited by  the  church,  Odo,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  had  the  cruelty 
to  cause  her  to  be  branded  on  the  face  with  a  hot  iron,  and  afterwards 
hamstrung  ;  but  the  whole  story,  like  most  other  particulars  of  those 
times,  is  related  with  many  contradictions,  and  seems  at  least  to  be  great- 
ly exaggerated. 

*  The  maritime  force  of  Edgar  appears  to  be  described  with  great  ex' 
aggeration.  Some  historians  have  stated  the  number  of  his  ships  at  3600, 
vide  Sim.  Dunelm.  p.  160,  others  at  a  still  greater  numbei*.  But  besides 
the  expense  of  equipping  such  a  fleet,  it  is  impossible  that  in  an  age 
when  there  was  so  little  commerce,  he  sliould  be  able  to  man  so  many 
ships,  if  we  allow  only  ten  or  twelve  men  to  each  ship.  We  must  not 
indeed  form  our  ideas  of  the  ships  of  war  in  that  age  from  *,liose  of  mod- 


^SAXONS*  33 

an  uninterrupted  peace ;  and  without  drawing  his  sword 
obliged  the  kings  of  Wales,  Ireland,  and  the  Isle  of  Man,  to 
acknowledge  him  as  their  paramount  sovereign.  It  is  even 
atfirnied,  by  some  historians,  that  he  was  rowed  down  the  Dee 
in  a  barge  by  eight  vassal  kings,  Avhen  he  visited  the  city  of 
Chester.*  The  reign  of  Edgar  is  remarkable  for  being  the 
period  in  which  England  was  freed  from  wolves.  These 
ferocious  animals  descending  in  great  numbers  from  the  moun- 
tains of  Wales,  used  to  make  dreadful  ravages  in  the  adjacent 
parts  of  England.  In  order  to  effect  their  extirpation,  Edgar 
commuted  the  annual  tribute  paid  by  the  Welsh  for  three 
hundred  wolves  heads,  and  published  throughout  England  a 
general  pardon  for  all  past  oft'ences,  on  condition  that  each 
delinquent  should  produce  before  an  appointed  time,  a  cer- 
tain number  of  wolves  tongues,  in  proportion  to  his  crimes. 
This  "  act  of  grace'*  was  no  sooner  published,  than  the 
wolves  Mere  so  assiduously  hunted  and  destroyed,  that  in  the 
space  of  a  few  years  the  whole  race  was  extirpated  in  every 
part  of  the  kingdom.  Edgar  enacted  many  good  laws,  and 
built  or  repaired  al)ove  forty-eight  religious  houses.  He  pos- 
sessed many  excellent  qualifications  ;  but  his  virtues  Avere  tar- 
nished by  a  mixture  of  vices.  His  attachment  to  the  monks, 
which  forms  one  of  the  distinguishing  characteristics  of  his 
reign,  displays  not  only  his  gratitude,  but  also  his  policy. 
They  were  the  architects  of  his  fortune,  the  supporters  of  his 
power,  and  the  trumpeters  of  his  fame.  But  no  excuse  can 
be  found  for  his  lewdness  ;  and,  although  the  monks  gave  him 
the  title  of  Saint,  posterity  will  scarcely  recognise  his  claim 
to  a  place  in  the  calendar.  Leaving,  therefore,  his  sanctity 
to  their  fabulous  legends,  we  cannot  but  admire  the  policy  of 
his  government ;  and  subsequent  events  sufficiently  shew  that 
the  shortness  of  his  life  was  an  irreparable  loss  to  the  king- 
dom. Edgar  died  in  the  thirty-second  year  of  his 
'  age  ;  and  an  impartial   view  of  things  will  oblige 

crn  times ;  but  liowever  small  we  may  suppose  them  to  have  been,  the 
number  is  incredible.  William,  of  Thornc,  computes  them  at  only  300. 
See  Tindal's  notes  on  Rapin  1.  p.  106.  And  Hist.  Comm.  1.  p.  95.  It 
bus  been  already  observed  that  the  Danish  ships  usually  carried  100  men. 
•  Supposed  to  be  the  tributary  kings  of  Wales,  Anglesey,  Man,  and 
Ireland.  Tindal's  notes  on  Rapin  1,  p.  106. 
F 


84  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.' 

Tjs  to  confess,  that  his  reign  of  sixteen  years  was  the  most 
happy  and  prosperous  period  that  occurs  in  the  Anglo-Saxon 
history. 

The  death  of  Edgar  was  the  signal  for  renewing  the  con- 
test between  two  factions,  which  divided  tlie  church.  Tlie 
Duke  of  Mercia,  sworn  enemy  of  the  monks,  deprived  them 
of  all  the  benefices  which  they  possessed  in  that  province, 
and  some  other  lords  followed  his  example.  On  the  other 
ha)id,  the  Duke  of  East  Anglia,  with  several  other  great  men, 
adhered  firmly  to  Dunstan  and  his  party  :  and  with  an  armed 
force  protected  the  monasteries.  But  the  influence  of  the  two 
factions  was  chiefly  exerted  in  deciding  the  regal  succession. 
Tlie  deceased  monarch  had  left  two  sons  :  .Edward  Mas  the 
elder;  but  the  uncertainty  of  his  mother's  marriage  with  the 
king,  rendered  his  legitimacy  questionable  :  Ethelred,  the 
younger,  was  Edgar's  son  by  his  queen,  the  beautiful  El- 
frida;  but  as  that  princess  did  not  seem  inclined  to  be 
.guided  by  the  councils  of  the  monks,  Dunstan,  who  saw  him- 
self supported  by  the  populace,  resolved  to  place  Edward  on 
the  throne.  While  the  nobles  were  debating  the  question  of 
the  succession,  the  archbishop  suddenly  rising  up,  and  taking 
Prince  Edward  by  tlie  hand,  led  him  to  the  church,  attended 
hy  the  bishops  and  an  immense  crowd  of  people,  and  anointed 
him  king  without  regarding  the  opposition  of  the  contrary 
party.  Thus  the  direction  of  the  church  was  left  in  the 
hands  of  the  monks,  as  in  the  preceding  reign ;  and  the  king, 
being  only  sixteen  years  of  age,  Dunstan  had  the  sole  adminis- 
tration of  public  affairs. 

This  sagacious  politician,  now  exercising  the  regal  authority 
in  the  name  of  the  king,  kept  the  monks  in  possession  of  the 
henefices  which  they  had  acquired  during  the  last  reign,  and 
supported  by  the  popular  opinion  of  his  sanctity,  bore  dowtt 
all  opposition.  Never,  perhaps,  did  any  man  possess  greater 
skill  in  managing  the  people  and  turning  their  superstitions 
to  his  own  advantage.*     His  dexterity  in  working  pretended 

*  Archbishop  Dunstan  was  not  only  a  man  of  profound  policy,  but  of 
great  scientific  and  literary  attainments.  He  had  applied  himself  assidu- 
ously to  study  the  learning'  of  the  age.  He  was  master  of  the  mathema- 
tical sciences,  as  far  as  they  were  then  known  :  he  was  a  skilful  mechan- 
ic, and  excelled  in  music  and  painting.  Turner  Hist,  Ang.  Sax.  1.  p.  379. 


SAXONS.  35 

miracles  and  producing  oracular  revelations,  rivalled  that  of 
the  most  celebrated  impostors  of  ancient  Greece.  The  fame 
of  his  sanctity  and  of  his  miracles  had,  during  the  two  last 
reigns,  been  established  and  spread  abroad  by  the  monks,  and 
as  eagerly  re-echoed  by  the  credulous  people,  who  universally 
believed  him  to  be  endowed  with  supernatural  powers  and  fa- 
voured with  celestial  communications.  Thus,  by  the  power- 
ful engine  of  priestly  craft,  operating  on  popular  credulity, 
did  this  extraordinary  man  maintain,  during  three  successive 
reigns,  the  same  ascendency  over  the  subjects  that  his  sagacity 
and  prudence  had  given  him  over  the  sovereigns.*  It  must, 
liowever,  be  acknowledged,  that  Dunstan  guided,  with  a  stea- 
dy hand,  the  helm  of  the  state,  and  that  England  flourished 
in  peace  and  prosperity  under  his  administration. 

lu  the  mean  while  Elfrida,  who  saw,  with  indignation  and 
impatience,  her  son  deprived  of  the  succession,  meditated 
schemes  of  revenge,  and  her  vindictive  fury  brought  Edward 
to  his  tragical  end.  The  king  returning  from  hunting,  and 
passing  near  Corf  Castle,  in  Dorsetshire,  Mhere  his  mother- 
in-law  and  her  son,  Ethelred,  resided,  turned  out  of  his  way 
to  pay  her  a  visit.  Elfrida  desired  him  to  alight,  which  he 
declined,  as  his  design  was  not  to  stop,  but  only  to  pay  his 
respects  in  passing,  and  requested  a  glass  of  wine  to  drink 
her  health.  But  the  young  king  no  sooner  lifted  the  glass  to 
his  mouth,  than  she  stabbed  him  in  the  back  with  a  dagger.f 
Edward  finding  himself  wounded,  clapped  spurs  to  his  horse  ; 
hut  fainting  from  loss  of  blood,  he  fell,  and  his  foot  hanging 
in  tlie  stirrup,  he  was  dragged  along  till  the  catas- 
'^'  ^'  '  '  trophe  was  completed.  Thus  fell  this  unfortunate 
young  monarch  in  the  nineteenth  year  of  his  age,  and  about 
the  fourth  of  his  reign,  w  hich,  though  short,  had  been  uni- 
formly peaceful  and  prosperous.  The  monks  who  had  been 
all  powerful  under  his  auspices,  placed  him  among  the  saints  ; 
and  our  historians  have  distinguished  him  by  the  name  of  Ed- 
ward the  Martyr. 

•  Mr.  Turner  has  given  a  curious  and  elaborate  history  of  the  life  and 
pretended  miracles  of  Dunstan.     Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1.  b.  1.  chap.  5. 

f  Mr.  Turner  intimates  tliat  Elfrida  employed  an  assassin  to  give  the 
.wound.    Hist.  Ang.  Sax,  1.  p.  407. 


36  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

Ethelred,  who  was  only  twelve  years  of  age,  being  uow 
the  undoubted  heir  to  the  crown,  Dunstan  eould  tind  no 
pretence  for  setting  him  aside.  He,  therefore,  ascended 
the  throne  without  opposition.  Elfrida,  his  mother,  seeing 
her  ambition  thus  gratified,  endeavoured  to  atone  for  her 
crime  by  building  two  nunneries,  into  one  of  which  she  re- 
tired in  order  to  calm  the  remorse  of  her  conscience  by  a  life 
of  devotion.  The  accession  of  Ethelred  was  the  death-l)low 
to  the  power  which  the  monks  had  so  long  enjoyed.  This 
prince,  who  totally  disregarded  the  clergy,  gave  himself  up 
to  a  new  set  of  counsellors,  and  Dunstan  lost  all  his  influence. 
But  the  disgrace  of  this  celebrated  minister,  who  had  dis- 
played so  much  skill  and  address  in  the  direction  of  public 
afl'airs,  was  followed  by  a  dreadful  train  of  misfortunes,  which 
soon  after  fell  upon  the  kingdom. 

During  the  space  of  sixty  years,  the  foreign  Danes  seemed 
to  have  forgotten  England,  and  those  that  were  settled  in  the 
kingdom,  had,  in  so  long  an  interval,  acquired  the  habits  of 
peaceful  and  civilized  life.  But  in  the  third  year 
^'  ^'  '  of  Ethelred's  reign,  the  Danish  adventurers,  from 
the  shores  of  the  Baltic,  renewed  their  incursions.  Their  first 
attempt  was  made  at  Southampton,  where  a  band  of  these  ro- 
vers, arriving  in  seven  ships,  plundered  the  town  and  the  ad- 
jacent country.*  In  the  following  year  another  band,  landing 
at  Portland,  committed  the  same  depredations.  These  first 
invaders  meeting  with  little  opposition  and  returning  with 
abundance  of  spoils,  the  spirit  of  piratical  adventure  was  re- 
vived with  redoubled  ardour  throughout  the  wide  regions  of 
Scandinavia.  Fleet  after  fleet  arriving  on  the  coasts,  Eng- 
land was,  during  the  space  of  ten  years,  exposed  to  the  rava- 
ges of  those  depredators.  It  would  be  equally  impossible 
and  useless  to  trace  the  desultory  operations  of  those  predatory 
wars.  The  whole  kingdom  was  a  scene  of  massacres,  pillage, 
and  devastation.  The  hostile  descents  being  made  on  every 
part  of  the  coast,  it  was  found  impossible  to  guard  so  many 
points  of  attack,  and  nothing  but  a  powerful  fleet  could  have 
protected  the  kingdom  against  those  barbarian  enemies,  who, 

♦  Turner  places  this  event  In Uie  3ear  980.    Hist,  Ang. Sax.  1.  p.  409. 


SAXONS.  37 

on  meeting  with  a  superior  force,  immefliately  retired  to  their 
ships,  and  sailed  to  some  other  part  of  the  country,  where 
they  recommenced  their  ravages. 

Seven  years  had  scarcely  elapsed  since  the  death  of  Edgar 
the  Pacific,  till  the  time  that  the  Danes  renewed  tlieir  inva- 
sions. The  shortness  of  this  period,  and  the  contrast  of  cir- 
cumstances, will  naturally  excite  the  reader  to  ask  what  was 
become  of  the  formidable  marine  by  which  that  monarch  is 
said  to  have  overawed  his  neighbours,  and  struck  terror  into 
his  enemies.  It  has  been  already  observed,  that  the  naval 
power  of  Edgar  has  undoubtedly  been  very  much  exaggera- 
ted ;  but  although  the  greatest  part  of  his  almost  innumerable 
fleet  appears  to  have  been  only  a  chimaera,  which  never  had 
any  existence  but  in  the  prostituted  pages  of  monkish  chroni- 
cles, yet  when  reduced  to  a  sober  estimate,  it  must  be  allowed  to 
have  been  sufficiently  formidable  to  protect  the  kingdom  against 
foreign  aggression  The  historian  and  the  politician,  in  ob- 
serving that  after  the  accession  of  Ethel icd  the  English  were 
not  less  inferior  to  the  Danes  by  sea  than  by  land,  must  nat- 
urally impute  this  decay  of  the  marine  to  some  neglect  in  the 
administration.  Archbishop  Dunstan  had  fallen  into  disgrace, 
and  soon  after  died,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  waut  of  his 
counsels  might  be  one  great  cause  of  the  public  misfortunes. 
The  prosperity  of  the  kingdom  W'hile  he  had  the  direction  of 
public  affairs,  contrasted  with  the  calamities,  which  followed 
the  decline  of  his  influence,  seems  to  authorise  this  conjecture. 
The  opinion  of  Dunstan's  sanctity  may  be  left  to  the  testimony 
of  the  monks  and  the  belief  of  the  credulous  ;  but  impar- 
tial history  must  allow  him  the  character  of  a  consummate 
politician.  And  never  was  there  a  time  that  more  imperiously 
required  a  man  of  abilities  and  vigour  to  stand  at  the  helm  of 
the  state,  than  the  period  now  under  consideration.*  But 
neither  Ethelred  nor  his  ministers  possessed  either  talents  or 
energy.  In  the  cabinet  and  in  the  field  all  was  dismay,  dis- 
order, and  confusion. 

The  Danes,  after  having  pillaged  and  devastated  England 
during  the  space  of  ten  years,  desisted  for  a  short  time  from 

•  Archbishop  Dunstan,  after  being  several  years  excluded  from  the 
councils,  died  in  disgrace  A.  D.  988.    liapin  1.  p.  118. 


38  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

tlieir  ravages.  But  after  an  intermission  of  two  years,  Justia 
and  Guthniund,  two  Danish  chiefs,  landed  their  forces  in  Suf- 
folk, defeated  the  Duke  of  East  Anglia,  and  penetr.aling  in- 
to the  interior,  committed  the  most  horrible  ravages.*  Ethel- 
red,  notwithstanding  his  fatal  experience  of  their  former  de- 
predations, was  still  unprepared  for  resistance  ;  and  his  no- 
bles therefore  adopted  the  absurd  expedient  of  purchasing  the 
retreat  of  the  Danes  with  a  large  sum  of  money,  which  only 
servfcd  to  bring  new  bands  of  adventurers;  but  might,  if  ex- 
pended in  preparing  tiic  means  of  defence,  have  preserved  the 
kingdom  from  future  invasions. 

Allured  by  the  wealth  which  their  countrymen  carried  home, 
another  band  of  Danes  soon  arrived  in  the  Humber ;  and,  af- 
ter defeating  the  troops  sent  against  them  by  Ethelred,  they 
pillaged  the  country.  At  length,  Swein,  king  of  Denmark, 
and  Olaus,  king  of  Norway,  resolving  to  share  in  the  spoils 
which  their  subjects  brought  every  year  from  England,  equip- 
ped a  fleet,  and  entering  the  Thames,  landed  their 
*  troops  near  London,  f  Having  made  several  inef- 
fectual attempts  on  the  metropolis,  where  they  met  with  a 
greater  resistance  than  they  expected,  they  pillaged  Kent, 
Hampshire,  and  Essex,  and  threatened  to  lay  waste  the  whole 
kingdom.  Ethelred,  who  was  equally  destitute  both  of  cour- 
age and  conduct,  had  recourse  to  his  former  expedient.  He 
bound  himself  by  a  treaty  to  pay  16,000l.  and  the  kings  of 
Denmark  and  Norway  desisting  from  further  hostilities,  re- 
tired to  Southampton.!:  The  king  of  Norway  soon  after  em- 
braced the  christian  religion,  and  returning  to  his  own  coun- 
try, never  more  troubled  England. § 

Swein,  king  of  Denmark,  departed  at  the  same  time;  but 
lie  left  a  fleet  at  Southampton  in  order  to  enforce  the  fulfil- 
ment of  the  treaty.  The  English  court,  dilatory  in  all  its 
measures,  delaying  to  pay  the  money  agreed  on,  the  Danish 
iadmiral  renewed  the  war.     Sailing  up  the  Severn,  he  desola^ 

*  In  the  year  991.    Turner  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1.  p.  410. 
f  Theii-  fleet  consisted  of  only  94  ships,  their  army  of  less  than  10,000 
men.     Id.  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1.  p.  412- 
■i  Rapin  1.  p.  118. — Turner  1.  p.  412. 
§  Malmsb.  p.  63.~Sax,  Chron.  123- 


SAXONS  AND  DANES.  39 

ted  the  adjacent  counties  with  fire  and  sword.  Putting  again 
to  sea,  he  arrived  in  the  mouth  of  the  Thames,  and  proceed- 
ing up  the  Medway  to  Rocliester,  he  devastated  Kent  and 
treated  the  inhabitants  with  the  utmost  barbarity.  Ethelred 
at  length  equipped  a  fleet ;  but  it  was  rendered  useless  by  the 
unskilfulness  and  the  dissensions  of  the  commanders.  The 
English  armies  were  no  sooner  levied  than  defeated ;  and  the 
Danes,  every  where  victorious,  made  themselves  masters  of 
the  Isle  of  Wight,  as  also  of  Hampshire,  Devonshire,  and 
Dorsetshire,  from  whence  they  made  incursions  into  all  the 
neighbouring  counties.  In  this  extremity,  Ethelred,  with  the 
advice  of  the  wittenagemotte,  or  general  council  of  the  nation, 
agreed  to  pay  the  Danes  thirty  thousand  pounds.*  This  sum, 
which  in  those  days  was  very  considerable,  was  called  Dane 
gold,  or  money  for  the  Danes;  and  was  the  origin 
""  of  that  famous  tax,  which  afterwards  became  so 
burdensome  to  the  nation,  even  long  after  the  Danes  had  left 
England. 

The  Danes  being  satisfied  with  this  agreement,  the  great- 
est part  of  (liem  returned  to  their  own  country.  A  consid- 
erable number,  however,  staid  beliind  and  lived  among  the 
English,  to  whom  they  behaved  with  the  greatest  insolence. 
At  this  period,  according  to  our  historians,  a  general  massa- 
cre of  the  Danes  took  place  by  the  orders  of  Ethelred,  w  hicli 
were  dispatched  with  the  greatest  secrecy  to  every  part  of  the 
kingdora.t  But  it  is  scarcely  possible  that  these  sanguinary 
orders  could  be  executed  in  Northumberland  and  East  Anglia, 
which  were  almost  entirely  inhabited  by  Danes.  When  his- 
torians, therefore  relate,  that  all  the  Danes  in  England  were 
massacred  in  one  day,  it  seems  that  we  are  to  understand  this 
expression  as  relating  only  to  those  who  had  come  over  dur- 
ing the  late  invasions,  and  who  remaining  behind  after  the  re- 

*  S.  Dunelm.  p.  164.  M.  West.  p.  386.  The  wlttena-gcmotte  consisted  of 
the  prelates  and  nobles.  AVhether  the  commons  had  any  representatives 
in  this  assembly  is  not  ascertained.  Rapin  1.  p.  153.  Turner  says  24,0001. 
Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1.  p,  415. 

f  Rapin  supposes,  that  Ethelred  was  encouraged  to  perpetrate  tliis 
nefarious  act  by  the  expcct.-xtion  of  being  supported  by  the  duke  of  Nor- 
mandy, v.'hose  sister,  Emma,  he  had  recently  married.  Ilist.  Eng.  1. 
p.  119. 


4:0  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

treat  of  their  countrymen,  were  dispersed  in  different  parts  of 
the  kingdom.  It  Is  certain  that  many  tliousands  were  butchered 
in  the  most  inhuman  manner  ;  and  among  tliese  was  Gunilda, 
a  sister  of  the  king  of  Denmark.  This  lady  was  a  christian, 
and  married  to  a  noble  Dane  who  had  long  been  settled  in 
England.*  At  first  she  had  been  spared  out  of  respect  to  her 
rank ;  but  the  barbarous  Elhelred,  after  causing  her  cliildreu 
to  be  murdered  before  her  eyes,  ordered  her  to  be  put  to  death 
in  his  presence  :  she  met,  with  the  most  heroic  fortitude,  a 
fate  which  Avas  soon  severely  revenged. 

This  horrid  tragedy,  which  was  acted  on  Sunday  the  13th 
of  November,  A.  D.  1002,  completed  the  guilt  of  Ethelred, 
and  eventually  brought  all  England  under  the  Danish  domin- 
ion. Swein,  king  of  Denmark,  no  sooner  received  intelligence 
of  this  catastrophe,  and  particularly  of  the  inhuman  murder 
of  his  sister,  than  he  voAved  that  he  never  would  rest  till  he 
had  desolated  England  with  fire  and  sword  ;  and  he  did  not 
delay  to  carry  his  threat  into  execution.  Having  equipped  a 
formidable  armament,  he  landed  in  Cornwall,  and  proceeding 
to  Exeter,  reduced  that  city  to  ashes  and  massacred  all  the 
inhabitants.  The  war  was  now  carried  on  by  the  Danes,  not 
for  the  sake  of  pillage,  as  formerly,  but  on  the  principle  of 
vengeance  and  extermination.  The  whole  kingdom,  except 
the  city  of  London,  was  subdued;  the  principal  towns  Mere 
reduced  to  heaps  of  ruins  and  ashes,  and  their  inhabitants 
were  put  to  the  sword  without  mercy.!  London  was  repeat- 
edly attacked  by  the  Danes  ;  but  the  city  being,  at  that  time, 
defended  by  strong  walls  both  towards  the  land  and  the  river, 
was  proof  against  all  tlie  attempts  of  their  fleets  and  their 
armies.  Ethelred  shut  himself  up,  for  some  time,  in  London  ; 
hut  dreading  to  fall  in  the  hands  of  the  Danish  monarch, 
from  whom  he  could  not  expect  any  mercy,  he,  at  length, 
privately  retired  with  his  family  into  Normandy.     After  his 

*  M.  Westminster,  p.  392. 

\  In  the  year  1006,  no  less  than  30,0001.  or,  according  to  some,  36,0001. 
were  paid  by  the  English  to  the  Danes  as  tlie  purchase  of  a  short  armis- 
tice; and  in  1010,  the  Danish  victories  procin-cd  them  the  cession  of  16 
counties  and  the  sum  of  48,0001  Turner  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1.  p.  418  and 
419. 


SAXONS  AND  DANES.  41 

retreat,  the  nobles  aud  the  citizens  of  London  sur- 
'   ■       ''*  rendered   the   metropolis  to   Swein,   and  acknowl- 
edged liim  as  sole  monarch  of  England.  This  conqueror,  how- 
ever, died  in  the  following  year,  and  his  demise  occasioned 

another  contest  for  the  crown.  On  the  death  of 
'  Swein,  his  son,  Canute,  was  proclaimed  king  of 
England  by  the  Danes ;  but  tlie  English  being  weary  of  a 
foreign  yoke,  recalled  Ethelred  to  the  throne.*  An  unexpected 
event,  however,  prevented  Canute  from  immediately  asserting 
his  claim.  Harold,  his  younger  brother,  had,  on  receiving 
the  news  of  his  father's  death,  usurped  the  throne  of  Den- 
mark. Canute,  therefore,  rightly  judging  it  impolitic  to 
neglect  his  paternal  inheritance  for  a  kingdom  recently  sub- 
dued and  ripe  for  revolt,  and  undoubtedly  considering  that, 
in  case  of  any  unfavourable  turn  of  affairs  in  England,  he 
could  expect  no  assistance  from  Denmark  while  that  country 
was  in  the  possession  of  a  hostile  brother,  he  suddenly  em- 
barked his  army  and  set  sail  for  his  patrimonial  dominions. t 
Ethelred  no  sooner  saw  himself  rid  of  the  Danes,  than  for- 
getting the  promises  made  to  his  subjects  on  his  re-call,  he 
again  resumed  his  former  maxims  of  government,  and  render- 
ed himself  odious  by  acts  of  tyranny. 

The  freedom  from  foreign  hostility  which  England  enjoyed 
after  the  retreat  of  the  Danes,  continued  little  more  than  one 
year.     Canute,   having  expelled  his  brother  from  the  throne 

of  Denmark,  immediately  set  sail  for  England,  and 
^*  ■  ''  unexpectedly  landed  a  numerous  army  at  Sandwich. :(: 
Ethelred  sent  his  son,  Edmund,  and  his  son-in-law,  Streon, 
duke  of  Mereia,  with  a  powerful  force  to  repel  the  invaders. 

*  During  the  three  successive  years  1012, 1013,  and  1014,  the  Danish 
fleet  was  generally  stationed  in  the  Thames  opposite  to  Greenwich,  and 
their  army  on  the  hill  above,  fi'om  whence  they  made  predatory  excur- 
sions into  the  adjacent  country.  Lyson's  Envir.  of  Lond.  4.  p.  A27-  et 
aucti 

■j-Rapinl.  p.  122.  Turner  mentions  this  circumstance  very  slightly. 
Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1.  p.  421. 

1:  Canute  sullied  his  fame  by  barbarously  cutting  off  the  hands  and 
noses  of  the  hostages  which  the  English  had  delivered  to  his  father 
Swein.  Rapin  and  Tindal's  Notes  1.  p.  122.  Turner  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1. 
p.  421. 

G 


4)3  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  J 

But  the  treacherous  Edrie  abandoning  the  interests  of  his 
sovereign  and  iatlier-in-Iaw,  Ment  over  to  Canute  with  a  con- 
siderable part  of  the  army,  and  used  every  art  to  infuse  his 
perfidious  principles  into  the  minds  of  the  Mercians.  Ed- 
mund, after  much  solicitation,  prevailed  on  the  king  to  come 
to  the  army,  and  take  the  command  in  person  as  (he  only 
means  of  putting  a  stop  to  the  defection.  But  Ethelred  no 
sooner  arrived  at  the  camp,  than  apprehending  a  design  of 
delivering  him  up  to  the  Danes,  he  suddenly  returned  to  Lon- 
don, where  he  thought  himself  in  greater  security.*  Edmund 
being  thus  unsupported  by  his  father,  betrayed  by  his  brother- 
in-law,  and  abandoned  by  the  Mercians,  was  unable  to  keep 
the  field  against  Canute,  and  therefore  retreated  with  the  re- 
mainder of  his  army  to  London.  At  this  critical 
A.D.lOie.pp^j^j  Ethelred  departed  this  life,  in  the  fiftieth 
year  of  his  age  and  the  thirty -seventh  of  his  reign,  which  was 
one  of  the  most  calamitous  of  those  recorded  in  the  history  of 
this  or  any  other  country.  Equally  incapable  and  unfortunate, 
he  was  destitute  both  of  political  and  military  talents,  and 
constantly  betrayed  or  misled  by  those  who  possessed  his  con- 
fidence ;  his  counsels  were  directed  by  weak  and  ignorant 
ministers,  and  his  fleets  and  armies  conducted  by  cowards  and 
traitors  :  at  his  accession  to  the  throne  he  found  England  in  a 
wealthy  and  flourishing  condition ;  but  he  left  it  at  his  death 
in  a  state  of  extreme  poverty  and  desolation.f 

On  the  demise  of  Ethelred,  the  city  of  London  and  the  no- 
bles that  were  there  assembled,  proclaimed  his  son,  Edmund, 
king  of  England ;  but  the  Danes  and  some  of  the  English  de- 
clared for  Canute.  The  martial  genius  and  dauntless  courage 
of  Edmund,  which,  with  his  athletic  strength,  procured  him 
the  surname  of  Ironside,  formed  a  striking  contrast  with 
his  father's  pusillanimity;  and  both  the  rival  kings  possessing 
consummate  abilities  for  war,  the  contest  was  carried  on  with 
redoubled  vigour ;  but  as  Canute  had  embraced  the  christian 
religion,  his  hostilities  were  attended  with  less  inhumanity. 

*  Historians  are  unable  to  ascertain  whether  the  khig  had  any  ground 
for  th}s  suspicion,  or  whether  it  had  been  suggested  by  traitors  about  his 
person.    Seellapinl,  p.  122. 

f  In  this  calamitous  reign  it  was  asserted  that  one  Dane  was  able  to  put 
ten  Enirlishmen  to  flight.     Hicke's  Thes.  Dissert.  103. 


SAXONS  AND  DANES.  43 

One  of  his  principal  objects  was  the  reduction  of  London, 
which  he  considered  as  the  focus  of  Edmund's  power  and  his 
greatest  support.  In  this  view  he  laid  siege  thr^e  different 
times  to  that  city  5  but  was  repulsed  by  the  valour  of  the  in- 
habitants. In  the  last  of  these  sieges  he  resolved  to  assault 
the  city  botli  by  land  and  by  water  ;  but  the  passage  of  his 
ships  up  the  Thames  being  impeded  by  the  bridge,  which,  at 
that  time,  though  constructed  of  timber,  appears  to  have  been 
strongly  fortified,  he  had  recourse  to  an  extraordinary  and 
most  laborious  expedient  for  surmounting  this  obstacle.  He 
cut  a  wide  and  deep  ditch  from  Rotherhithe,  passing  in  a  cir- 
cuitous direction  at  a  considerable  distance  from  the  Thames, 
and  opening  into  that  river  opposite  to  the  western  extremity 
of  the  city.*  Having  drawn  liis  ships  through  this  canal  into 
the  Thames,  London  was  completely  invested.  Notwithstand- 
ing, however,  these  stupendous  efforts,  the  Danish  prince,  be- 
ing repulsed  in  all  his  assaults,  was  finally  obliged  to  relin- 
quish his  enterprise. 

In  regard  to  the  operations  in  the  field  during  this  war,  we 
meet  with  such  confusion  among  our  historians,  that  it  is  im- 
possible to  develope  particulars.  What  may  be  in  general 
collected  from  their  accounts  is,  that  the  contending  par- 
ties fought,  in  the  space  of  one  year,  five  pitched  battles 
with  various  success,  and  that  in  the  last  the  treacherous 
Edric  Streon,  duke  of  Mereia,  who  had  been  generously  par- 
doned and  received  into  favour  by  Edmund,  deserted  his  post 
and  joined  the  Danes  with  the  body  of  troops  under  his  com- 
mand. Why  Edmund  should  be  so  far  misled  as  to  place  any 
confidence  in  a  tratior,  by  whom  both  his  predecessor  and  him- 
self had  been  so  often  deceived  and  their  interests  betrayed, 
is  a  question  to  which  no  historical  document  furnislics  a  so- 
lution. This  battle,  however,  whicli  was  fouglit  at  Ashdon, 
near  Waldon,  in  Essex,  was  extremely  disastrous  to  Edmund, 
whose  loss  was  irretrievable.!  The  flower  of  the  English 
nobility,  all  the  lords  of  the  most  distinguished  valour  fell 
that  day  with  their  swords  in  their  hands,  bravely  fighting  for 
iheir  king  and  the  independence  of  their  country. 

•  Pennanl's  London,  p.  281,  et  auctor. 
t  Tindal's  notes  on  JRapin  1.  p.  123. 


44  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

Edmund,  howover,  by  extraordinary  eftbrts,  oollcclcd  an- 
other army,  and  prepared  to  renew  the  contest.  Tlie  two 
rival  princes  drew  up  tlicir  forces  in  sight  of  each  otlier,  and 
were  ready  to  give  the  signal  for  a  battle,  wliich  was,  in  all 
probability,  to  decide  their  fate  and  that  of  the  kingdom,  Avheu 
Edmund,  knowing  that  a  defeat  would  involve  him  in  irre- 
trievable ruin,  and  confiding  in  his  personal  courage  and 
strength,  proposed  to  the  Dauisli  king  to  determine  the  con- 
test by  a  single  combat.*  But  Canute  declining  this  mode  of 
decision  by  reason  of  his  inferiority  in  bodily  strength  to  his 
antagonist,  a  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded,  and  the  kingdom 
■was  divided  bet\^  ecn  the  two  claimants,  with  the  reversion  of 
the  whole  to  the  survivor.f  Edmund,  however,  did  not  long 
enjoy  his  share  of  the  partition.  Before  he  had  sat  a  year 
on  the  throne  he  was  assassinated  by  his  treacher- 
^'^'  ' '  ous  brother-in-law,  the  duke  of  Mercia4  The  reign 
of  Edmund  was  short  ;  but  his  life  had  been  rendered  illus- 
trious by  his  undaunted  courage,  his  consummate  prudence, 
and  his  generous  disposition.  His  death  put  the  Danish  king 
in  peaceable  possession  of  all  England,  after  the  Anglo-Saxon 
monarchy  had  lasted  a  hundred  and  ninety  years,  reckoning 
from  the  time  of  Egbert  and  five  hundred  and  sixty-two  from 
its  first  foundation  by  Hengist.§ 

Canute  no  sooner  saw  himself  sole  monarch  of  England,  than 
he  endeavoured,  by  every  means,  to  gain  the  affections  of  his 
subjects.  He  caused  justice  to  be  impartially  administered, 
and  publicly  declared  that  there  should  be  no  distinction  be- 
tween the  English  and  the  Danes.  In  order  to  secure  his 
title,  he  sent  the  two  sons  of  Edmund  Ironside  to  the  king  of 
Sweden,  by  whom  they  were  sent  to  Solomon,  king  of  Hun- 

*  The  circumstances  attending  this  challenge  are  variously  related  by 
historians.  Some  affirm  and  otiiers  deny  tiiat  the  combat  actually  took 
place.  See  Tindal's  Notes  on  Rapin  1.  p.  124.  Turner  says,  "it  is  not 
certain  whether  the  challenge  was  accepted."  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1.  p.  427. 

f  The  subject  of  the  reversion  is  not  ascei-taincd.    Rapin  1.  p.  124. 

t  The  fact  of  his  assassination  by  Edric  is  sufficiently  autlienticated  ; 
but  the  mode  of  its  perpetration  is  variously  related.  Rapin  and  Tindal's 
Notes  1.  p.  124. 

§  The  first  arrival  of  Henglst  was  in  the  jear  449 :  in  455  he  seized  on 
Kent,  and  establislied  his  dominion  over  tliat  province. 


DANES.  45 

gary,  who  educated  them  at  lus  court,  and  married  them  into 
his  family.*  Two  sons  of  Ethelred  II.  yet  remained;  but 
their  fate  has  not  been  ascertained,  though  historians  insinu- 
ate that  one  of  them,  at  least,  was  privately  dispatched.  These 
uncertain  surmises,  therefore,  it  is  best  to  consign  to  oblivion. 
Canute,  also,  in  order  to  strcngtiicn  himself  by  a  powerful  and 
commodious  alliance,  espoused  Emma,  the  w  idow  of  Ethelred 
II.  and  sister  to  Richard  II.  duke  of  Normandy.  And  by  the 
marriage  articles,  the  succession  to  the  crown  of  England  was 
settled  on  the  heirs  of  her  body  by  Canute,  to  the  exclusion 
of  the  cliildren  of  Ethelred. 

Canute  having,  by  these  precautions,  secured  himself  against 
the  claims  of  the  Saxon  princes,  his  next  object  was  to  get  rid 
of  some  nobles,  whose  power  he  dreaded  and  whpse  fidelity  he 
distrusted.  The  chief  of  these  was  Edric  Streon,  duke  of  Mer- 
cia,  a  notorious  traitor  in  whom  lie  could  place  no  reliance. 
The  insolence  of  this  nobleman  soon  furnished  Canute  w  ith  a 
pretext  for  ridding  himself  of  a  turbulent  and  treacherous 
subject,  by  an  act  of  justice  highly  agreeable  to  the  English. 
Edric  having  publicly  reproached  the  king  for  not  rewarding 
liim  in  proportion  to  his  services,  among  which  he  reckoned 
the  assassination  of  Edmund,  Canute  answered,  that  as  he 
openly  avowed  a  crime,  of  which  he  had  hitherto  been  only 
suspected,  he  should  receive  the  due  punishment.  At  the  same 
instant,  w  ithout  leaving  him  time  to  reply,  he  commanded  him 
to  be  immediately  beheaded  and  his  body  to  be  thrown  into 
the  Thames.  Several  other  lords,  whom  the  king  suspected, 
were  banished  the  realm  or  removed  from  their  posts,  which 
Avere  filled  by  others  in  whom  he  could  place  greater  confi- 
dence. Canute  having  now  established  a  profound  tran<(uil- 
lity,  and  no  longer  dreading  any  revolt,  levied  a  tax  for  the 

*  Canute  is  generally  accused  of  sending  the  two  sons  of  Edmund  to 
Sweden,  in  order  to  have  tliem  put  to  death.  See  Rapin  1.  p.  125.  Tur- 
ner 1.  p.  432.  The  story,  however,  is  improbable.  Historians  say,  that 
Canute  was  afraid  of  gi\'ing  umbrage  to  tiie  Englisli  by  their  destruction 
at  home  ;  but  where  would  have  been  the  difficidtj'  of  privately  murder- 
ing them  in  England,  without  go  romantic  a  scheme  of  assassination  as 
sending  them  to  Sweden  i 


'10  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

payment  of  the  Danish  troops,  of  whom  a  great  part  was  sent 
hack  to  Denmark.* 

Ten  years  after  his  accession  to  the  throne  of  Ens- 

A  n  1  n  2"' 

'  land,  Canute  acquired  that  of  Norway.  Reviving 
some  ancient  claims  of  his  family  to  that  kingdom,  he  began 
the  execution  of  his  design  by  attaching  the  Norwegian  lords 
to  his  interests  with  large  sums  of  money.f  Having  thus 
succeeded  in  forming  a  strong  party,  he  sailed  with  a  con- 
siderable body  of  English  troops,  and  suddenly  landed  them 
in  Norway.  Olaus,  the  reigning  prince,  surprised  at  this  un- 
expected invasion,  and  still  more  at  the  defection  of  a  great 
part  &f  his  subjects,  was  obliged  to  seek  safety  in  flight.  On 
Lis  retreat,  Canute  was  immediately  proclaimed  king,  and 
thus  united  on  his  own  head  the  three  crowns  of  Denmark, 
England,  and  Norway. 

After  this  easy  conquest,  Canute  bade  adieu  to  the  pursuits 
of  ambition  and  the  turmoils  of  war,  and  devoted  the  rest  of 
his  reign  to  the  duties  of  religion  and  the  maintenance  of  peace. 
He  built,  repaired,  or  enriched,  a  number  of  churches  and 
monasteries,  and  shewed  a  particular  respect  for  St.  Edmund, 
king  of  East  Anglia,  who,  as  already  related,  was  murdered 
in  the  year  S70  by  the  Danes.  Canute  erected  a  stately 
church  over  his  grave,  and  greatly  enlarged  the  town  of  St. 
Edmunsbury.  The  monastery  which  Edward  the  elder  had 
founded  at  that  place,  experienced  in  an  eminent  degree  his 
munificence.  He  greatly  enlarged  the  buildings,  and  aug- 
mented the  revenues ;  so  that  through  his  liberality  it  became; 
one  of  the  richest  religious  houses  in  the  kingdom. 

Not  satisfied  with  displaying  his  devotion  at  home,  Canute 
took  a  journey  to  Rome,  where  he  gave  numerous  proofs  of  his 
piety  and  his  munificence,  and  also  of  his  paternal  affection 
for  his  subjects. J    He  procured  from  the  Emperor  Conrad  I. 

*  Historians  are  not  agreed  as  to  the  amount  of  this  tax.  Some  slate 
it  at  72,000/.  and  others  at  80,000/.  It  is  also  said,  tliat  the  city  of  Lon- 
don paid  11,000/.  which  is  supposed  not  to  liave  been,  even  then,  a  place 
of  considerable  commerce  and  wealth.    Tindal's  Notes  on  Rapin  1.  p.  125. 

t  Flor.  393.  Snorre  295.  ap.  Turner  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1.  p.  435. 

i  The  whole  character  of  Canute  breathes  an  air  of  barbaric  gran- 
deur,   lie  was  formed  by  nature  to  towef  amid  his  cotemporarieg.   His 


DANES.  47 

who  was  at  the  same  time  at  Rome,  as  also  from  the  Pope 
and  the  king  of  France,  many  privileges  for  English  pilgrims 
and  travellers,  among  which  was  an  exemption  from  tolls  ia 
passing  through  Germany,  France,  and  Italy.  After  his  re- 
turn from  Rome,  Canute  employed  the  rest  of  his  days  in  pro- 
moting the  good  of  his  peoj)le,  and  in  acts  of  devotion.  Thus 
he  lived  beloved  by  his  subjects,  and  esteemed  by  his  neigh- 
bours, and  died  universally  lamented  in  the  nineteenth 

*  *  '  year  of  a  glorious,  and  in  the  latter  part  at  least, 
a  benificent  reign,*  in  which  England  had  enjoyed  a  longer 
period  of  peace  and  prosperity  than  under  any  of  her  other 
monarchs,  except  Edgar  and  his  son  Edward  the  Martyr, 
since  the  arrival  of  the  Saxons. f 

Canute,  at  his  death,  divided  his  dominions  among  his 
three  sons.  Swein,  the  eldest,  had  Norway  for  his  portion  ; 
to  his  second  son,  Harold,  he  bequeathed  England  ;  and  he 
gave  Denmark  to  Hardycanute,  whom  he  had  by  Emma 
of  Normandy.  This  division,  however,  threatened  England 
with  a  civil  war.  The  inhabitants  of  the  ancient  kingdom 
of  Wessex,  elected  Hardycanute  for  their  king,  while  the 
people  to  the  north  of  the  Thames  adhered  to  the  will  of 
Canute  and  the  interests  of  Harold.  Hardycanute  being  then 
in  Denmark,  Harold  gained  Earl  Godwin,  who  held  the  reins 
of  government  in  Wessex,  and  by  his  means  was  acknowledged 
as  king. 

Emma  of  Normandy  perceiving  the  impossibility  of  recov- 
ering Wessex  for  Hardycanute,  formed  the  design  of  j)lacing 

mind  and  lus  manners  refined  as  his  age  matured.  The  first  part  of  his 
reign  was  cruel  and  despotic.  His  latter  days  shone  with  a  glory  more 
unclouded.    Turn.  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1.  p.  431. 

*  Rapin  says  that  Canute  died  in  1036,  and  his  commentator,  Tindal, 
adds  that  his  demise  happened  on  the  12th  November.  Rapin  and  Tin- 
dal's  notes  1.  p.  126.  Turner  places  his  death  in  1035.  Turner,  on  the 
authority  of  Snorre,  the  Icelandic  historian,  says  that  Canute  died  at  the 
age  of  40.     Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1.  p.  431,  note  2. 

f  Rapin  says  tliat  Canute  was  of  a  small  stature,  and  feeble  constitu- 
tion. 1.  p.  124,  &c-  Turner  represents  him  as  large  in  stature,  and  very 
powerful ;  fair,  and  distinguished  for  his  beauty  ;  his  nose  thin  and  aqui- 
line ;  his  eyes  bright  and  fierce.    Uist.  Ang.  Sax.  1.  p.  411. 


48  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

on  the  throne  one  of  her  sons  by  Ethelred.*  But  Godwin,  who 
was  a  person  of  deep  penetration,  soon  discovered  the  plot, 
and  suggested  to  Harohl  tlie  destruction  of  the  two  Saxon 
princes  as  the  surest  means  of  prevenliui;  its  execution.  Har- 
ohl, by  tlie  advice  of  Godwin,  invited  the  two  young  princes 
to  liis  court.  But  Emma  suspectiuf:  some  ill  design,  resolved 
not  to  put  both  her  sous  at  once  into  the  power  of  Harold,  and 
therefore  contrived  iirst  to  send  Alfred,  the  eldest,  and  to  re- 
tain Edward,  the  younger,  under  some  pretence,  till  his  broth- 
er's return.  Alfred  set  out  with  a  splendid  retinue ;  but  was 
attacked  on  the  road  oy  Earl  Godwin  and  his  vassals.  The 
unhappy  prince  was  deprived  of  his  sight,  and  shut  up  in  the 
monastery  of  Ely,  where  he  soon  after  died.  x\bout  six  hund- 
red of  his  train  were  put  to  (loath,  with  the  most  horril)le  cir- 
cumstances of  cruelty.!  Emma  and  Edward  convinced  by 
this  horrible  deed  of  the  fate  which  impended  over  their 
heads,  saved  themselves  by  a  precipitate  flight,  the  former  re- 
tiring into  Flanders,  the  latter  into  Normandy. 

The  king  did  not  long  enjoy  the  fruits  of  this  sanguinary 
act  of  perfidious  policy,  Avhich  fixes  an  indelible  stain  on  his 
character,  as  well  as  on  that  of  Earl  Godwin,  his  execrable 
agent  and  counsellor.  At  the  critical  moment  when  his  broth- 
er Hardycanute  was  making  preparations  for  wresting  the 
sceptre  from  his  hand,  Harold  died  before  he  had 
■*'    '  '  completed  the  fourth  year  of  his  reign. 

The  death  of  Harold,  by  leaving  the  succession  open  to 
his  brother,  in  all  probability  preserved  England  from  the 
horrors  of  invasion  and  civil  war.  The  prelates  and  nobles, 
both  of  the  English  and  Danish  race,  uuanimously  aeknoAvl- 
edged  Hardycanute  for  their  sovereign.  On  his  arrival  at 
London,  the  new  monarch  Avas  received  Mith  great  demon- 
strations of  joy.  Earl  Godwin  had,  from  his  past  conduct, 
the  greatest  reason  to  apprehend  the  eftects  of  his  resentment  ; 
hut  that  subtile  courtier  soon  found  means  to  ingratiate  him- 
self with  his  new  sovereign. 

*  Rapiii  1.  p.  128.    Ilume  makes  no  mcnlion  of  any  sucl>  dcbig-n.     See 
vol.  1. 
t  Sim.  Dunelm.  p.  179.    ^I.  West.  p.  210.     Kush.  Coll.  -i.  p  411. 


JOANES.  49 

Hardycanute  commenced  his  reign  with  a  singular  act  of 
vengeance.  He  caused  the  body  of  his  brother  Harold  to  be 
taken  out  of  his  grave,  and  tlirown  into  the  Thames  ;  and 
tvhen  it  was  found  by  some  fishermen,  and  buried,  he  ordered 
it  to  be  dug  up  again  and  flung  into  the  river ;  but  it  w  as 
fished  up  again,  and  interred  with  great  secrecy. 

On  this,  as  on  every  other  occasion,  earl  Godwin  was  one 
of  the  most  forward  in  displaying  his  rage  against  the  mem- 
ory of  Harold,  most  probably  in  the  view  of  justifying  him- 
self from  the  charge  of  participating  in  his  counsels.  But 
prince  Edward  being  invited  to  court  by  the  king,  preferred 
an  accusation  against  Godwin  for  the  murder  of  Alfred,  and 
demanded  justice  for  that  crime.  Earl  Godwin  had  now  oc- 
casion for  all  his  address,  and  knowing  the  avaricious  dispo- 
sition of  the  king,  sagaciously  diverted  the  storm  by  a  mag- 
nificent present  previous  to  his  trial.*  This  courtly  manreuvre 
appeased  the  resentment  of  Hardycanute,  w  ho  now  forgot  the 
murder  of  his  brother,  and  allowed  Godwin  to  be  acquitted  ou 
making  oath  of  his  innocence. 

But  of  all  the  measures  of  Hardycanute,  that  which  exci- 
ted the  most  general  indignation  was,  his  renewing  the  impo- 
sition of  Danegeldt,  and  obliging  the  nation  to  raise  a  large 
sum  of  money  for  the  payment  of  the  fleet  which  had  brought 
him  from  Denmark.  At  Worcester,  two  of  the  collectors  be- 
ing massacred,  the  king  made  that  city  a  terrible  example  of 
his  vengeance.  He  immediately  commanded  earl  Godwin, 
duke  of  Wessex  ;  Leofric,  duke  of  Mercia;  and  Siward,  duke 
of  Northumberland,  to  collect  their  forces,  and  destroy  the 
city  with  fire  and  sword.  These  lords  executed  his  orders  only 
in  part,  and  witJi  great  reluctance.  The  town  was  plundered 
by  the  soldiers,  and  afterwards  consumed  with  fire.  But  the 
inhabitants  >vere  sufiered  to  retire  to  a  small  island  in  the 
Severn,  till  measures  were  taken  to  appease  the  king,  and  ob- 
tain  the  pardon  of  the  suppliants.     Hardycanute,  however, 

*  Tliis  was  a  mag-nlficent  g^allcy  vitli  a  gilt  stern,  rowed  by  eighty  men, 
each  of  whom  had  on  liis  arm  a  gold  bracelet  of  sixteen  ounces  weight  * 
with  gilded  hehnets  and  swoi-ds,  and  a  Danish  battle-ax  adorned  with 
gold  and  silver,  hanging  on  the  left  shoulder,  with  a  lance  of  the  same  in 
his  right  hand.  Every  part  of  the  vessel  and  its  equipage  displayed  a 
corresponding  magnificence. 

H 


50  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

did  not  long  enjoy  a  crown  which  he  shewed  himself  so  iin- 
wortliy  to  wear.  He  died  suddenly  at  Lambeth,  in 
"  ■  '  '  the  tliird  year  of  his  reign,  at  tlie  nuptial  feast  of  a 
Danish  lord.  Ilapin  supposes  that  Iiis  death  iniglit  be  caused 
by  poison,  v-  hile  others  ascribe  it  to  excessive  intoxication,  a 
conjecture  l':ir  from  improbable,  as  he  frequently  used  to  spend 
■vvhole  days  and  nights  in  feasting  and  carousing.*  His  usual 
habits  of  intemperance  were  so  well  known,  that  notwith- 
standing his  robust  constitution,  which  caused  the  epithet  of 
Hardy  to  be  prefixed  to  his  name,  his  sudden  death  excited 
little  surprise,  and  certainly  still  less  regret.  As  he  lived,  so 
he  died,  universally  detested ;  and  historians  inform  us  that 
the  anniversary  of  his  death  was,  during  the  space  of  four 
liuudred  years,  celebrated  in  England  as  a  holiday,  under  the 
appellation  of  Hogstide.f 

On  the  death  of  Hardycanutc  without  issue,  Edward,  sur- 
named  the  Confessor,  son  of  Ethelred  II.  and  Emma  of  Nor- 
mandy, was  elected  king  by  the  unanimoiis  consent  of  the 
nation.  This  setting  aside  of  the  Danish  succession,  with- 
out any  contest  or  struggle,  may  be  regarded  as  one  of  those 
unexplained  and  indeed  inexplicable  facts  which  are  often 
met  with  in  history.  We  are  told  that  a  general  council  hav- 
ing been  called,  earl  Godwin  made  a  speech,  in  which  he  ex- 
hibited a  striking  picture  of  the  calamities  Avhich  England 
had  suffered  from  the  Danes.  In  this  oration  he  is  said  to 
have  recalled  to  the  remembrance  of  the  assembly  those  un- 
liappy  times,  when,  if  an  Englishman  and  a  Dane  met  at  a 
bridge,  the  former  durst  not  advance  one  step  till  the  latter 
had  passed,  and  when  an  Englishman  meeting  a  Dane,  and 
neglecfing  to  make  a  low  bow,  was  sure  to  be  severely  beat- 
en.:^  It  is  further  added,  that  this  harangue  made  such  an  im- 
pression on  the  assembly,  as  to  produce  an  unanimous  resolu- 
tion that  no  prince  of  Danish  i-acc  should  again  sit  on  the 
throne.  Some  even  pretend  that  all  the  Danes  were  expelled, 
and  one  of  their  own  historians  asserts  that  they  were  extir- 

*  Rapin,  with  Tindal's  notes,  1.  p.  129. 

f  See  Tindal's  notes  on  Rapin,  1.  p.  129 ;  or  Ilockday  Spelm.     Oloss. 
voce  Hockday. 
:]:  Kaphi.  1.  p.  130. 


SAXONS.  ISl 

pated  in  one  night,  by  a  general  massacre.*  Btit  iu  the  ex- 
isting circumstances  of  the  times,  their  expulsion  or  niassa- 
ere  must  be  regarded  as  equally  impossible.  The  Danes  had 
long  possessed  all  the  northern  and  eastern  parts  of  the  coun- 
try, and  even  in  the  heart  of  the  kingdom  they  appear  to 
have  been  as  numerous  as  the  Englisli,  Avhose  superiority  was 
confined  to  the  city  of  London,  the  counties  of  Middlesex  and 
Essex,  and  the  provinces  south  of  the  Thames.  After  having 
repeatedly  ravaged,  and  at  length  conquered  the  whole  king- 
dom, they  had  completely  established  their  dominion,  and  four 
Danish  monarchs  had  successively  swayed  the  sceptre  of 
England.  Such  being  the  state  of  the  ease,  we  are  left  at  a 
loss  to  discover  what  became  of  those  mighty  Danes,  who  seem 
to  have  disappeared  at  once,  and  after  the  accession  of  Ed- 
ward the  Confessor,  are  no  more  noticed  in  English  history 
than  if  they  had  never  existed.  This  constitutes  an  historical 
problem,  of  which  Rapin  ingenuously  acknowledges  himself 
unable  to  give  the  solution. t  Hume,  however,  attempts  to  cast 
some  light  on  this  dark  subject,  and  his  view  of  the  affair  in- 
volves the  most  rational  conjectures  that  can  be  formed, 
relative  to  this  extraordinary  and  unprecedented  revolution. 

The  death  of  the  two  last  kings,  without  issue,  adbrded  the 
English  a  favourable  opportunity  of  shaking  off  the  Danish 
yoke.  Swein,  king  of  Norway,  the  eldest  son  of  Canute  the 
Great  was  absent,  and  there  was  not  in  the  kingdom  a  prince 
of  the  Danish  race  to  prefer  a  claim  to  the  cro\vn.  Young 
Edward  happened  to  be  at  court  when  Hardycanute  expired, 
and  though  the  descendants  of  Edmund  Ironside  were  the 
next  heirs  of  the  Saxon  line,  yet  their  absence,  in  so  remote 
a  country  as  Hungary,  appeared  a  sufficient  reason  for  their 

•  Eaqne  nocte,  exiguo  temporis  momento,  velustam  Danorum  domin.i. 
tionem  ac  longo  multoqiie  Majonim  sudore  et  sanguine  partiini  imperium 
Ita  pessumdedit  ut  vix  unquam  postea  Daiios  fortuna  rcspexerit."  Pon- 
tanus  lib.  5. — '•  TJiat  night,  in  one  short  moment  of  time,  the  ancient 
domination  of  the  Danes,  and  that  empire  which  had  been  acquired  by 
the  sweat  and  the  blood  of  tlvclr  ancestors,  was  so  completely  subverted, 
that  fortune  scarcely  ever  more  smiled  on  that  nation." 

f  Rapin  says,  "  This  is  one  of  the  most  difficult  passages  in  the  whole 
English  history :  which  way  soever  it  is  viewed,  insurmountable  difficul- 
ties occur."    Hist.  Eng.  1,  p.  130. 


52  HISTORY  OP  ENGLAND. 

exclusion  to  a  people  like  the  English,  who  had  been  so  littl^ 
accustomed  to  observe  a  regular  order  iu  tlie  succession  of 
their  monarchs.  But  tlie  result  of  the  aflair,  in  a  great  mea- 
sure, depended  on  Earl  Godwin,  wjiosc  wealth  and  influence, 
supported  by  his  powerful  alliances,  his  higli  offices,  and  tlic 
superiority  of  his  genius,  gave  him  a  preponderancy  over  the 
rest  of  the  nobles.  Godwin  was  uo  friend  to  the  Danes  ; 
but,  on  the  other  hand,  there  subsisted  a  deadly  animosity 
between  him  and  Edward,  on  account  of  the  murder  of  Al- 
fred, for  which  he  had  been  publicly  prosecuted  by  that 
prince  in  the  reign  of  Hardycanute.  Their  common  friends 
here  interposed,  and  represented  the  necessity  of  a  reconcilia- 
tion. Godwin,  however,  in  promoting  the  interests  of  others, 
never  neglected  his  own  ;  before  he  engaged  in  Edward's 
cause,  he  extorted  from  him  a  promise  to  marry  his  daughter. 
Having  stipulated  this  alliance,  the  earl  summoned  a  general 
council,  and  took  every  measure  for  securing  the  succession 
to  Edward.  The  English  were  zealous  for  his  interests,  and 
unanimous  in  their  resolutions:  the  Danes  being  without  a 
leader,  were  dispirited  and  divided ;  any  small  opposition 
that  appeared  in  this  assembly  was  easily  overborne,  and 
Edward  being  elected  king,  was  crowned  at  AVinchester, 
amidst  the  greatest  demonstrations  of  public  joy 
*  and  affection.*  The  mildness  of  his  character  soon 
reconciled  the  Danes  to  his  government,  and  the  distinction 
between  the  two  nations  gradually  disappeared.  "  The  Danes 
were  interspersed  with  the  English  in  most  of  the  provinces : 
they  spoke  nearly  the  same  language :  they  differed  little 
in  their  manners  and  laws  :  domestic  dissentions  in  Denmark 
prevented,  for  some  years,  any  powerful  invasion  from  thence 
Avhich  might  awaken  past  animosities ;  and  as  the  Norman 
conquest,  which  ensued  soon  after,  reduced  both  nations  to 
equal  subjection,  there  is  no  farther  mention  in  history  of  any 
difference  between  them.*'t 
Edward  distinguished   the  commencement  of  his  reign  by 

*  Edward  was  raised  to  the  throne  chiefly  through  the  Interest  of  God- 
win, earl  of  Wessex  ;  Leofric,  earl  of  Chester ;  and  Living-,  bishop  of 
Worcester.    Ingulph.  p.  62. 

f  Hume  Hist  Eng.  1.  ch  3.  p.  160, 


SAXONS.  53 

an  act  of  severity  towards  his  niollier,  whom  he  confined  du- 
ring the  remainder  of  her  life  in  a  monastery,  for  her  par- 
tiality to  the  children  of  her  second  husband  Cannte,  and  her 
neglect  of  himself  and  his  lirotlier  in  their  adversity.*  And 
as  her  conduct  in  (hose  particulars  had  rendered  her  unpopu- 
lar, this  harsh  treatment  of  a  parent,  though  severely  censured 
by  a  dispassionate  posterity,  did  not,  at  that  time,  meet  with  n 
very  general  disapprobation.  But  the  partiality  which  Edward 
shewed  to  the  Normans  gave  great  disgust  to  his  subjects.  He 
had  been  educated  in  Normandy,  and  had  formed  intimate 
connections  with  many  of  the  principal  persons  of  that  coun- 
try, as  well  as  imbibed  a  strong  predilection  for  their  manners. 
Soon  after  his  accession  the  court  of  England  was  filled  with 
Normans,  who  being  distinguished  both  by  the  royal  favour, 
and  by  a  degree  ef  cultivation  superior  to  that  which  the  Eng- 
lish had  attained  in  those  ages,  rendered  tlieir  language  and 
customs  fashionable  in  the  kingdom.  The  courtiers  aftected 
to  imitate  those  polished  strangers  in  their  dress,  their  equip- 
age, and  entertainments  ;  and  the  French  language  began  to 
he  generally  studied.  The  church,  in  particular,  felt  the 
effects  of  this  foreign  influence  :  some  of  the  highest  digni- 
ties were  conferred  on  Normans,  and  three  ecclesiastics  of 
that  nation  were  promoted  to  the  bishoprics  of  Dorchester 
and  London,  and  the  archiepiseopal  see  of  Canterbury. 

This  influence  of  the  Normans  excited  the  jealousy  of  the 
English,  and  especially  of  earl  Godwin,  whose  power  render- 
ed his  disaffection  extremely  dangerous.  Besides  being  duke 
or  earl  of  Wessex,  lie  had  the  counties  of  Kent  and  Sussex 
annexed  to  his  government.  His  eldest  son,  Swein,  possessed 
the  same  authority  in  the  counties  of  Oxford,  Berks,  Glouces- 
ter, and  Hereford;  and  his  second  son,  Harold,  was  duke  of 
East  Anglia  and  governor  of  Essex.  The  great  authority  of 
this  family  was  supported  by  immense  possessions  and  pow- 
erful alliances;  and  the  abilities,  as  well  as  the  ambition  of 
Godwin  and  his  sons,  contributed  to  render  it  still  more  dan- 
gerous to  the  croAvn.     While  this  powerful  nobleman  daily 

*  Many  otlier  ridiculous  stories  have  been  banded  down  to  posterity : 
such  as  the  king's  accusation  ap^ainst  her  for  incontinency,  and  her  mi- 
raculous purjfation,  he.  which  have  no  foundation  i,n  autlientic  lilstory. 


51  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

increased  his  popularity,  by  complaining  of  the  influence  of 
Jho  Normans  in  the  i^ovcrnmout  oi*  llie  kingdom,  an  unexpect- 
ed accident,  brought  animosity  into  action.  Eustace,  count  of 
Bouh)gne,  passing  throu^li  Dover  on  his  return  from  a  visit 
to  tho  kincj,  an  aftVay  look  place  between  some  of  his  train 
and  the  inhal)itants  :  about  twenty  were  killed  on  each  side; 
and  the  count  having  narrowly  escaped,  hastened  back  to 
court,  where  he  made  a  complaint  of  the  insult.*  Edward 
immediately  ordered  Godwin  to  repair  to  Dover,  and  punish 
the  inhabit<ints  ;  but  this  nobleman,  A\iio  desired  to  encourage 
rather  than  repress  the  popular  discontents  against  foreigners, 
refused  obedience,  and  endeavoured  to  throw  the  whole  blame 
of  the  riot  on  the  count  and  his  retinue.  The  king  w  as  extreme- 
ly incensed  at  this  refusal  to  obey  his  command  :  and  the  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  with  the  rest  of  the  Normans,  endeav- 
oured to  increase  his  resentment. 

The  earl  perceiving  a  rupture  unavoidable,  began  to  pre- 
pare for  the  contest.  Under  pretence  of  repelling  an  incur- 
sion of  the  Welsh  into  Herefordshire,  he  and  his  sons  levied, 
without  the  king's  orders,  a  considerable  body  of  troops.  Ed- 
ward applied  for  protection  to  Leofric,  duke  of  Mercia,  and 
Siward,  duke  of  Northumberland,  whose  jealousy  of  the  great- 
ness and  aspiring  ambition  of  Godwin,  as  well  as  their  duty  to 
the  crown,  engaged  them  in  the  defence  of  their  sovereign ; 
and  the  people  who  respected  the  long  race  of  their  native 
kings,  from  whom  he  was  descended,  flocked  from  all  quarters 
to  join  his  standard  and  support  his  authority.  The  royal 
army  soon  became  so  considerable,  that  Edward  having  no 
longer  any  thing  to  fear  from  the  efforts  of  rebellion,  convened 
a  general  council,  before  which  Godwin  and  his  sons  Avere 
summoned  to  trial.  These  noblemen,  however,  refusing  to 
appear  without  a  safe  conduct,  and  hostages  for  their  security, 
were  banished  the  kingdom,  and  all  their  estates  were  confisca- 
ted. Godwin,  and  tlirce  of  his  sons.  Garth,  Swcin,  and  Tosti, 
fled  for  protection  to  Baldwin,  earl  of  Flanders  t  Harold  and 
JiCofwiujtwo  other  of  his  sons,  took  shelter  in  Ireland.  The 
CiUecn  Editha,  daughter  of  Godwin,  was  shut  up  in  a  mouas- 

*  Malms,  p.  81.     Brompt,  p.  943. 

i'  Toslij  or  I'ostonj  had  married  the  daiiglUeL'  of  the  earl  of  Flanders; 


SAXONS.  55 

tery ;  and  the  greatness  of  this  family,  which  had  lately  been 
so  ffti'inidahle,  seemed  to  be  for  ever  overthrown.* 

But  Godwin  was  too  strongly  supported  by  alliances,  both 
foreign  and  domestic,  to  remain  in  a  state  of  exile  and  pov- 
erty, without  making  an  effort  for  his  re -establishment.  The 
earl  of  Flanders  furnished  him  with  some  ships,  which  he 
manned  with  freebooters  of  different  nations,  and  his  son  Har- 
old proceeding  on  the  same  plan,  met  with  similar  success  iu 
Ireland.  Putting  to  sea  with  their  piratical  squadrons,  God- 
win harassed  the  eastern,  and  Harold  the  western  coasts  of  the 
kingdom.  Edward,  in  order  to  put  a  stop  to  their  depreda- 
tions, equipped  a  fleet  superior  in  force  to  that  of  the  rebels, 
and  its  appearance  obliged  Godwin  to  retire  into  the  ports  of 
Flanders.  But  while  this  nobleman  was  employed  in  aug- 
menting his  force,  the  English  fleet,  for  some  reasons  which 
historians  have  not  ascertained  witli  precision,  Mas  laid  up  iu 
the  Thames  and  suffered  to  go  to  decay.  Godwin,  on  the  con- 
trary, keeping  his  ships  and  his  men  during  the  space  of  two 
years  in  readiness  for  action,  again  set  sail  and  arrived  at  the 
Isle  of  Wight,  where  he  was  joined  by  Harold  with  a  squadron 
from  Ireland.  Godwin  and  his  son,  Harold,  being  now  mas- 
ters of  the  sea,  immediately  sailed  up  the  Thames  to  London, 
where  nothing  was  seen  but  consternation  and  confusion.  The 
court  was  terrified  into  an  accommodation.  Earl  Godwin  and 
his  sons  were  restored  to  their  estates,  honours,  and  offices,  on 
condition  of  giving  hostages  for  their  future  fidelity.  The 
queen  was  liberated  from  her  confinement,  and  reinstated  iu 
lier  royal  dignity.  And  the  earl  having  delivered  his  son, 
Ulnoth,  and  his  grandson,  Hacune,  as  hostages,  they  were 
eommitted  by  Edward  to  the  care  of  tlie  duke  ofNormandy.f 

The  death  of  earl  Godwin,  which  happened  soon  after 
while  sitting  at  table  with  the  king,  made  no  material  altera- 
tion in  regard  to   the  situation  of  the  family.}     Harold  sue- 

*  Turner's  Hist.  Ang;.  Sax.  1.  p.  453. 

f  Robert  Uie  Norman,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  was  soon  afier  bati- 
ished  by  a  sentence  of  the  general  council  of  the  nation,  and  Sligand,  a 
friend  of  Godwin,  was  advanced  to  that  see  In  his  stead,    liapiu  1.  p.  133. 

t  An  unauthenticated  tale  has  been  handed  down  to  posterity,  concern- 
inn-  earl  Clodwin  being'  clioakcd  by  a  JUiXS*:!  of  mc*a%  in  puj^i.slur.eat  oi' 


5(5  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

eeeded  to  all  the  honours  and  offices  of  his  ftither;  and  as  he 
equalled  him  in  sagacity  and  courage,  and  excelled  him  in 
address  and  politeness,  he  acquired  a  still  greater  influence 
over  both  the  nobles  and  people.  The  government  of  North- 
umberland, vacant  by  the  death  of  Earl  Siuard,  >vas  confer- 
ved  on  Tosti,  the  brother  of  Harold ;  and  the  king,  overawed 
by  the  power  of  the  Godwin  family,  was  impelled  by  fear  to 
load  them  with  favours. 

The  king,  being  far  advanced  in  years,  and  having  no  is- 
sue, began  to  think  of  appointing  a  successor,  and  invited 
from  Hungary  his  nephew,  Edward,  son  of  his  elder  brother, 
Edmund  Ironside,  and  legitimate  heir  of  the  Saxon  line. 
That  prince,  whose  succession  to  the  crown  would  have  been 
undisputed,  came  into  England,  accompanied  by  his  only  son^ 
Edgar,  surnamed  Athcling,  and  his  two  daughters,  Margaret 
and  Christina,  Avho  were  all  born  in  Hungary;  but  his  death, 
soon  after  his  arrival,  gave  rise  to  new  plans  and  intrigues. 
The  king  perceived  that  the  power  and  ambition  of  Harold 
had  prompted  him  to  aim  at  the  crown ;  that  the  people 
marked  him  out  as  the  person  most  worthy  to  reign  ;  and  that 
Edgar,  from  his  youth  and  inexperience,  was  very  unfit  to  con- 
tend with  so  popular  and  enterprising  a  rival.  The  animosity 
which  he  had  long  borne,  to  earl  Godwin,  rendered  him  averse 
to  the  succession  of  his  son ;  and  he  could  not,  Avithout  ex- 
treme reluctance,  contemplate  the  exaltation  of  a  family  that 
was  stained  wi(h  the  blood  of  his  brother,  Alfred,  and  had  risen 
to  greatness  on  the  ruins  of  the  royal  authority.  These  con- 
siderations induced  him  to  cast  his  eye  towards  his  kinsman, 
William  duke  of  Normandy,  as  the  only  person  whose  power, 
abilities,  and  military  rcpiitation,  could  support  any  destina- 
tion tliat  he  might  make  in  his  favour  to  the  exclusion  of  Har- 
old. The  Duke,  indeed,  had,  some  time  before,  paid  a  visit 
to  Edward,  who  is  said  to  have  made  him  a  promise  of  the 
succession ;  but  some  of  our  best  historians  affirm,  that  no 
mention  was  then  made  of  the  affiiir,  and  the  subsequent  in- 
vitation of  the  legitimate  heir  from  Hungary  corroborates  the 
assertion.* 

a  perjured  imprecation.    From  the  manner  of  bis  death  his  disoi  der  sp- 
pears  to  have  been  an  apoplexy.     See  Tindal's  notes  on  liajVm  1.  p.  134. 
*  Ingulplius,  who  was  an  Eng'lishman  by  birth,  but  secretary  to  the 


SAXONSi  07 

Ilaroltl,  in  the  mean  nliile,  was  using  every  means  to  in- 
rrease.  his  popiihuity  and  pave  his  way  to  the  throne.  la  this 
view  he  solicited,  and  by  his  protestations  of  loyalty,  extorted 
the  king's  consent  to  release  the  hostages  which  his  father 
had  delivered,  and  of  which  he  represented  the  further  deten- 
tion as  unnecessary.  Having  procured  the  royal  permission, 
Harold,  in  order  to  effect  his  pnrpose,  set  out  with  a  numer- 
ous retinue  en  his  voyage  to  Normandy,  but  Was  driven  by  a 
tempest  on  the  territory  of  Guy,  count  de  Ponthieu,  who  de- 
tained him  prisoner,  and  demanded  an  exorbitant  sum  for  his 
ransom.  Harold  found  means  to  convey  to  the  duke  of  Nor-- 
niandy  an  account  of  his  situation,  and  of  the  harsh  treat- 
ment which  he  had  met  with  from  the  mercenary  disposition 
of  tlie  count  of  Ponthieu.  William  was  immediately  sensi- 
ble of  the  importance  of  the  incident.  He  knew  the  inten- 
tions of  Edward  in  his  favour,  and  had  already  fixed  his  eyes 
t)n  the  English  crown.  He  foresaw  that  Harold  was  the  man 
who,  above  all  others,  would  have  it  in  his  power  either  to 
facilitate  or  oppose  the  execution  of  his  design ;  and  he  con- 
sidered it  as  absolutely  necessary  to  gain,  if  possible,  one  who 
might  be  so  powerful  a  friend  or  so  formidable  an  enemy. 
"William,  therefore,  sent  a  messenger  to  Guy  to  demand  the 
liberation  of  Harold ;  and  that  baron,  not  daring  to  incur  the 
displeasure  of  so  powerful  a  prince,  delivered  his  prisoner 
into  the  hands  of  the  Normans,  who  conducted  him  to  Roan. 
AVilliam  received  him  with  every  demonstration  of  friendship 
and  respect;  and  after  shewing  himself  disposed  to  comply 
with  his  request  in  releasing  the  hostages,  he  disclosed  to  him 
the  great  secret  of  his  pretensions  to  the  crown  of  England, 
and  of  the  will  which  the  king  intended  to  make  in  his  fav- 
our.*    He  desired  the  assistance  of  Harold  in  perfecting  his 

duke  of  Normandy,  whom  lie  accompanied  to  England,  says,  "  de  sue- 

cessione  autem  regni  spes  adhuc  aut  mentio  nulla  facta  inter  eos  fuit." 

But  concerning  tiie  succession  there  was  not»  at  that  time,  (i.e.)  at  the 
time  of  William's  visit  to  the  court  of  England,  any  hope  excited  or 
mention  made  between  them,"    Ingulph.  p.  65. 

*  William  must  have  been  here  in  a  considerable  dilemma  in  regard  to 

his  conduct  towards  Harold.     He  could  not  be  ignorant  of  the  design  of 

that  nobleman  on  the  throne  ;  and  he  had  no  other  alternative  than  either 

to  detain  him  as  a  jMisoner,  or  to  gain  him  by  persuasion  and  promises. 

I 


OS  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

designs,  anil  promised  to  i'eward  liim  in  proportion  to  the 
magnitude  of  the  service.  Harold,  wlio,  as  well  as  the  uhole 
English  nation,  had  hitherto  been  totally  ignorant  of  the  af- 
fair, was  surprised  at  this  declaration  of  the  duke  :  but  his 
situation  suggested  the  necessity  of  a  feigned  compliance  with 
every  demand.  Having,  therefore,  agreed  to  marry  the 
daughter  of  William,*  and  made  some  other  stipulations  in 
order  to  shew  himself  sincere  ;  he  renounced  for  himself  all 
pretensions  to  the  crown  of  England,  and  promised  to  sup- 
port the  will  of  Edward  and  the  claim  of  the  duke  of  Nor- 
mandy. William  required  him  to  conhrm  his  promises  by  an 
oath,  and  in  order  to  render  it  more  obligatory,  employed  an 
artifice  well  suited  to  the  superstition  of  the  age.  He  secretly 
conveyed  under  the  altar  on  which  Harold  w  as  to  swear,  the 
relics  of  some  of  the  most  revered  saints  of  the  church.  When 
Harold  had  taken  the  oath,  William  uncovered  the  relics  and 
admonished  him  to  observe  religiously  an  engagement  which 
Lad  been  ratified  by  so  tremendous  a  sanction. f  After  every 
thing  had  thus  been  settled,  the  English  nobleman  was  dis- 
missed by  the  duke  of  Normandy  with  every  mark  of  honour, 
esteem,  and  confidence. | 

The  former  proceeding,  considering  the  great  power  and  influence  of 
Harold,  might  have  involved  William  in  a  war  with  England,  which  must 
have  proved  fatal  to  his  hopes,  as  ail  the  strong  places  in  the  southern 
parts  of  the  island  were  in  the  hands  of  that  nobleman's  creatures. 

*  The  princess  beuig  yet  too  young  for  marriage,  remained  at  the  court 
of  Normandy.  Tlie  intended  nuptials,  therefore,  were  never  solemnised. 
Rapin  1.  p.  136. 

f  Hume  1.  p.  175  and  auct.  Rapin  only  says,  that  Harold  swore  on  the 
holy  gospels.     1.  p.  ISO. 

+  The  transactions  which  took  place  between  Harold  and  AVilliam  from 
this  time  to  the  battle  of  Hastings,  are  curiously  represented  in  the  cel- 
ebrated tapestry  of  Bajeux,  which  was  formerly  kept  in  the  cathednal  of 
that  city,  where  I  h.ave  seen  it  many  years  ago.  R  was  kept  carefully 
locked  up,  except  on  midsummer's  eve  and  the  seven  days  following, 
when  it  was  annually  exposed  to  public  inspection ;  but  it  has,  since  the 
commencement  of  the  war,  been  removed  to  tlie  museum  Napoleon  at 
Paris.  The  limits  of  this  work  do  not  permit  me  to  give  a  description  of 
this  curious  monument  of  antiquity.  The  ground  is  white  canvas  ;  it  is 
1  foot  11  inches  in  depth,  and  212  feet  in  length,  exhibiting  figures  of 
men,  horses,  ships,  &c.    The  human  figures  arc  entirely  destitute  of  syra- 


SAXONS.  59 

Harold  no  sooner  saw  himself  at  liberty,  than  his  ambition 
suggested  casuistry  sufficient  to  justify  the  violation  of  an 
oath  extorted  from  him  by  fear,  and  which,  if  fulfilled,  might 
subject  his  country  to  the  dominion  of  foreigners.  He  contin- 
ued, with  redoubled  assiduity,  to  increase  his  popularity  and 
the  number  of  his  parlizans  ;  to  reconcile  the  minds  of  the 
English  to  the  idea  of  his  succession ;  and  to  revive  their 
aversion  to  the  Normans.  While  Harold  thus  neglected  no- 
thing that  might  contribute  to  the  accomplishment  of  his  de- 
signs, fortune  threw  in  his  way  two  incidents  wliich  concurred 
to  heighten  his  reputation. 

The  Welsh  having  renewed  their  incursions  under  Griffith, 
their  king,  whose  depredations  had  rendered  his  name  terrible 
to  the  English  borderers,  Harold  perceived  that  nothing 
could  be  more  acceeptable  to  the  public,  or  more  honourable 
to  himself,  than  the  suppression  of  so  dangerous  an  enemy. 
He  accordingly  planned,  in  conjunction  with  his  brother,  Tosti, 
an  expedition  against  Wales.  Having  scoured  the  open  coun- 
try, and  pursued  the  Welsh  into  the  recesses  of  their  moun- 
tains, he  reduced  them  at  last  to  such  distress,  that  they  sent 
him  the  head  of  their  king  as  the  price  of  peace.*  This  event 
shewed  that  Harold  was  formidable  to  the  enemies  of  the 
state,  and  confirmed  the  English  in  their  opinion,  that  he, 
who  knew  so  well  how  to  defend,  deserved  to  wear  the  crown. 

In  this  expedition  Harold  had  given  unquestionable  proofs 
of  his  conduct  and  valour.  The  next  occurrence  that  added 
new  lustre  to  his  glory,  afforded  liim  an  opportunity  of  dis- 
playing his  moderation  and  equity.  His  brother,  Tosti,  duke 
of  Northumberland,  had  so  greatly  abused  his  power,  that 
the  inhabitants  had  revolted  and  expelled  him  fi  om  his  gov- 
ernment.   Morcar  and  Edwin,  two  brothers,  whose  influence 

metry  or  proportion  :  the  ships  are  all  single  masted.  It  is  amply  des- 
cribed by  M.  Lancelot  Mem.  de  I'Acad.  dcs  insciip.  Tom.  9.  and  12,  and 
by  Ducarel  Ang.  Norm.  Antiq.  p.  7S,  &c.  and  concisely  by  Turner  Hist. 
Ang.  Sax.  1.  p.  467,  &c.  A  modern  traveller  justly  observes,  that  it  is  an 
Interesting  piece  to  a  person  who  can  transport  himself  in  idea  back  to  the 
11th  century.  Kotzebue  Travels  to  Paris  3.  p.  218.  Tradition  ascribes 
it  to  Matilda,  wife  of  the  conqueror,  and  the  ladies  of  her  cowrt. 
^  Tiurner's  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1.  p.  458,  and  authorities  there  quoted. 


60  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

was  great  iu  those  parts,  concurred  in  the  insurrection ;  and 
the  former  being  elected  duke,  advanced  with  an  army  to  op-^ 
pose  Harold,  who  Avas  commissioned  by  (lie  king  to  chastise 
the  Northumbrians.  On  the  approach  of  the  royal  army, 
Morcar  sent  a  deputation  to  Harold  to  inform  him  of  the 
causes  of  the  insurrection,  declaring  tliat  neither  he  nor  liis 
followers  had  any  disloyal  intentions :  but  that  they  had  been 
impelled  to  take  arms  by  the  tyranny  of  Tosti,  and  were  de- 
termined to  perish  rather  than  submit  to  be  under  his  power. 
This  vigorous  remonstrance  was  accompanied  by  such  a  detail 
of  well  autlienticated  facts,  that  Harold  abandoned  the  cause 
of  his  brother,  and  by  his  intercession  obtained  the  king's 
pardon  for  the  Northumbrians,  with  the  confirmation  of  Mor- 
car in  the  government  of  their  province.  He  also  espoused 
tlie  sister  of  that  nobleman,  and  by  his  interest  procured  for 
Edwin,  the  younger  brother,  the  government  of  Mercia.* — 
Tosti,  in  a  rage,  departed  the  kingdom,  and  took  refuge  with 
his  father-in-law,  Baldwin,  earl  of  Flanders. 

By  this  marriage  Harold  broke  all  measures  with  the  duke 
of  Normandy.  He  was  now  in  a  situation  which  rendered  it 
no  longer  necessary  to  dissemble.  By  his  possessions,  his 
offices,  and  his  alliances,  almost  all  England  was  engaged  in 
his  interest,  and  seeing  himself  the  idol  of  the  nation,  he 
openly  aspired  to  the  succession.  The  people,  at  the  same 
time,  unanimously  declared  their  opinion  that,  as  it  was  nece«- 
sary  to  set  aside  the  royal  family  on  account  of  the  youth  and 
imbecility  of  Edgar,  the  only  surviving  heir,  there  was  no  one 
so  capable  of  wielding  the  sceptre  as  a  nobleman  of  great 
power,  of  mature  age,  of  approved  courage,  and  consum- 
mate abilities,  exercised  and  perfected  by  long  experience. 
Edward  saw  the  ditticulties,  relative  to  the  disposal  of  the 
crown,  too  great  for  him  to  encounter ;  and  though  his  invet- 
erate prepossessions  against  the  Gotiwin  family  rendered  him 
averse  to  the  pretensions  of  Harold,  he  took  only  feeble  and 
irresolute  measures  for  securing  the  succession  to  the  duke  of 

*  It  has  been  already  observed,  that  the  stipulated  marriage  between 
Harold  and  the  duke  of  Normandy's  daughter,  had  not  taken  place. 


SAXONS.  ti 

Normandy.      In  this  stale  of   indecision  lie  was 
4nrr   '  surprised  by  a  sickness,  of  which  he  died,  in  the  six- 
ty-fiftli  year  of  liis  age,  and  the  twenty-fifth  of  his 
reign. 

This  monarch  was  the  last  of  the  race  of  king  Egbert,  that 
reigned  in  England.  Had  not  his  hatred  to  his  wife  and  her 
family  determined  him  to  abstain,  as  it  is  said,  from  consnm- 
mating  his  marriage,  he  might  prob^ably  have  transmitted  his 
crown  to  a  long  line  of  descendants,  and  preserved  his  king- 
dom from  the  most  direful  calamities.  Edward  appears  not  t# 
have  been  remarkable  either  for  his  virtues  or  his  vices  :  the 
peace  and  prosperity  which  England  enjoyed  while  he  swayed 
the  sceptre,  arc  rather  to  be  ascribed  to  the  circumstances 
of  the  times,  than  to  the  aliilitics  of  the  monarch ;  and  the 
whole  history  of  his  reign  is  only  the  history  of  earl  Godwin 
and  his  son  Harold.*  His  only  virtues  appear  to  have  been 
an  extensive  charity,  an  easy  kind  of  good  nature,  and  a  su- 
perstitious piety.  The  monks,  mIio  enjoyed  his  favonrs,  cried 
up  his  sanctity  and  gave  him  the  pompous  title  of  Confessor, 
although  he  never  experienced  any  troubles  on  account  of  re- 
ligion. Not  contented  with  giving  him  a  passport  to  Para- 
dise, they  assigned  him  an  eminent  place  in  the  calendar, 
though  from  his  continued  severity  to  his  mother,  and  his  in- 
veterate aversion  to  his  virtuous  and  beautiful  queen, he  seems 
io  have  had  little  right  to  that  honourable  distinction. f  But 
as  Agamemnon  was  happy  in  having  a  Homer  to  sing  his  ex- 
ploits, so  Edward  was  fortunate  in  meeting  with  monkish 
historians  to  celebrate  his  sanctity.  They  assure  us  that  he 
was  favoured  with  divine  revelations,  and  Avith  the  special 
privilege  of  curing  the  scrofula.  This  miraculous  power 
Mas  long  supposed  to  have  descended  to  his  successors,  some 
of  whom  were  far  from  being  saints ;  and  the  practice  of 

*  The  most  Important  transactions  of  Edward  were  his  compilation  of 
a  code  of  laws,  which  met  witli  liie  general  approbation  of  his  subjects. 
See  Hume  1.  p.  178  And  his  building-  of  Westminster  Abbe)',  which 
was  afterwards  taken  down  and  re -built  by  Henry  III.  See  Tindal's  notes 
on  Rapin  1.  p.  136. 

f  An  eminent  historian  says,  that  queen  Editha  was  disUnguished  (qf 
her  beauty,  her  virtue,  and  her  learning.    Ingulph  p,  62. 


G2  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

toueluHg  for  that  disorder,  was  continued  by  the  English  mon- 
archs  until  tlie  revolution.  Since  that  time  the  royal  family 
has  had  the  good  sense  to  lay  aside  these  ridiculous  preten- 
sions, and  the  power  of  working  miracles  is  now  left  to  the 
saints  of  unenlightened  ages.* 

Harold  had  so  judiciously  taken  his  measures,  that  on  the 
decease  of  Edward  he  ascended  the  throne  with  as  little  op- 
position as  if  he  had   succeeded   by  hereditary  rigiit.     The 
citizens  of  London  were  zealously  attached  to  his  party  ;   the 
bishops  and  clergy  were  his  adherents  :  and  all  the  powerful 
nobility  connected  with  him  by  alliance,  friendship,  or  interest, 
villingly  seconded  his  pretensions.   Having  assembled  his  par- 
tizans,  he  was  elected  king  by  their  unanimous  sutF- 
'    -  '  rages ;  and  on  the  day  immediately  following  Ed- 
ward's death,  he  was  crowned  by  Aldred,  archl)ishop 
of  York.   If  any  Avere  averse  to  the  measure,  they  were  oblig- 
ed to  conceal  their  sentiments,  and  the  whole  nation  seemed 
joyfully  to  acquiesce  in  his  elevation. f 

The  duke  of  Normandy,  in  the  mean  while,  was  preparing 
to  wrest  from  Harold  his  newly  acquired  sceptre.  He  was 
not  ignorant  that  their  claims  were  to  be  decided  by  the 
sword ;  but,  in  order  to  save  appearances,  he  made  an  offer 
of  negociation,  and  by  his  ambassadors  required  Harold  to 
deliver  up  to  him  the  crown  of  England,  in  conformity  to  Ed- 
ward's intentions  and  to  his  own  solemn  oath.  Harold  re- 
plied, that  the  testament  of  Edward,  in  case  any  such  existed, 
was  illegal,  as  the  laws  did  not  allow  the  king  to  dispose  of 
the  crown  at  his  pleasure,  especially  to  a  foreigner;  that  he 
liimself  had  been  placed  on  the  throne  by  those  in  whom  the 

*  Hume  says,  the  present  reigning  family  first  laid  aside  the  practise 
of  touching  for  the  scrofula.  Vol-  1.  p.  179.  Rapin  ascribes  its  cessa- 
tion to  William  III.  Vol.  1.  p.  137.  The  kings  of  France  used  former- 
ly to  pretend  to  the  same  power.    Tindal's  notes  on  Rapin  1.  p.  137. 

f  As  the  historians  of  those  times  were  most  of  them  prejudiced  in  fa- 
Tour  either  of  Harold  or  William,  it  is  impossible  to  ascertain  the  mode 
in  which  the  former  was  elected.  Some  say  that  Harold  was  elected  by 
the  Wittenri-gemot  or  general  council  of  the  nation  ;  some  ascribe  his 
election  to  an  assembly  of  liis  own  partizans  ;  othci-s  affirm  that  he  seized 
the  cro^vl^  without  any  furmaliiy,  a  fact  wliich  is  scarcely  probable.  See 
li:i.pin  and  Tindal's  notcs^  1.  p,  13S. 


SAXONS.  63 

right  of  election  resided,  and  could  not  resign  it  M'itliout  a 
breach  tjf  the  trust  reposed  in  hioi  by  the  nation ;  that  the  oafh 
alluded  to  being  extorted,  was  null  and  void ;  and,  finnlly, 
that  he  knew  how  to  defend  his  title  against  all  who  should 
oppose  his  claim.  In  consequence  of  this  declaration,  both 
parties  prepared  for  the  contest.  Harold  endeavoured,  by  all 
possible  means,  to  attach  the  people  to  his  interests.  He  di- 
minished the  taxes  and  adopted  other  popular  measures  ;  anct 
the  English,  charmed  with  his  bcneticent  administration,  re- 
solved to  devote  their  lives  and  fortunes  to  support  him  on 
the  throne.  William,  on  the  other  hand,  sensible  that  his  ob- 
ject was  attainable  only  by  arms,  began  to  collect  a  force  com- 
mensurate to  the  magnitude  of  the  enterprise. 

The  greatest  diriiculty  that  the  duke  experienced,  was  the 
raising  of  money  for  so  expensive  an  undertaking.  The 
states  of  Normandy  refused  their  concurrence,  alleging  that 
their  country  was  already  exhausted  by  successive  wars  ; 
that  how  just  soever  his  claims  to  the  crown  of  England 
might  be,  no  advantage  could  accrue  to  their  country  from  such 
a.n  acquisition  ;  and  that  their  allegiance  did  not  oblige  them 
to  engage  in  wars,  in  which  the  state  had  no  concern.  The 
enterprising  spirit  of  individuals,  however,  compensated  the 
parsimony  of  the  states.  Numbers  of  the  Norman  nobility 
and  gentry  not  only  advanced  money,  but  volunteered  to  serve 
in  the  expedition,  and  in  particular,  William  Fitz-Osborn  en- 
gaged to  fit  out  forty  ships  at  his  own  expense.  The  address 
and  the  promises  of  the  duke  diffused  the  same  ardour  through 
the  neighbouring  countries.  The  martial  barons  and  knights 
of  Flanders,  Bretagne,  Boulogne,  Anjou,  jSIainc,  and  Poitou, 
crowded  to  his  standard  on  condition  of  receiving  territorial 
possessions  in  England.  And  although  the  aggrandisement  of 
the  duke  of  Normandy  was  evidently  detrimental  to  the  in- 
terests of  the  French  monarchy,  yet  the  king,  Philip  T.  being 
a  minor,  William  had  so  far  gained  Baldwin,  earl  of  Flanders, 
the  regent,  as  to  prevail  on  him  not  to  oppose  his  undertaking.* 
The  invariable  policy  of  the  see  of  Rome,  was  to  favour  those 
princes  who,  by  placing  themselves  under  its  protection,  ac- 

•  Will,  rolct.  lOr.    Odor.  Vit.  4P-i. 


6i  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

kuowlcdged  its  supreme  autliority,  and  in  order  to  give  softie 
appearance  of  justice  to  his  claim,  he  solicited  and  obtained 
the  approbation  of  the  Pope,  who  not  only  sent  him  a  conse- 
crated banner,  but  issued  an  edict  of  excommunication  against 
all  those  who  should  oppose  the  execution  of  his  designs. 
The  sanction  of  the  holy  see  was  extremely  serviceable  to  the 
duke,  in  enabling  hiui  (o  justify  his  measures  in  the  eyes  of 
the  christian  world,  and  in  removing  any  scruples  that  might 
arise  in  the  breasts  of  those  who  engaged  in  his  cause.  And  in 
order  to  assure  himself  of  temporal  as  well  as  spiritual  pro- 
tection, he  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  emperor,  Henry  IV. 
who  engaged  to  march  m  ith  the  whole  force  of  Germany  against 
any  one  that  should  invade  Normandy  during  AVilliam's  ex- 
pedition to  England.* 

While  the  duke,  with  active  diligence  and  consummate 
policy,  was  preparing  for  his  grand  enterprise,  the  English 
monarch,  who  expected  and  was  ready  to  meet  the  attack^ 
was  suddenly  called  to  repel  another  formidable  invasion. 
Harold,  as  already  observed,  had,  before  his  accession,  es- 
poused the  cause  of  the  Northumbrians,  who  had  expelled 
his  brother,  earl  Toston,  from  the  government  of  their  prov- 
ince on  account  of  his  tyranny.  Toston  could  never  forgive 
this  affront,  and  nourislied,  ever  after,  an  implacable  hatred 
against  his  brother.  The  accession  of  Harold  to  the  throne, 
contributed  to  increase  his  enmity  ;  and  having  obtained  some 
ships  from  Flanders,  he  harassed  the  English  coasts,  for  some 
time,  with  desultory  attacks. f  In  one  of  his  maritime  expe- 
ditions j  he  either  was  driven  or  went  designedly  to  Norway, 
where  he  persuaded  the  king,  Harold  Harfagar,  that  England 
being  divided  by  opposite  factions,  and  the  whole  nation  averse 
to  the  existlug  government,  presented  a  favourable  opportunity 
for  an  easy  conquest ;  and  the  Norwegian  monarch,  whose 
imagination  was  inflamed  with  the  prospect  of  so  glorious  a 
prize,  agreed  to  employ  his  Mhole  force  in  attempting  Its  at- 
tainment. 

The  preparations  for  the  expedition  being  soon  compleled, 

*  P.  baniel  Hist.  de.  France,  Tom.  3  p.  93.    W.  Toict.  i).  198. 
f  Tosti  was  encouraf^ed  by  the  dake  of  Normandy.     P'  Daiilel  Hi*t, 
de  France,  Tom.  3  p.  90. 


SAXONS.  65 

the  king  of  Norway  and  Toston,  with  a  formidable  fleet  and 
army,  sailed  for  the  English  coast,  and  entering  the  Tyne, 
pillaged  the  country  on  both  sides  in  a  dreadful  manner.  Hav- 
ing again  put  to  sea.  and  steered  to  the  southward,  they  en- 
tered the  Humber,  and  proceeding  up  that  river  and  the  Ouse, 
landed  their  forces  at  Riccal,  six  miles  from  York,  and  re- 
commenced their  ravages.  The  two  English  earls,  Morcar 
and  Edwin,  who  commanded  in  that  quarter,  attempted  to 
stop  the  progress  of  the  invaders ;  but  the  English  army  be- 
ing cut  to  pieces  in  a  bloody  engagement  at  the  village  of 
Fulford,  near  York,  that  city  surrendered  by  capitulation. 
Harold,  in  the  mean  while,  having  marched  w ith  great  expe- 
dition from  the  south,  the  Norwegians  began  to  retreat  to- 
wards the  Humber  in  order  to  preserve  a  communication  with 
their  fleet.  The  English  monarch,  by  forced  marches,  came 
up  with  them  at  Stamford  bridge,  about  seven  miles  to  the  east 
of  York,  where  he  found  them  intrenched  in  an  advantageous 
position  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Derwent,  Avhich  ran  along 
their  front  and  protected  them  from  any  attack,  except  by  the 
bridge  of  which  they  were  masters.  In  his  circumstances, 
however,  as  he  expected  an  invasion  from  Normandy,  he  was 
sensible  of  the  necessity  of  bringing  this  contest  to  a  speedy 
issue.  He,  therefore,  gave  orders  for  an  immediate  attack  of 
the  bridge.  The  Norwegians  bravely  defended  that  post,  on 
which  the  safety  of  their  army  depended ;  and  history  com- 
memorates the  extraordinary  prowess  of  one  of  their  warri- 
ors, who,  Avith  his  battle  axe,  for  a  considerable  time  singly 
disputed  the  passage  with  the  English  army,  and  is  said  to 
have  killed  no  less  than  forty  of  the  assailants  with  his  own 
hand.  This  brave  Norwegian  at  length  being  overpow  ered 
by  numbers  and  slain,  the  English  became  masters  of  the 
bridge,  and  rushing  forward  with  resistless  impetuosity,  en- 
tirely routed  the  enemy.  The  two  armies  here  engaged,  each 
consisting  of  at  least  sixty  thousand  men,  were  the  most  for- 
midable that  had  hitherto  appeared  in  an  English  field  of  bat- 
tle, and  the  victory  was  the  most  complete  that  had  ever  been 
gained  by  an  English  monarch.  The  king  of  Norway  and 
earl  Toston,  were  both  slain;  and  Harold,  who  daily  expect- 
ing a  new  invasion,  had  no  time  to  lose,  having  permitted 
K 


66  HlSTOUy  OF  ENGLAND. 

the  Norwegians  <o  retire  to  their  own  country,  twenty  small 
vessels  were  found  sufficient  to  carry  away  the  shattered  re- 
mains of  that  numerous  army  wliich  Harfargar  liad  brouglit 
in  three  hundred,  or  according  to  others,  in  five  hundred  ships, 
from  Norway.* 

After  this  memorable  battle,  which  according  to  the  best  ac- 
counts was  fought  on  the  20th  September,  A.  D.  1066,  only 

nine  days  elapsed  before  the  duke  of  Normandy 
in'fir      '  ^'^'*^<^*1  ""is  army  at  Pevensey,  in  Sussex.    Harold, 

on  receiving  intelligence  of  the  invasion,  returned 
by  hasty  marches  from  the  north,  in  order  to  give  battle  to 
the  Normans,  whom  he  did  not  consider  as  more  formidable 
than  the  Norwegians.  On  his  arrival  at  London,  he  reviewed 
his  army,  and  found  it  greatly  diminished,  not  only  by  the 
late  battle,  but  also  by  desertions,  occasioned  by  the  discon- 
tent of  his  troops.  The  English  monarch  indeed  had  been 
guilty  of  a  piece  of  impolicy,  unpardonable  in  a  military  com- 
mander. In  that  age  it  was  one  of  the  established  rules  of 
war,  that  all  the  spoils  should  be  fairly  divided  among  the 
officers  and  soldiers,  in  proportion  to  military  rank.f  The 
plunder  of  the  Norwegian  camp  at  Stamford  bridge,  had  af- 
forded an  immense  booty ;  but  Harold,  instead  of  making  the 
customary  division,  had  retained  the  whole  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  on  the  war  against  the  duke  of  Normandy,  without 
laying  too  great  taxes  on  his  subjects,  whose  affection  he  was 

*  Historians  vary  considerably  in  regard  to  the  number  of  tlie  Norwe- 
gian ships.     See  Turner  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1 .  p.  479.  Note  59. 

f  Kings  themselves  had  no  other  part  of  the  spoils  than  that  which  was 
allotted  them  by  the  rules  of  war.  Of  this  we  have  a  remarkable  instanc 
in  the  history  of  the  Franks.  The  army  of  Clovis,  the  founder  of  the 
French  monarchy,  having  pillaged  a  church,  the  bishop  sent  a  deputation 
to  the  king,  requesting  that  a  particular  vase  might  be  restored.  Clovis 
promised  to  grant  the  bishop's  request  if  the  vase  should  be  allotted  to 
him.  The  division  was  made  at  Soissons,  and  the  plunder  being  all 
placed  in  a  heap  In  the  middle  of  the  army,  the  king  requested  that  they 
would  give  him  that  vase  over  and  above  his  share.  All  appeared  willing 
to  gratify  their  monarch  except  one  soldier,  wiio  lifting  up  his  battle-axe, 
struck  the  vase  with  great  violence,  exclaiming  in  a  haughty  and  fero- 
<;ious  tone,  "  You  shail  have  nothing  here,  but  that  to  which  the  lot  gives 
you  a  right."    Grcgorius  Turon.  Hist.  Francoium  lib.  2.  cap.  27. 


SAXONS.  67 

Mtremely  desirous  fo  preserve.  In  his  circumsfances  it  was 
certainJy  requisite  to  secure  the  attachment  both  of  the  people 
and  the  army  ;  but  at  so  critical  a  juncture,  he  might  liave 
perceived  that  the  soldiery  was  the  principal  support  ob 
which  he  could  depend  for  success,  in  the  decisive  contest 
which  was  about  to  take  place.  All  the  nobility  of  the  king- 
dom, however,  were  eager  to  support  the  cause  of  their  mon- 
arch, and  repaired  in  crowds  to  his  standard. 

The  duke  of  Normandy  in  the  mean  while  advanced  along 
the  coast  from  Pevensey  to  Hastings ;  but  the  contradictory 
accounts  of  historians  leave  us  in  a  state  of  uncertainty  in 
regard  to  his  first  proceedings.  Some  say  tliat  he  erected  a  fort 
at  Pevensey,  in  order  to  protect  his  shipping,  and  to  favour 
jhis  retreat  in  case  of  necessity.*  Others  affirm  that  he  sent 
back  his  fleet,  and  some  historians  say,  that  he  caused  his 
ships  to  be  burned,  that  his  followers  might  have  no  hope  of 
safety  but  in  the  success  of  their  arms.f  At  Hastings,  he 
determined  to  wait  the  approach  of  Harold,  who  having 
advanced  within  about  nine  miles  of  the  Norman  camp,  re- 
solved to  hazard  a  battle,  contrary  to  the  prudent  counsel  of 
his  brother,  who  advised  him  to  stand  on  the  defensive,  repre- 
senting the  disadvantages  under  which  the  enemy  must  lie, 
in  being  obliged  to  winter  in  a  hostile  country,  in  which  they 
had  neither  magazines  nor  fortified  towns.  But  it  seems  that 
Harold  elated  with  his  victory  over  the  Norwegians,  had  con- 
ceived too  sanguine  hopes  of  success,  and  his  precipitancy  ia 
hazarding  the  fate  of  the  kingdom  on  the  event  of  a  battle, 
cost  him  his  crown  and  his  life. 

Those  military  transactions,  which  suddenly  decide  the 
destiny  of  nations,  merit  a  conspicuous  place  in  tlie  pages  of 
history :  but  the  contradictions  and  inconsistencies  which  are 
generally  found  in  the  relations  of  such  events,  render  it  im- 
possible to  distinguish  with  precision  any  thing  more  than  the 

*  William  constructed  forts  and  military  works  both  at  Pevensey  and 
Hastings.     Rapin  1.  p.  140.    Turner  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  1. 

f  Will.  Poict.  p.  201.  Camden  follows  this  account.  Britann.  159- 
fhis,  however,  appears  improbable,  although  it  was  a  measure  since 
adopted  by  Cortez  on  his  invasion  of  Mexico.  See  also  Ancienne  Chro- 
nique  de  NoVmandie  ap.  Turner.  1 .  p.  489. 


68  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

outlines  of  the  picture.  Such  is  the  case  in  regard  to  the 
memorable  battle  of  Hastings  :  amidst  the  confused  accounts 
of  historians,  it  would  be  in  vain  to  attempt  to  give  the  rea- 
der any  distinct  idea  of  the  various  manoeuvres  of  the  two  ar- 
mies :*  it  must  therefore  suffice  to  mention  a  few  circumstan- 
ces, in  respect  of  which,  writers  in  general  agree.  The  Nor- 
mans appear  to  have  surpassed  the  English  in  piety  as  well 
as  in  prudence  :  they  spent  the  night  which  preceded  the 
battle  in  offering  up  prayers  to  the  Almighty  for  success, 
while  the  latter  were  employed  in  carousing  and  singing,  as 

_  if  they  had  been  certain  of  victory.     About  seven 

Oct  14th   .  . 

\^-./.' in  the  mornina:,  the  two  armies  enerased,  and  the 

A.D.1066.  ^'  .        ,    ,  « 

murderous  conflict  continued  the  greatest  part   ot 

the  day,  without  any  perceptible  advantage  on  either  side. 
The  afternoon  was  far  advanced,  and  the  issue  of  the  contest 
still  doubtful,  when  the  duke  finding  himself  unable  to  make 
any  impression  on  the  English  battalions,  ordered  his  troops 
to  fall  back,  without  breaking  their  ranks.  The  English  seeing 
the  Normans  give  way,  supposed  themselves  sure  of  the  vic- 
tory, and  rushing  impetuously  forward,  threw  themselves  into 
confusion.  At  this  moment  the  Normans  perceiving  the  suc- 
cess of  their  stratagem,  suddenly  rallied,  and  made  a  dread- 
ful slaughter  among  the  broken  ranks  of  the  English.  In  this 
emergency,  Harold  made  every  posssible  effort  to  rally  his 
troops,  and  so  far  succeeded  as  to  draw  up  in  order  of  battle 
a  considerable  number  of  infantry,  who  so  bravely  sustained 
the  reiterated  attacks  of  the  Normans,  that  at  the  approach 
of  night  the  victory  was  still  undecidcd.f  William,  however, 
resolved  to  make  a  last  effort  to  drive  the  English  from 
their  position.  The  Normans  assailed  them  M'ith  the  most 
determined  resolution  ;  and  the  English  sustained  the  attack 
with  equal  intrepidity.  In  this  sanguinary  conflict  Harold 
was  slain  by  an  arrow ;  and  his  death  decided  the  fate  of  the 
day.     The  English  disheartened  at  the  loss  of  their  monarch, 

*  Rapin  confesses  himself  bewildered  amidst  the  confused  accounts  of 
this  battle.     Vol.  1.  p.  141. 

•f  Many  of  the  particulars  of  this  battle  are  represented  in  the  tapestry 
of  Bayeux. 


SAXONS.  69 

fled  in  the  utmost  confusion.  As  long  as  daylight  lasted  the 
Normans  continued  the  pursuit,  and  made  a  dreadful  slaugh- 
ter of  the  fugitives,  putting  all  to  the  sword  witliout  mercy. 
According  to  the  generally  received  accounts,  about  sixty 
thousand  of  the  English,  with  most  of  their  nobility,  besides 
the  king  and  his  two  brothers,  fell  on  that  fatal  day.  This 
ensanguined  victory  cost  the  Normans  six  thousand  men ; 
but  it  must  be  allowed  that  fortune  had  been  peculiarly  fav- 
ourable to  the  duke,  who,  although  he  had,  according  to  Wil- 
liam of  Malmshury's  account,  no  fewer  than  three  horses 
killed  under  him,  did  not  receive  any  wound.  The  darkness 
of  the  night  saved  the  remnant  of  the  English  army,  >vhich 
retreated  under  tlie  conduct  of  the  carls  IMorcar  and  Edwin, 
who  had  the  good  fortune  to  be  among  the  few  English  nobles 
who  escaped  the  slaughter. 

Such  are  the  most  authentic  accounts  that  history  affords  of 
the  memoral)le  battle  of  Hastings,  which  decided  the  fate  of 
England  ;  and  the  long  duration  of  the  conflict,  which  lasted 
from  seven  in  the  morning  till  night,  together  with  the  almost 
incredible  glaugliter  of  her  warriors  and  nobles,  shews  how 
obstinately  the  possession  of  her  crown  was  contested.  But 
while  impartial  history  cannot  refuse  the  just  tribute  of  praise 
to  the  magnanimity  and  courage  of  Harold,  the  sound  judg- 
ment of  the  politician,  and  the  cauliouS  commander  will  im- 
peach his  prudence,  in  staking  the  fate  of  his  kingdom  on  the 
event  of  a  battle.  Had  the  English  monarch  contented  him- 
self with  harassing  the  enemy,  and  intercepting  his  supplies, 
the  Normans,  exposed  to  the  hardships  of  a  winter's  cam- 
paign in  a  hostile  country,  and  wanting  provisions,  would  in 
all  probability  have  had  reason  to  repent  of  their  expedition. 
But  when  Providence  decrees  the  downfall  of  a  nation  or  dy- 
nasty, a  judicial  infatuation  seems  to  cloud  the  understandings 
of  its  chiefs.  Had  Darius  acted  on  (he  defensive,  and  avoided 
a  general  engagement  with  Alexander,  the  Macedonian  hero 
would  have  been  glad  to  repass  the  Hellespont,  and  leave  him 
in  quiet  possession  of  the  Persian  empire.  History  aflbrds  nu- 
merous instances  of  crowns  lost  and  kingdoms  ruined  by  rash 
and  inconsiderate  proceedings. 

After  the  battle  of  Hastings,  the  English  made  scarcely  any 


yO  HISTORY  or  ENGLAND. 

further  resistance  ;*  aud  the  army  being  almost  annihilated^ 
the  whole  nation  submitted  to  the  conqueror.  Their  monarch 
had  fallen  in  the  conflict,  and  Edward  Atheling,  the  legitimate 
lieir,  was  toe  young  and  too  inexperienced  to  protect  them 
against  a  powerful  invader,  at  the  head  of  a  numerous,  well- 
disciplined,  and  victorious  army.  The  Papal  authority  gave 
a  sanction  to  William's  pretensions,  and  the  prelates,  who 
were  then  assembled  at  London,  expecting  greater  advantages 
from  promoting  than  from  opijosing  his  views,  exerted  their 
influence  in  persuading  the  nobility  and  the  citizens  to  a 
prompt  submission.  On  his  approach  to  that  capital,  they 
sent  a  deputation  to  make  him  an  offer  of  the  crown,  which  he 
accepted  as  their  voluntary  gift,  and  promised  to  govern  them 
with  equity.  In  consequence  of  these  arrangements,  William 
was  crowned  at  London  :  the  rest  of  the  kingdom,  following 
the  example  of  the  clergy  and  the  metropolis,  acknowledged 
his  authority :  and  thus,  by  a  concurrence  of  favourable  cir- 
cumstances, he  ascended  a  throne  which  might  have  cost  years 
or  even  ages  of  contest.f 

Historians  have  considered  this  revolution  as  extremely 
beneficial  to  England,  and  as  the  first  step  towards  her  pres- 
ent aggrandisement.  But  there  is  sufficient  reason  to  dispute 
the  truth  of  this  opinion. |:  It  cannot  be  denied  that  from  her 
alliance  with  Normandy,  England  derived  a  great  accession 
of  strength  under  her  first  Norman  kings.  But  this  strength 
was  exhausted  by  their  continental  wars,  in  which  the  interests 
«f  this  country  was  not  concerned.  In  process  of  time,  Nor- 
mandy, with  all  its  real  or  supposed  advantages,  was  lost  j 
and  after  an  immense  expenditure  of  blood  and  treasure,  the 
English  dominions  were  confined  within  their  former  bounda- 
ries. The  aggrandisement  of  this  nation  must  be  dated  from 
a  later  sera,  and  ascribed  to  other  causes  than  the  Norman 
conquest. 

*  Dover  might  liave  slood  a  lon^-  siege  ;  but  the  consternation  was  so 
great  that  it  surrendered  in  a  few  d;iys.     Kapin  vol.  1.  p.  166. 

f  The  conquest  of  England  employed  the  arms  of  the  Saxons  about 
170  years,  and  those  of  the  Danes  183  years,  if  we  reckon  from  A.  D. 
833,  when  they  made  their  first  descent,  to  the  last  battle  between  Ed, 
mund  and  Canute,  A.  D.  1016. 

i  This  opinion,  advanced  by  Rapin,  vol.  1.  has  keen  too  inconsiderately 
reeckoed  by  succccdinj^  historians. 


MANNERS,  &c. 


THE    .IJS^GLO    SAXOJSrS, 


After  tracing  the  history  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  from  their 
arrival  and  establishment  in  this  island  to  the  extinction  of 
their  monarchy,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  exhibit  a  sketch  of 
their  political  and  social  system,  of  their  commerce,  their 
arts,  and  their  literature.  These  matters,  indeed,  are  in- 
volved in  no  small  degree  of  obscurity ;  but  by  a  careful  at- 
tention to  historical  facts,  the  outlines  of  the  picture  may  be 
delineated  with  tolerable  accuracy. 

The  first  cynings  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  seem  to  have  been 
their  war  kings,  who,  in  consequence  of  their  long  contest 
with  the  Britons,  Avere  continued  for  life  ;*  and  the  crown 
was  not  hereditary  but  elective.  The  witteua-gemotte  or 
great  council  elected  the  king;  but  though  this  assembly 
often  broke  through  the  regular  line  of  descent,  and  raised 
the  collateral  branches  to  the  regal  dignity,  yet  in  the  great- 
est number  of  instances,  they  followed  the  rule  of  hereditary 
succession ;  and  in  most  of  the  kingdoms  of  the  heptarchy, 
and  afterwards  in  the  monarchy,  the  crown  was  continued  in 
the  same  family.  But  the  Norman  conquest  terminated  the 
power  of  the  wittena-gemotte,  and  changed  the  crown  from 

*  It  is  extremely  probable  that  the  Saxon  chiefs,  w  lio  first  invaded  this 
island,  came  with  the  rank  of  war  kings,  whose  power  was  to  continue 
only  so  long  as  hostilities  existed.  Vide  Cxsar's  Comm.  Tacit.  &c.  But 
to  retain  a  territory  extorted  by  violence  from  the  natives,  who  were  per- 
petually struggling  to  regain  it,  could  scarcely  admit  of  any  deposition 
of  the  kingly  office.  It  seems,  therefore,  that  the  Saxon  chiefs  and  their 
successors,  were  continued  from  necessity  and  utility  till  the  reg^l  digni- 
t}'  bec.imc  an  established  institution.— Turner  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  2,  p.  211. 


7^  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

an  elective  to  an  hereditary  succession,  a  change  extremely 
auspicious  to  the  national  prosperity. 

The  authority  of*  the  kings  appears  to  have  been  indeter- 
minate :  as  martial  chiefs  in  a  scene  of  continual  hostilities, 
they  must  at  first  have  been  nearly  arbitrary,  acting  by  no 
rule  but  their  own  judgment,  whenever  they  had  the  power  of 
enforcing  the  dictates  of  their  will.  On  the  contrary,  the 
numerous  chieftains  of  whom  the  king  was  the  head,  would 
naturally  endeavour  to  circumscribe  his  authority.  But  va- 
rious circumstances  were  favourable  to  the  increase  of  the 
royal  prerogative.  The  crown  was  a  permanent  establish- 
ment, which  it  was  the  interest  of  every  one,  except  the  su- 
perior nobles,  to  sujjport  and  aggrandise :  its  domains  were 
extended  by  every  successful  war ;  and  its  revenue  and 
munificence  were  continually  adding  to  its  influence  :  When 
the  zeal  of  the  Popes  had  completed  the  conversion  of  the 
island,  the  regal  power  received  great  support  and  aug- 
mentation from  the  religious  veneration  with  which  the 
clergy  surrounded  it.  "  That  the  church,  in  its  weakness, 
"  should  support  the  crown,  which  Mas  its  best  protector, 
*'  was  as  natural  as  that  it  should  afterwards  oppose  it, 
*'  when  its  aggressions  became  feared."*  All  these  cir- 
cumstances, however,  were  of  a  varying  nature,  and  in  the 
earlier  periods  of  the  heptarchy  much  of  the  power  possessed 
fay  the  kings  must  have  depended  on  their  personal  qualities. 
The  royal  revenue  arose  from  the  lands  in  demesne,  customs, 
tolls,  penalties,  and  forfeitures,  which  the  law  attached  to 
certain  crimes,  and  various  other  perquisites  ;  and  the  dignity 
of  tlie  king  was  upheld  by  his  munificence.  The  union  of 
the  seven  kingdoms  was  an  event  highly  favourable  to  the  roy- 
al authority,  as  well  as  to  the  national  prosperity.  As  soon 
as  this  event  took  place,  the  king  of  England  became  the  pos- 
sessor of  all  the  prerogatives  and  property  which  the  difi'cr- 
ent  kings  of  the  heptarchy  had  enjoyed. f  And  it  was  thisi 
concentration  of  wealth  and  privileges,  and  its  consequences, 
which  exalted  the  king  to  that  majesty  and  power,  which,  in 

*  Turner's  Hist.  Anij.  Sax.  2.  p.  213. 

t  WI>ether  the  king  had  tl)e  power  of  making  peace  and  w.ar  without 
the  consent  of  the  wittena-^emotte  is  uncertain.    Kap.  1.  p.  137. 


MANNERS  OF  THE  ANGLO-SAXONS.       73 

the  latter  period  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  monarchy,  became  at- 
tached to  the  throne. 

The  wittena-gemotte  was  the  great  council  of  the  nation, 
and  resembled  our  present  house  of  lords.*  No  historical  or 
antiquarian  critic  has  ever  been  able  to  ascertain,  with  preci- 
sion, what  descriptions  of  persons  composed  tliis  assembly, 
but  it  is  evident  that  it  consisted  chiefly  of  the  nobility  and 
dignified  clergy. f  And  it  is  known  that  nobility  alone  did 
not  entitle  a  person  to  a  seat  in  the  wittena-gemotte,  and  that 
the  possession  of  forty  hides  of  land  was  an  indispensable 
qualification.!  They  were  summoned  by  a  royal  writ ;  and 
the  king  presidetl  in  the  assembly.  The  concurrence  of  this 
council  was  necessary  to  tlie  making  of  laws,  and  it  was  the 
supreme  court  of  judicature  in  the  kingdom. 

Among  the  Anglo-Saxons,  the  ealdorman  was  the  highest 
officer  in  the  kingdom.  He  was  the  chief  of  a  shire,  and 
one  of  the  national  council.  He  ranked  with  a  bishop,  and 
possessed  great  authority,  both  civil  and  military,  and  is  men- 
tioned as  leading  the  shire  to  battle  against  an  enemy. §  In 
the  latter  period  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  monarchy,  the  title  of 
ealdorman  was  superseded  by  that  of  earl,  which  seems  to 
denote  the  same  dignity,  and  it  is  evident  that  both  Avere  offi- 
cial as  well  as  honorary.^  The  gerefas  were  officers  ap- 
pointed by  the  executive  power ;  and  their  functions  seem  to 
have  been  somewhat  similar  to  those  of  our  sherifl^s.**  The 
thengs,  or  thanes,  were  a  species  of  nobility  peculiar  to  those 
ancient  times,  and  their  rank  was  attainable  by  all.  The 
requisites  which  constituted  the  dignity,  are  stated  by  the 
Jaws  to  have  been  the  possession  of  five  hides  of  land,  a  church, 
a  kitclien,  a  bell-house,  a  judicial  seat  at  the  burgh -gate,  and 
an  appropriate  office  in  the  king's  hall.     It  was  essential  to 

•  The  Anglo-Saxons  had  nothing  similar  to  our  house  of  commons. 

t  The  Latin  words  by  wiiich  they  were  designated,  are  optimates,  pri- 
mates,  principes,  proceres,  &.c.  all  signifying  nobles  or  chiefs.  See  Eth- 
cUvard,  p.  847.     3  Gale,  484,  &.c. 

+  3  Gale,  513. 

§  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  14,  38.     Sax.  Chron.  p.  78. 

U  The  earl  of  the  Danes  Was  the  same.  Turner  2.  p.  233.  Burton's 
iVIonasticon,  p.  25. 

'*  See  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  12,  68,  69,  115,  &c. 
L 


7^*  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

a  tliane  that  he  should  be  a  landed  proprietor  ;  for  though  a. 
t'eorl  had  a  lielm,  mail,  and  a  gold-hilted  sword,  yet  if  he  had 
not  five  hides  of  land  tlie  laws  declare  he  must  remain  a 
eeorl.*  Tlie  thanes  appear  to  have  been  of  two  descriptions, 
some  of  (hem  being  mentioned  by  the  title  of  king's  thanes, 
who  seem  to  have  constituted  a  superior  rank.  In  the 
Domesday  Book  many  lands  are  described  in  different  coun- 
ties, as  "  Terra  Tainorum,"  land  of  the  thanes.  From  the 
same  book  it  appears  that  the  possession  of  five  hides  of  laud 
rendered  the  owner  liable  to  be  called  out  to  the  wars :  the 
thane  was  tlicrefore  a  sort  of  feudal  lord,  holding  his  lands 
by  a  military  tenure. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  nobility  were  of  two  classes,  the  noble 
by  birth,  and  the  noble  by  office.  No  peculiar  titles  seem  to 
have  distinguished  the  nobly  born :  they  were  rather  marked 
out  by  the  name  of  the  family  which  had  become  illustrious, 
like  the  Fabii,  Cornelii,  &c.  of  the  Romans.  The  birth  that 
was  deemed  noble  conferred  personal  honour,  but  no  political 
rank  or  power  :  these  were  attached  solely  to  office.  There 
was  also  a  nobility  arising  from  landed  property,  attainable 
by  every  one,  and  possessing  what  noble  birth  alone  did  not  of 
itself,  political  rank  and  privileges ;  for  without  being  owner 
of  five  hides  of  land,  a  person,  though  nobly  born,  could  not 
aspire  to  a  seat  in  the  wittena-gemotte,  or  national  council. 
It  is  mentioned  in  tlie  Anglo-Saxon  law,  as  an  incentive  to 
personal  exertion,  that  through  the  gift  of  God,  a  thrcel  may 
become  a  thane,  and  a  ceorl  an  earl,  just  as  a  singer  may  be- 
come a  priest,  and  a  bocere,  or  writer,  a  bishop. f  Official 
dignities  were  conferred  by  the  king,  and  were  liable  to  be 
taken  away  by  him  for  illegal  conduct. f 

•  A  hide,  or  caracute  of  land,  was  as  much  as  could  be  tilled  with  one 
plough  and  the  beasts  thereto  belonging,  and  might  contain  a  messuage, 
w  ood,  meadow,  and  pasture,  for  the  support  of  the  cattle.  This  measure, 
as  the  learned  Selden  clearlj'  shews,  varied  according  to  the  nature  of  the 
soil  and  tl>e  coui-se  of  husbandry  ;  but  it  was  generally  considered  as 
containing  from  100  to  120  modern  acres.  The  hide  was  the  Saxon,  and 
the  caracute  the  Norman  denomination  of  the  same  meagure  or  quantity. 
Under  the  Noi-man  kings  four  caracutes  made  a  knight's  fee.  The  ox- 
gang  was  invariably  the  eighth  part  of  a  hide  or  caracute. 

t  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  112. 

i  Asser.  Vit,  Alf  p.  71. 


MANNERS  OF  THE  ANGLO-SAXONS.  7''^ 

The  other  classes  of  Anglo-Saxon  society  were  tlie  free 
and  the  servile  :  among  the  first  were  the  ceorls,  or  possessors 
of  land,  corresponding  with  our  yeomen ;  and  many  otliers 
without  property  were  free.  But  a  very  large  proportion  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon  population  was  in  a  state  of  slavery.  This 
unfortunate  class  of  men,  who  Mere  called  Theow  and  Esne, 
are  frequently  mentioned  in  their  ancient  laws,  and  are  ex- 
hibited in  the  servile  condition  of  being  anollier's  property, 
without  any  political  existence  or  social  consideration.  They 
were  bought  and  sold  with  the  land,  and  conveyed  in  the  grants 
of  it  promiscuously  with  the  cattle  and  other  property.  They 
were  carried  beyond  the  seas,  and  publicly  sold  at  Rome,  in 
Ireland,  and  other  countries  ;  long  ranks  of  young  persons  of 
both  sexes,  tied  together  with  ropes,  being  daily  exposed  to  sale 
in  these  foreign  markets.*  Thus  we  find  that  in  this  land  of 
civilixation  and  liberty,  a  very  great  proportion  of  tlie  people 
were  eleven  or  twelve  centuries  ago  in  a  state  nearly  similar 
to  that  of  the  mass  of  the  negro  population  in  Africa.f 

But  the  benevolent  doctrines  of  the  christian  religion  grad- 
ually mitigated  the  rigours  of  slavery.  Manumission  became 
daily  more  frequent.  Sometimes  individuals,  through  mo- 
tives of  benevolence  or  piety,  or  in  generous  remembrance  of 
past  services,  emancipated  a  certain  number  of  their  slaves  : 
sometimes  they  were  redeemed  by  the  charitable  kindness  of 
others  ;  and  it  seems  to  have  been  an  exercise  of  philanthropy, 
not  uncommon  in  the  last  testaments  of  the  dying,  to  give  free- 
dom to  some  of  this  pitiable  class  of  mankind.:}:  In  one  of 
the  later  laws,  it  was  expressly  enjoined  that  no  christian  or 
innocent  man  should  be  sold  out  of  tlie  land.§  Thus  we  see 
how  greatly  Christianity  is  conducive  to  the  temporal  as  well 
as  the  eternal  interests  of  mankind.  By  its  beneficial  influ- 
ence the  horrors  of  slavery  were  greatly  diminished.     The 

*  See  the  horrid  picture  drawn  by  Dr.  Henry  4.  p.  238. 

t  The  Anglo-Saxons  made  no  scruple  of  selling  even  their  own  cliil- 
dren  into  slavery ;  and  the  same  horrid  traffic  was  carriel  on  between 
Bristol  and  Ireland,  as  in  modern  times  between  Africa  and  the  West  In- 
dies.    See  Dr.  Henry  ubi  supra. 

t  Hickes  Pref.  xxii.  andDiss.  Ep.  12.    Wanley  Catal.  p.  152. 
i  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  107. 


a 


70  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

system,  however,  still  continued.  The  mass  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  population  was  not  suflicieutly  civilized  to  admit  of 
perfect  and  general  freedom  ;  and  the  slaves  still  continued  to 
be  numerous.  In  the  Domesday  Book,  scarcely  any  portion 
of  land  is  mentioned  without  some  of  that  class. 

The  military  force  was  under  the  command  of  the  kin 
while  it  was  assembled.  It  was  rather  a  militia  than  a  regu 
lar  army.  From  a  certain  quantify  of  land  a  Hxed  number  of 
soldiers  was  sent  when  the  king  summoned  his  people  to  an 
expedition;  and  they  were  obliged  to  serve  only  for  a  limited 
time,  which  Mh*.  Turner  supposes  to  have  probably  been  two 
months.*  It  has  already  been  observed  that  five  hides  of 
land  was  obliged  to  furnish  one  soldier  ;t  and  from  these 
prominent  features  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  government,  civil  and 
military,  it  is  evident  that  they  had  the  most  essential  parts 
of  the  feudal  system,  which  appears  not  to  have  been  first 
introduced,  but  only  new  regulated  by  the  Normans. 

Among  the  Anglo-Saxons,  few  crimes,  if  any,  were  punish- 
able with  death.  The  principle  of  pecuniary  compensation 
pervades  all  their  laws.  Theft,  adultery,  personal  injuries, 
and  murder  itself,  were  expiated  by  tines.  The  life  of  every 
man  was  set  at  a  price,  according  to  his  rank  in  society,  from 
the  king  downward  to  the  slave.  This  was  called  his  were, 
■which  was  paid  to  the  relatives  of  the  deceased ;  his  wite 
was  a  fine  that  Avas  paid  to  the  king.  Thus  any  pckson  might 
murder  another  of  what  rank  soever,  provided  he  Avas  able 
and  willing  to  pay  his  were  and  his  wite,  the  legal  valuation 
of  his  life.  This  valuation  exhibits  a  curious  calculation  of 
political  arithmetic.  The  were  or  price  of  the  king's  life 
was  30,000  thrymsas,  or  120l.  that  of  an  etheling  or  noble 
15,000,  or  OOZ.  that  of  a  bishop  or  earl  8000  thrymsas,  or  32/. 
The  life  of  a  thane  was  valued  at  half  as  much  as  that  of  a 
bishop  or  earl,  and  so  downwards  through  every  class  of  so- 
ciety.|   In  regard'  to  personal  injuries,  the  calculations  are 

*  Turn.  Hist.  An,^.  Sax.  2  p,  218. 

t  This  was  the  general  quota  ;  but  there  were  different  regulations  in 
different  provinces,  he.     See  Turner  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  2.  p.  175  and  180. 

i  Rapin,  with  some  others,  supposes  that  these  laws  related  only  to  hom- 
icide, and  thinks  it  absiu-d  to  apply  them  to  murder,  which  he  says  was 


MANNERS  OF  THE  ANGLO-SAXONS.       77 

still  more  curious.  Every  member  of  the  human  body,  and 
every  wound  that  could  possibly  be  given,  had  its  legal 
valuation.  All  other  crimes  committed  against  individuals, 
or  against  society,  had  their  pecuniary  punishments  stated  by 
the  laws.  But  in  process  of  time,  the  imperfection  of  these 
began  to  be  perceived,  as  they  afforded  impunity  to  the  rich 
who  were  able  to  pay,  and  to  the  poor  who  had  noUiing  to 
lose.  Corporal  punishments  were,  therefore,  occasionally  in- 
flicted. Among  these  we  find  imprisonment,  outlawry,  ban- 
ishment, slavery,  whipping,  branding,  the  pillory,  amputation 
of  limbs,  mutilation  of  the  nose,  ears,  and  lips,  plucking  out 
the  eyes,  tearing  oft'  the  hair,  and  sometimes  hanging.*  The 
martial  law  punished  desertion  with  death.  It  seems,  how- 
ever, that  treason  against  the  state  incurred  only  the  penalty 
of  forfeiture  and  banishment.  Those  of  the  Anglo-Saxons 
who  suffered  death  for  treason  or  rebellion,  seem  to  have  been 
punished  not  by  the  civil,  but  by  martial  law. 

The  Anglo-Saxons  had  different  courts  of  judicature,  and 
different  modes  of  trial.  Those  by  fire  and  water  ordeal  are 
amply  described  in  the  laws  of  Ina  and  Athelstan.t  But  it 
is  evident  that  they  had  also  the  trial  by  jury.  This  is  clearly 
expressed  in  the  laws  of  Ina,  Alfred,  and  other  Saxon  mon- 
archs.l  It  is  true  the  number  of  jurors  sometimes  varied; 
but  the  principle  is  still  the  same ;  and  it  can  scarcely  be  sup- 
posed that  so  important  a  part  of  legislation  should  have  been 
all  at  once  brought  to  its  present  perfection.  In  the  laws  of 
the  Anglo-Saxons,  however,  it  is  easy  to  trace  the  origin  of 
tlie  happy  and  wise  institution  of  the  English  jury,  which 
has  so  greatly  contributed  to  the  excellence  of  our  national 
character,  and  the  support  of  our  constitutional  liberty. 

After  viewing  through  the  gloom  of  many  centuries,  the 
political  state  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  it  will  not  be  uninterest-, 
ing  to  inspect  their  domestic  and  social  circumstances,  their 
manners,  and  character.     Their  food,  like  ours,  was  a  mixture 

punished  with  death,  1.  p.  161 ;  but  of  this  we  can  find  no  historical 
proof. 

•  See  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  12  to  139,  and  Tiu-ner  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  2.  p.  269. 
I  Wilk.  p.  27,  61. 

*  W.  12,  47,  100, 118,  &c. 


!/0  HISTORY  OF  ENOLANfi, 

of  the  animal  and  vegetable  kind.*  They  raised  various 
sorts  of  corn,  and  fed  domesticated  cattle  for  the  use  of  their 
tables.  For  food,  they  had  all  the  diflferent  animals  now  iu 
use ;  but  swine  were  the  most  abundant.  They  eat  various 
kinds  of  lish ;  but  the  species  most  generally  noticed  was  the 
eel,  wliicli  they  used  as  abundantly  as  swine.  They  are  of" 
teu  mentioned  in  their  grants.  The  monks  of  Ramsey  made 
a  yearly  present  of  4000  eels  to  those  of  Peterborough.  "  We 
•'  read  of  two  places,  purchased  for  2il.  wherein  16,000  of 
"  these  fish  were  cauglit  every  year;  and  in  one  charta twenty 
*'  fishermen  are  stated,  who  furnished,  during  the  same  period, 
'•  60.000  eels  to  the  monastery.  Eel  dikes  are  often  mentioned 
"  in  tlie  boundaries  of  their  lands. "f  Among  their  fruits,  figs, 
grapes,  nuts,  almonds,  pears,  and  apples,  are  mentioned;!  but 
most  of  these  must  have  come  from  abroad.  Honey  also  ap- 
pears to  have  been  a  favourite  article  of  diet.§  Their  liquors 
were  ale,  cider,  mead,  wine,  pigment,  and  morat.  Tlie  pigment 
>vas  a  rich  and  odoriferous  compound  of  honey,  wine,  and. 
spiceries  of  various  kinds.  Tlie  morat  was  made  of  honey 
diluted  with  mulberry  juice.l  Feasting  to  excess  was  greatly 
in  fashion  among  the  rich:  and  although  the  canons  were 
severe  against  drunkenness,  and  rigid  fasts,  proportioned  in 
duration  to  the  rank  of  the  offender,  were  enjoined  as  a  pen- 
ance for  that  sin,  the  manners  of  society  rendered  all  these 
regulations  ineffectual. 

The  Anglo-Saxons  vve»e  acquainted  with  both  variety  and 
vanity  of  dress.  The  ladies  wore  a  long  loose  robe  reaching 
down  to  the  ground,  with  large  loose  sleeves  j  their  head- 
dress seems  to  have  generally  been  a  hood  or  veil,  which, 
falling  down  before,  was  wra}>ped  round  the  neck  and  breast. 
They  also  wore  necklaces,  and  bracelets,  and  rings,  with 
gems  on  their  fingers ;  and  the  hair,  which,  among  the  Saxon 

*  Both  wheat  and  barley  were  in  general  use  for  bread  ;  but  the  lat- 
ter was  clieapest.     Hug.  Monast.  p.  296. 

t  Turner's  Hist.  Ang'.  Sax.  2,  p.  45. 

V  Ingulph.  p.  50. 

§  Aid.  de  Laude  Virg.  p.  296. 

If  Henry's  Hist.  Eng.  4.  p.  396.  They  were  not  strangers  to  cinnamon, 
pepper,  and  the  other  productions  of  India.    Mag.  Bib.  I'at.  vol  16. 


MANNERS  OF  THE  ANGLO-SAXONS,      79 

ladies,  was  highly  valued,  was  artificially  dressed  and  twist- 
ed.* The  male  sex  surpassed  the  females  in  the  richness  of 
their  attire,  and  displayed  a  fondness  for  gorgeous  finery  which 
seems  inconsistent  with  their  manly  and  warlike  character. 
Their  princes  and  nobles  had  garments  of  silk,  woven  with 
golden  eagles  or  gold  flowers,  cloaks  ornamented  with  gold 
and  gems,  chains  or  bracelets  of  gold  and  precious  stones 
round  their  necks  and  arms,  and  rings  on  their  fingers,  t  Strutt 
observes,  that  the  kings  and  nobles,  when  in  their  state  dress, 
were  habited  in  a  loose  coat,  which  reached  down  to  their 
ancles,  and  over  that  a  long  robe  fastened  over  both 
shoulders  on  the  middle  of  the  breast  with  a  clasp  or  buckle. 
He  adds,  that  the  edges  and  bottoms  of  their  coats,  as  well 
as  their  robes,  were  often  trimmed  with  a  broad  gold  edging, 
or  flowered  with  diff*erent  colours.  The  soldiers  and  common 
people  wore  close  coats,  reaching  only  to  the  knee,  and  a  short 
eloak  over  their  left  shoulder,  which  buckled  on  the  right. 
The  kings  and  nobles  were  habited  in  common  in  a  dress  simi- 
lar to  this,  but  richer  and  more  elegant.^:  They  had  shoes 
tied  Mith  thongs,  and  sometimes  a  bandage  wrapped  round  the 
legs  up  to  the  calf,  at  other  times  stockings  up  to  the  knee. 
The  Anglo-Saxons,  represented  in  the  celebrated  tapestry  of 
Bayeux,  have  caps  or  bonnets  on  their  heads,  with  their  beards 
shaven,  and  wearing  long  mustaches. §  This,  we  are  told  by 
William  of  Malmesbury,  was  the  prevailing  fasliion  in  ihft 
time  of  Harold  II.H  but  the  more  ancient  delineations  in  the 
Saxon  MSS.  generally  represent  the  men  with  long  beards, 
and  their  hair  divided  from  the  crown  to  the  forehead,  and 
combed  down  on  each  side  in  waving  ringlets. 

Domestic  architecture  and  household  furniture  correspond 
with  the  progress  of  national  wealth  and  taste.  The  dwell- 
ing houses  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  were  small  and  inconvenient, 

*  The  nuns  appear  to  have  neglected  their  hair.  Aid.  dc  Laud.  Virg^- 
p.  307. 

f  Turner  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  2.  p.  59  and  60,  and  author  there  quoted. 

+  Strutt.  Hord.  Ang.  1.  p.  46. 

§  This  tapestry  exhibits  a  good  representation  of  the  costume. 

^  Gulielnl.  Malmsb.  lib.  3.  The  Anglo-Saxon  clergy  v/ere  shaved. 
Wilk.  p.  85. 


80  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

{tnd  their  furniture  heavy  and  rude.  For  all  their  eleganee&, 
and  many  of  their  conveniences  and  comforts,  they  were  in- 
debted to  the  introduction  of  Christianity,  which  opened 
an  intercourse  with  Rome,  the  seat  and  centre  of  all  the  arts, 
sciences,  wealth,  and  industry  of  that  age,  the  perpetual  visits 
which  both  ecclesiastics  and  laics  were  in  the  habit  of  making 
to  that  city,  causing  a  more  general  diffusion  of  every  thing 
necessary  or  suitable  to  civilized  life.  Among  the  furniture 
of  the  rooms  in  the  houses  of  the  great,  we  find  hangings  for 
the  walls,  mostly  of  silk,  and  sometimes  embroidered  in  gold, 
with  figures  of  birds.  Ingulphus  mentions  a  piece  of  hanging, 
on  which  was  depicted,  in  needle  work,  the  destruction  of 
Troy.*  The  historian  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  observes,  that 
from  the  nnskilfulness  of  their  carpenters,  their  buildings 
were  left  full  of  crevices,  and  hangings  were  therefore  a  ne- 
cessity as  much  as  a  luxury,  since  they  served  to  keep  ont  the 
wind.f  Nothing  indeed  can  more  strongly  prove  their  utility, 
as  well  as  the  defective  construction  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
houses,  than  that  Alfred,  to  preserve  his  lights  from  the  wind, 
even  in  the  royal  palaces,  was  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  the 
invention  of  lanterns.  Their  seats  appear  to  have  been  ben- 
ches and  stools.  Their  tables  were  sometimes  very  costly. 
AVe  read  of  some  that  were  made  of  silver  and  gold.  Tho 
plate  used  at  the  tables  of  the  great  was  often  very  rich  and 
expensive.  We  read  of  cups,  basons,  and  dishes,  of  silver 
and  gold,  and  often  of  silver  gilt,  or  otherwise  ornamented 
with  gold,  and  candlesticks  of  the  same  materials.  Glass 
was  very  rare,  though  Bede  mentions  glass  vessels  and  lamps  ; 
but  it  became  more  common  in  domestic  use  towards  the  time 
of  the  Norman  conquest.  Gold  was  used  to  adorn  their  ban- 
ners, as  also  their  sword  hilts,  saddles,  and  briddles,  which 
were  sometimes  ornamented  with  jewels.^  They  appear  to 
liave  made  frequent  use  of  the  hot-bath ;  but  the  cold-bath 
was  held  in  so  little  estimation,  that  it  was  sometimes  imposed 
a.s  a  penitentiary  punishment. 

*  Ingulph.  p.  9.  53. 
f  Turner  Hist.  Ang.  Sax  2.  p.  67. 

^  See  the  various  references  to  Hickcs,  Dugdale,  Ing'ulphus,  Bedc,  kc. 
ap.  Turner  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  2.  p.  68,  69. 


MANNERS  OF  THE  ANGLO-SAXONS.       81 

With  the  pleasures  of  the  table,  the  Anglo-Saxons  united 
Various  diversions.  The  musicians,  poets,  harpers,  and  buf- 
foons, were  constant  attendants  at  their  feasts.  At  these 
convivial  meetings  it  was  the  practice  that  ail  should  sing  in 
turns,  and  sometimes  the  harp  was  sent  round.*  Dancing 
was  also  a  favourite  amusement ;  and  it  appears  from  (iie 
Domesday  Book  that  bear-baiting  was  not  unknown.  They 
also  played  at  the  taefl  or  dice.  Hunting  was  one  of  their 
principal  diversions.  The  beasts  of  chace  were  chiefly  the 
stag,  and  sometimes  the  wild  boar  or  the  hare.  The  sports- 
men in  the  train  of  the  great  were  so  numerous  and  so  pre- 
judicial to  lands,  that  an  exemption  from  their  visits  was  es- 
teemed a  valuable  privilege.!  We  hear  of  a  king  liberating 
certain  lands  from  those  who  carry  >vith  them  hawks  or  fal- 
cons, horses  or  dogs.:f  Edward  the  Confessor  was  extremely 
addicted  to  hunting  and  hawking.  Every  day  after  his 
morning  devotions,  he  amused  himself  with  those  exercises.^ 

From  wlsat  has  been  said  of  the  dress,  furniture,  &c.  of 
our  Anglo-Saxon  ancestors,  it  is  evident  that  they  were  ac- 
quainted M  ith  the  most  necessary  of  the  meclianical  arts  now 
in  use.  But  the  skill  of  their  artificers  was  not  exercised 
and  refined  by  that  competition  and  circulation,  which  re- 
sults from  Ihe  difltision  of  wealth  and  freedom;  their  me- 
ehanics  were  mostly  men  in  a  servile  state.  The  clergy,  the 
rich  and  the  great,  had  domestic  servants,  who  were  able  to 
supply  thpm  with  the  articles  of  trade  and  manufacture  in 
common  use.  In  monasteries  they  had  smiths,  carpenters, 
millers,  illuminators,  architects,  agriculturists,  fishermen,  &c. 
Similar  descriptions  of  craftsmen  were  attached  to  the  estates 
of  the  great.  In  Dugdale  we  find  that  a  nobleman  gives  to  a 
monastery  a  manor  with  all  its  appendages,  (i.  e.)  his  over- 
seer, and  all  his  chattels,  his  smith,  carpenter,  miller,  fisher- 
man, all  these  servants,  and  all  their  goods  and  chattels.^ 
Grants  of  a  similar  nature  aie  numerous.     But   when   the 

*  Rede  lib.  4.  p.  170, 

f  Turner  2.  p.  7",  78,  et  .luctor. 

i  Cott  M.  S.  Claud,  c.  9.  p.  104.  ap.  Turnei's  Ang.  Sax.  2.  p.  80. 

§  -Mnlmsb.  lib.  2.  cap.  13. 

1[  Dudij.  Alonas'.  1.  p.  3C6. 

it 


82  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

manumission  of  slaves  gradually  increased  the  independent 
part  of  the  commonality,  some  of  the  emancipated  became 
agriculturists,  and  took  land  of  the  clergy  and  the  great, 
paying  them  an  annual  gafol  or  rent  generally  in  kind,  as 
money  was  scarce :  others  went  to  the  burgs  or  towns,  where 
they  employed  themselves  in  trade  or  in  the  mechanical  arts, 
occupying  houses  for  which  they  paid  rent  to  the  king  as  lord  of 
the  manor ;  and  in  that  situation  of  comparative  independence 
the  exacted  gafols,  customs,  services,  &c.  although  sometimes 
expensive  and  troublesome,  were  definite  and  certain.  Besides 
those  who  made  the  mechaninal  arts  their  profession,  several 
of  the  monks  and  other  clergy  pursued  them  with  assiduity, 
and  laboured  to  bring  (hem  to  perfection,  of  which  the  cel- 
ebrated Dunstan  and  some  others  are  memorable  instances.  It 
was  even  required  by  the  laws  that  the  clergy  should  pursue 
these  occupations,  for  king  Edgar  says,  "  AVe  command  that 
"  every  priest,  in  order  to  increase  knowledge,  shall  learn  some 
"  handicraft."*  The  ladies  were  accustomed  to  spinning : 
even  princesses  were  taught  to  use  both  the  needle  and  dis- 
taff;! f^"<l  a  Norman  historian  observes  that  the  Anglo-Saxon 
females  excelled  in  embroidery.^  But  in  contemplating  the 
magnificence  sometimes  displayed  by  the  Anglo-Saxons  in 
their  dress,  their  furniture,  &c.  we  must  not  imagine  that  we 
see  a  picture  bearing  any  resemblance  to  the  refined  and  dif- 
fused elegance  of  later  times.  Commerce  had  not  yet  intro- 
duced wealth  among  the  people.  Splendour,  luxury,  and  even 
eonveniency,  were  confined  to  the  great,  to  the  princes,  the 
nobles,  and  dignified  clergy.  The  inferior  orders  were  op- 
pressed by  poverty  and  slavery,  and  we  cannot  suppose  them 
to  have  lived  in  a  stile  anywise  superior  to  that  which  we  see 
among  the  lowest  peasantry  of  Ireland. 

Public  markets  were  established  in  a  great  number  of 
towns  ;  but  the  external  commerce  of  those  times  was  greatly 
confined.  The  Anglo-Saxons,  however,  sometimes  visited 
foreign  countries  for  the  purposes  of  traffic;  and  merchants 
obtained  peculiar  privileges.     By  a  law  of  king  Athelstan, 

*  Wilk.  Le^.  Sax.  p.  83. 

t  Malmsb.  lib,  2.  cap.  5.  p.  47". 

i  Dii  Cliesnc  p,  211. 


MANNERS  OF  THE  ANGLO-SAXONS.  83 

enacted  for  the  encouragement  of  trade,  a  merchant  who  had 
made  three  voyages  in  a  ship  of  his  own,  acquired  the  rank 
ef  a  thane.*  It  was  not,  however,  the  laws  enacted  by  prin- 
ces and  national  councils  that  could  make  commerce  flourish ; 
nothing  but  the  gradual  progress  of  civilization  and  liberty 
could  produce  this  happy  effect. 

Agriculture  was  cultivated  by  the  Anglo-Saxons  with  some 
attention.  They  ploughed  chiefly  with  oxen,  sowed  their 
wheat  in  the  spring,  and  thrashed  their  corn  out  with  flails. 
They  had  common  pastures  attached  to  the  portions  of  land 
which  they  possessed,  and  extensive  tracts  laid  out  in  meadow. 
Every  estate  had  also  an  appropriate  quantity  of  wood.  In 
Domesday  Book  the  ploughed  land,  the  meadoM',  the  pasture, 
and  the  wood,  are  separately  mentioned,  and  their  respective 
quantities  estimated.  In  the  same  record  we  also  meet  frequent- 
ly with  parks.  Their  implements  of  husbandry  nearly  resemb- 
led those  of  the  present  day.  They  had,  likewise,  carts  and 
waggons ;  and  wind  and  water  mills  occur  in  every  period  of 
their  history. t  The  judicious  management  of  the  monks  and 
other  clergy,  greatly  improved  the  agricultural  state  of  the 
country.  "  Of  the  Anglo-Saxon  husbandry,"  says  a  judicious 
writer,  "  we  may  remark,  that  Domesday  survey  gives  us  some 
"  indications  that  the  cultivation  of  the  church  lands  was  much 
"  superior  to  that  of  any  other  order  of  society.  They  have 
''  much  less  wood  upon  them  and  less  common  pasture ;  and 
*'  what  they  had,  appears  often  in  smaller  and  more  irregu- 
"  lar  pieces,  while  their  meadow  was  more  abundant,  and  in 
"  more  numerous  distributions. "J 

It  has  already  been  observed,  that  the  literature  of  the  An- 
glo-Saxons must  be  dated  from  their  conversion  to  Christianity. 
And  it  must  be  allowed,  that  their  progress  was  astonishingly 
rapid.  Augustin,  and  the  monks  who  accompanied  him  from 
Rome,  excited  a  desire  of  knowledge  among  their  new  con- 
verts. Sigebert,^king  of  East  Anglia,  established,  in  his  do- 
minions, a  school  for  the  instruction  of  youth,  in  imitation  of 
those  he  had  seen  in  France ;  and  in  this  happy  effort  for 

*  Wllk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  71. 

f  Turner  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  2.  p.  160. 

i  Turner  Hist.  Aug,  Sax,  2-  p.  IP". 


81  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

civilization,  he  uas  assisted  by  bishop  Fcelix,  >vho  came  i» 
him  from  Kent,  and  supplied  him  with  teachers.  About  the 
year  6()8,  Tiieodorus,  a  monk  of  Rome,  but  a  native  of  Tar- 
sus, a  Grecian  city,  rendered  illustrious  by  the  birth  of  St. 
Paul,  was,  by  the  Pope,  ordained  archbishop  of  Canterbury. 
This  prelate  and  his  friend  Adrian,  an  African  by  birth,  but 
abbot  of  a  monastery  near  Naples,  came  into  England,  and 
both  being  well  versed  in  sacred  and  profane  literature,  their 
conversation  and  exliortations  excited,  among  the  Anglo-Sax- 
ons, a  great  emulation  in  literary  pursuits.  A  crowd  of  pu- 
pils gathered  round  them,  and  besides  <he  scriptures  and  theo- 
logy, they  taught  the  Greek  and  Latin  languages,  astronomy, 
arithmetic,  and  Latin  poetry.*  Egbert,  who  was  archbishop 
of  York  A,  D.  712,  founded,  in  that  city,  a  noble  library,  and 
greatly  advanced  the  liberal  arts.  At  this  period,  Ireland 
was  distinguished  for  its  religious  literature ;  and  many  of 
the  Anglo-Saxons  retired  thither  to  pursue  their  studies  or 
their  devotions.  While  some  assumed  the  monastic  life,  oth- 
ers seeking  variety  of  laiovt  ledge,  went  from  one  master's 
cell  to  auolher.  TJie  hospitable  Irish  received  them  as  bro- 
thers, and  supplied  thcni  ^^  ith  food,  with  books,  and  gratui- 
tous instruction.  Among  (he  men  to  whom  Anglo-Saxon  lit- 
erature was  greatly  indebted,  Benedict,  Avho  founded  the  ab- 
bey at  Wearmouth,  ought  to  be  mentioned  with  applause.  He 
Avent  several  times  from  England  to  Rome,  and  brought  back 
■with  him  a  considerable  number  of  books  of  various  descrip- 
tions. But  though  literature  in  the  seventh  and  eighth  cen- 
turies was  striking  its  roots  in  England,  yet  it  was  almost 
■wholly  confined  to  the  monasteries.  The  secular  part  of  so- 
ciety was  involved  in  gross  and  general  ignorance.  Several 
of  the  Anglo-Saxon  kings  could  not  write,  but  to  the  end  of 
their  clsarters  and  other  public  acts,  atfixed  the  sign  of  the 
cross,  with  this  expression,  "  I  have  put  the  sign  of  the  holy 
"  cross,  ^  pro  ignorantia  lite.rarum,^  on  account  of  my  ignor- 
ance 01*  writing.''!  Among  these  princes,  howxMer,  some  ex- 
ceptions appear.     There  are  several  letters  extant  from  some 

•  Bede  lib.  4.  cap.  1. 

-j-  Tliis  was  the  case  of  several  jji-inccs  and  nobicmen  throughout  Eu- 
rope in  those  dark  ages-     See  Bish.  Nicholson's  .Tiist.  Library. 


MANNERS  OF  THE  ANGLO-SAXONS.       85 

of  the  Anglo-Saxon  sovereigns  at  this  perioJ,  which  exhibit 
marks  of  mental  cultivation.  Of  these  princes  none  were 
more  distinguislied  tlian  Alfred,  king  of  Northumbria,  who 
had  retired  into  Ireland  for  the  sake  of  study,  and  whose  lit- 
erary attainments  were  very  considerable.* 

The  period  of  intellectual  cultivation  which  began  to  davva 
among  the  Anglo-Saxons  by  the  introduction  of  Christianity, 
was  advanced  to  its  meridian  lustre  by  three  great  luminaries, 
Aldhelm,  Bede,  and  Alcuin.  In  the  eighth  century,  York  was 
the  chief  seat  and  centre  of  learning  in  the  western  parts  of 
Europe.  Alcuin,  who  is  also  called  Flaccus  Albinus,  is  sup- 
posed to  have  been  born  in  that  city ;  and  he  himself  informs 
lis,  that  it  was  the  place  where  he  spent  the  years  of  his 
youth  and  received  his  education.  He  was  the  literary  friend 
and  preceptor  of  Charlemagne  :  and  it  may  here  be  justly  ob- 
served, that  the  famous  university  of  Paris  owes,  in  a  great 
measure,  its  origin  to  the  literary  institutions  at  York.  But 
the  bright  sunshine  of  Anglo-Saxon  literature  was  obscured 
or  rather  extinguished  by  the  invasions  of  the  Danes,  whose 
destructive  fury  involving  the  monasteries  in  the  general  ruia 
of  the  country,  put  an  end  to  the  studies  pursued  in  these  sem- 
inaries, and  occasioned  that  universal  ignorance  which  Alfred 
so  pathetically  deplored,  and  so  assiduously  laboured  to  re- 
move. The  exhortations,  ordinances,  and  example,  of  that 
celebrated  prince,  gave  a  new  impulse  to  the  operations  of 
intellect;  and  Anglo-Saxon  literature  reviving  under  his  aus- 
pices, continued  to  flourish  in  the  reigns  of  his  successors,  till 
it  received  another  dreadful  shock  by  the  Danish  wars  which 
devastated  the  kingdom  in  the  time  of  Ethel  red  II.  but  there 
is  reason  to  doubt,  whether  at  any  time  previous  to  the  con- 
quest, it  had  regained  the  lustre  with  which  it  shone  during 
the  eighth  century.  As  learning  in  those  ages  was  cultivated 
almost  solely  by  ecclesiastics,  their  books  were  for  the  most 
part  written  in  Latin.     Several  specimens  of  their  Latin  po- 

*  This  Prince  died,  and  was  bvirled  at  Little  Driffield,  in  Yorkshire, 
A.  D.  705.  His  death  is  commemorated  by  an  inscription  in  the  chancel 
of  the  parish  church.  Tradition  informs  us  that  he  was  mortally  wounded 
in  battle  near  the  village  of  Ebberston,  on  the  north  side  of  the  Derwent, 
where  Sir  Charles  HoUiam,  about  tlie  year  1790,  erected  a  monument  to 
liis  memory. 


86  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

etry  are  left  us  by  Aldhelm,  Bede,  and  Alcuin.  Thesse  par- 
take in  a  greater  or  less  degree  of  the  monkish  style  of  ver- 
sification, which  was  in  use  during  so  many  centuries  after 
the  decline  of  Roman  literature.  Of  the  Anglo-Saxon  poetry, 
as  far  as  we  can  judge  from  the  specimens  that  remain, 
rhythm,  violent  inversion  of  phrase,  frequent  transitions,  omis- 
sion of  particles,  contractions  of  phrase,  and,  above  all,  nu- 
merous metaphors,  and  perpetual  periphrasis,  seem  to  have 
been  the  most  prominent  features.*  The  Anglo-Saxon  lan- 
guage was  extremely  copious,  and  abounded  in  synonimes  : 
its  relics  serve  as  a  basis  to  the  modern  English.  Mr.  Turner 
has  demonstrated,  in  a  series  of  quotations  from  our  most 
celebrated  authors,  how  great  a  portion  of  our  present  lan- 
guage is  of  Saxon  origin. 

Daring  the  Anglo-Saxon  period,  the  sciences  and  liberal 
arts  were  in  a  degraded  state  in  all  the  western  parts  of  Eu- 
rope. The  architecture  of  those  ages  was  rude,  and  with- 
out either  elegance  or  proportion.  That  the  Saxons  had 
some  sort  of  buildings  before  their  arrival  in  England,  is  not 
to  be  doubted.  But  it  is  also  certain  that  their  edifices  were 
invariably  of  wood,  and  of  that  material  they  erected  their 
first  churches  in  this  island. f  The  chief  peculiarities  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  architecture  after  they  began  to  erreet  struct- 
tures  of  stone,  appear  to  have  been  a  "  want  of  uniformity 
"  of  parts,  massy  columns,  semi-circular  arches,  and  diago- 
*'  nal  mouldings."^  Of  these  the  two  first,  says  Mr.  Turner, 
were  common  to  all  the  barbarous  architecture  of  Europe. 
But  the  semi-circular  arches  and  diagonal  mouldings  seem  to 
have  been  more  peculiar  additions  to  the  Saxon  building. 
Their  knowledge  of  geography,  though  aided  and  improved 
by  Alfred's  translations  of  the  voyages  of  Octher  and  Wulf- 
stan  to  the  Greenland  seas  and  the  Baltic,  was  still  confined, 
confused,  and  incorrect,  their  astronomy  was  yet  more  cour 

*  Turner's  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  2.  p.  331.  In  the  second  cliapter  of  tlie 
twelfth  book  of  this  volume  of  Mr.  Turner's  work,  is  a  learned  and  copi- 
ous dissertation  on  Anglo-Saxon  poetry. 

f  Bede  lib.  3.  cap.  25.     Ducarel  Ang.  Norm.  Antiq.  p.  100. 

i  Carter's  r.ncicnt  architecture  ap.  Tux-nci'o  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  2.  p. 
415. 


MANNERS  OF  THE  ANGLO-SAXONS.  8^ 

tracte  J ;  and  like  all  other  nations  in  those  dark  ages,  they 
rendered  it  subservient  to  judicial  astrology. 

The  Anglo-Saxons,  like  all  other  semi-barbarians,  were  ex- 
tremely desirous  of  prying  into  futurity,  and  their  historian 
has  employed  a  whole  chapter  in  describing  their  supersti- 
tions.* But  this  folly  was  not  peculiar  to  them :  it  was  the 
common  foible  in  those  times  of  all  the  nations  of  Europe. 
Superstition,  the  child  of  ignorance,  is  universally  prevalent 
in  semibarbarous  ages :  it  is  gradually  weakened  by  the  pro- 
gress of  civilization;  but,  in  all  probability,  it  will  never  be 
completely  extirpated.  The  Anglo-Saxons  had  the  harp  and 
other  musical  instruments,  of  which  we  do  not  well  know  the 
construction ;  and  in  the  latter  ages  of  their  dynasty  they 
had  organs  in  their  churches.f  Benedict,  the  founder  of  the 
abbey  of  Wearmouth,  introduced  the  art  of  glass-making 
from  France.  The  progress  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  in  the  arts 
of  design  and  painting  was  not  considerable ;  but  they  were 
extremely  fond  of  beautifying  their  MSS.  with  drawings  of 
various  colours,  and  sometimes  with  gilt  letters.  Many  of 
their  manuscripts,  yet  to  be  seen  in  the  Cottonian  library,  are 
decorated  with  superb  illuminations.  Other  particulars 
might  be  noticed ;  but  it  would  be  tedious  to  enter  into  a  more 
detailed  account  of  manners  and  modes  of  life  long  ago  ex- 
tinct :  what  has  been  said  will  suffice  as  a  general  sketch  of 
the  Anglo-Saxons,  before  the  Norman  conquest  put  an  end  to 
their  political  existence. 

»  Hist.  Ang.  Sax.  2.  book  8,  chap,  U- 
t  3.  Gttle,  366,  and  420, 


HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND, 


WILLIAM  L 


AV^HATEVER  advantages  England  might  derive  from  the  Nor- 
man conquest,  in  regard  to  her  foreign  politics,  its  eft'ects  on 
Ler  internal  happiness  -were  long  and  fatally  felt.  The 
troubles  Avhich  ensued,  and  terminated  in  the  complete  en- 
slavement of  the  nation,  have  by  some  been  ascribed  to  the 
tyranny  of  the  Norjnans,  by  others  to  the  refractory  spirit  of 
the  English ;  and  it  appears  extremely  probable  that  both  these 
causes  concurred  to  produce  their  calamitous  consequences.* 
A  visit  which  AVilliam  took  into  Normandy,  afforded  to  the 
English  the  first  opportunity  of  revolt.  His  brother,  Odo, 
bishop  of  Bayeux,  and  William  Fitz-Osborn,  were  constituted 
regents  during  his  absence ;  and  their  oppressive  government 
is  said  to  Jiave  provoked  the  English  to  take  arms.  Two  at- 
tempts, one  in  Kent,  the  other  in  Herefordshire,  were  made 
to  shake  oft'  the  Norman  yoke,  but  both  of  them  proved  abor- 
tive. "IMie  return  of  the  king  restored  for  a  while  the  public 
tranquillity.  But  these  two  revolts  rendered  him  so  suspi- 
cious of  his  new  subjects,  that  he  began  to  consider  them  as  se- 
cret enemies. 

In  reviewing  the  situation  in  wliich  William  was  placed, 
and  the  rigours  of  his  administration,  it  is  requisite  to  consi- 
der that  he  had  a  conquering  as  well  as  a  conquered  nation 
to  govern.  It  was  necessary  to  cherish  and  reward  tlie  Nor- 
mans, whose  valour  had  opened  him  a  way  to  the  throne,  and 
whose  fidelity  was  his  chief  and  indeed  his  only  support.  But 
this  could  only  be  done  at  the  expense  of  (he  English,  on 
whom  he  imposed  intolerable  taxes. f^  These  oppressive  meas- 

*  Compare  Ordovicus  "Vitalis,  and  Will    of  Toict.  the  former  imputes 
the  blame  to  the  Normans  ;  the  latter  wholly  to  tlic  En,^li»h. 
t  Flor.  Worces*.  p.  635.     Brompt  p.  663. 


WILLIAM  I.  89 

ures  instigated  them  to  make  another  attempt  to  free  them- 
selves from  a  burden  which  they  deemed  insupportable.  Ex- 
eter erected  the  standard  of  revolt,  and  refused  to  admit  a 
Norman  garrison.  In  the  depth  of  winter,  William  marched 
in  person  to  tlie  siege  of  that  city,  which  he  obliged  to  surren- 
der at  discretion ;  but  at  the  earnest  entreaty  of  the  clergy, 
he  spared  not  only  the  lives,  but  the  property  of  the  inhabi- 
tants. This  lenity  to  a  particular  city,  however,  was  more 
than  counter-balanced  by  his  severity  to  the  whole  kingdom. 
In  order  to  discharge  the  debts  in  which  his  expensive  arma- 
ment had  involved  his  finances,  and  to  fulfil  the  expectations 
of  his  followers,  as  well  as  to  destroy  the  influence  of  the 
English  nobles,  he  confiscated  the  estates  of  all  those  who 
had  espoused  the  party  of  Harold. 

These  rigorous  measures  discoverad  a  systematic  design  of 
depressing  the  English,  and  drove  them  to  successive  revolts. 
Within  less  than  two  years  after  the  conquest,  Edwin,  earl 
of  Chester,  and  his  brother,  Morcar,  earl  of  Northumberland, 
flew  to  arms,  and  their  forces  were  joined  by  those  of  their 
nephew,  Blethwin,  king  of  Wales.  William,  apprehending 
that  this  revolt,  if  neglected,  might  be  attended  with  danger- 
ous consequences,  lost  no  time  in  collecting  his  forces,  and 
marching  against  the  insurgents.  In  order  at  the  same  time 
to  secure  a  retreat  in  case  of  necessity,  and  to  overawe  the 
inland  provinces,  he  built  two  castles  at  Nottingham,  which 
as  well  as  Warwick  castle,  he  garrisoned  with  Norman  sol- 
diers.* The  two  earls  seeing  all  their  measures  disconcerted 
by  the  rapidity  of  his  march,  and  the  superiority  of  his  force, 
were  obliged  to  submit ;  and  the  king  granted  them  their  par- 
don, hoping  to  recover  the  afteetions  of  the  English  by  thi« 
act  of  clemency. 

The  king,  in  the  meanwhile,  took  the  most  active  measures 
for  preventing  future  revolts  ;  and  the  terror  which  pervaded 
the  kingdom  was  increased,  when  castles  were  seen  building 
fit  Cambridge,  Huntingdon,  Lincoln,  and  several  other  places. 
Morcar  and  the  other  Northumbrian  lords,  although  they  had 
received  their  pardon,  began  to  dread  that  the  hour  ofveu- 

•  S.  Duiielm.  p.  19r.     Hoveclen.  p.  450. 


90  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.' 

geanee  was  only  deferred,  and  in  order  to  avoid  the  threaten- 
iag  storm,  they  took  refuge  in  Scothvnd,  as  did  also  Edgar 
Atlieling,  with  his  mother  and  sisters.  The  king,  heing  every 
day  more  convinced  of  the  disaffection  of  the  English,  increa- 
sed liis  precautions.  He  took  away  tlieir  arms,  and  in  order 
to  prevent  seditious  meetings  and  conspiracies,  he  prohibited 
the  use  of  lights  in  any  house  after  eight  o'clock  in  the  even- 
ing, at  which  time  the  corfew  bell  was  rung  to  warn  the  peo- 
ple to  put  out  their  fire  and  candle,  under  the  penalty  of  a 
heavy  fine.* 

These  restraints,  which  seemed  intolerable  to  the  English^ 
contributed  to  heighten  their  resentment  against  their  oppres- 
sors ;  and  historians  assure  us  that  there  scarcely  passed  a 
day,  in  which  the  bodies  of  assassinated  Normans  were  not 
found  in  the  woods  and  on  the  highways,  without  any  possi- 
bility of  discovering  the  perpetrators  of  these  murders.  But 
the  Northumbrians,  whose  vicinity  to  Scotland  encouraged 
their  turbulent  spirit,  were,  of  all  others,  the  most  impatient 
under  a  foreign  yoke.  They  wei'e  for  the  most  part  of  Danish 
descent,  and  they  resolved  to  call  in  the  Danes  to  their  assist- 
ance. In  the  mean  while,  having  collected  some  troops,  they 
surprised  Durham,  and  put  the  Norman  governor  and  his 
garrison  to  the  sword.  Shortly  after  this  event,  the  Danish 
fleet  arrived  in  the  mouth  of  the  Humber.f  Edgar  Atheliug 
earl  Gospatric,  and  the  other  Northumbrian  lords,  who  had 
fled  into  Scotland,  joined  the  Danish  general  soon  after  he 
Lad  landed  his  forces.  The  combined  army  of  English  and 
Danes  meeting  with  no  force  to  oppose  them,  marched  di- 
rectly to  York.  The  Norman  garrison  having  set  fire  to  the 
city,  a  great  part  of  which,  with  the  cathedral,  the  monas- 
tery of  St.  Peter,  and  a  valuable  library,  was  destroyed  by 
the  conflagration,  retired  to  the  castle.  The  Danes,  however, 
carried  that  fortress  by  assault,  and  put  most  of  the  Normans 
to  the  number  of  three  thousand  men,  to  the  sword.     Having 

*  Corfew,  from  couore  ieu,  or  coverfire.  Eut  Tindal,  in  liis  notes  on 
Rapjn,  vol.  1.  p.  171,  doubts  the  truth  of  this  story,  which  is  now  current 
among  the  modern  historians. 

I  The  Danish  fleet  and  army  v/ere  commanded  by  Osbern,  brother  to 
Swcyii,  liinj^  of  Denmark.     K.npin  1,  p.  171. 


WILLIAM    I.  91 

thus  made  themselves  masters  of  York,  they  left  earl  Wal- 
thof  in  that  city  with  an  English  garrison,  and  hearing  that 
the  king  was  marching  to  attack  them,  they  took  an  advanta- 
geous position  between  the  Ouse  and  the  Trent.* 

The  news  of  this  invasion  gave  the  king  a  considerable 
degree  of  alarm,  and  he  judged  it  expedient  to  conciliate  the 
affections  of  the  English  by  acts  of  moderation  and  lenity. 
He  recalled  several  whom  he  had  banished,  liberated  others 
from  prison,  and  convened  several  of  the  most  eminent  na- 
tives, in  order  to  procure  information  concerning  the  ancient 
laws  and  customs  of  the  realm. f  Having  taken  these  precau- 
tions, he  began  his  march  against  the  Danes,  and  in  his  way 
reduced  Oxford,  which  had  creeled  the  standard  of  revolt. 
On  his  arrival  in  Yorkshire,  he  put  all  to  tire  and  sword  ; 
but  as  he  durst  not  attack  the  Danes  in  their  fortilied  post,  he 
tried  the  safer  method  of  negociation,  and  by  liberal  bribes 
prevailed  on  their  general  to  evacuate  the  country.  After 
their  departure  he  laid  siege  to  York.  But  earl  Walthof 
bravely  defended  that  city  for  a  long  time,  and  want  of  pro- 
visions alone  compelled  him  to  capitulate.  William,  who  ad- 
mired his  valour,  not  only  granted  him  honourable  terms; 
but  gave  him  his  niece  in  marriage.  After  the  reduction  of 
York,  the  king  resolved  to  make  a  terrible  example  of  the 
Northumbrians.  Advancing  northwards,  he  wasted  (he  coun- 
try with  fire  and  sword  in  so  merciless  a  manner,  that  from 
York  to  Durham  not  a  single  house  was  left  standing.  All 
that  part  of  the  country  was  rendered  a  scene  of  desolation ; 
and  not  only  the  houses,  but  even  the  implements  of  husl)an- 
dry  being  destroyed,  a  dreadful  famine  ensued,  by  which  mul- 
titudes of  the  inhabitants  perished,  and  the  lands  remained  for 
the  space  of  nine  years  without  cultivation.:!: 

William  being  fully  convinced  that  nothing  but  force  could 
induce  the  English  to  submit  peaceably  to    his  government, 

•  This  is  the  accoimt  of  Hunlingd.  p.  369,  and  .ilso  of  M.  Paris;  but 
it  seems  more  probaI)le  that  they  would  enciimp  on  the  north  or  east  side 
of  the  Ouse,  or  between  that  river  and  the  Aire,  ratlicr  than  between  the 
Ouse  and  the  Trent. 

f  Hoveden  p.  602. 

^  S.  Dunebn.  p.  200,  kc    Brompt.  p.  966. 


92  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

resolved  so  completely  to  depress  those  who  possessed  anj 
influence  over  the  people,  as.  to  prevent  them  from  ever  mak- 
ing any  considerable  eftbrt.     For  this  purpose  he  suddenly  re- 
moved the  English  nobles  from   all  such  posts  as   could  give 
them  any  influence  over  their  countrymen,  and  dispossessed 
thein  ol*  all  the  baronies  and  fiefs  of  the  crown.     With  these 
he  liberally  rewarded  his  followers,  and  their  number  being 
less  than  that  of  the  English  nobles,  many   of  these  foreign 
adventurers  obtained  vast  possessions.     Robert,  the  king's 
half  brother,   had  the  earldom   of  Cornwall,  in   which  were 
two  hundred  and  forty -eight  manors,  besides  five  hundred  and 
fifty-eight  which  he  possessed  in  other  countries.     Odo,  bishop 
of  Baycux,  was  made  earl  palatine  of  Kent  and  justiciary  of 
England,  and  possessed  four  hundred  and  thirty-nine  fiefs. 
AVilliam  Fitz-Osborn  was  rewarded  with  the  whole  earldom 
of  Hereford  and  the  Isle  of  Wight.     William  Warner  had 
Surrey,  and  Walter  Giftord  the  county  of  Buckingham.  Hugh 
Lupus  de  Almonches,   the  king's   sister's   son,  obtained  the 
county  palatine  of  Chester  to  hold  in  full  sovereignty.     Alan 
Fergeant  Due  de  Bretagne,  the  king's  son-in-law,  was  put  in 
possession  of  all  the  estates  of  earl  Edwin.     To  Roger  de 
Montgomery    the   king  gave  Arundel,  Chichester,  and  all 
Shropshire.     Eudes  count  de  Blois  was  put  in  possession  of 
all  Holderncss.  Ralph  de  Guader,  a  knight  of  Bretagne,  wass 
made   earl  of  Norfolk  and   Suffolk,  and   lord  of  Norwich. 
Henry  de  Ferrariis  obtained  Tutbury  castle,  with  one  hundred 
and   seventy-six  lordships.      William,  bishop  of  Constance, 
possessed  two  hundred  and  eighty  fiefs.     The  other  French, 
Flemish,  and  Norman  chiefs,  who  had  joined  in  the  king's 
expedition  to   England,  were  rewarded  by  estates  in  propor- 
tion to  their  rank  or  their  services.  The  English  clergy,  also, 
notwithstanding  the  pains  they  had  taken  in  disposing  the  na- 
tion to  place  William  on  the  throne,  met  with  no  better  treat? 
ment  than  the  nobility.     The  king  was  resolved  to  depress  ev- 
ery thing  that  was  English.     He  subjected  the  church  lands, 
as  well  as  others,  to  military  service,  from  which  they  had 
been  exempt  under  the  Saxon  kings  ;*  and    almost  all  his 
troops  being  quartered  on  the  monasteries,  were  maintained 

*  Selden  Titles  of  Hon.  p.  578. 


WILLIAM   I.  93 

without  any  expense  to  the  croM^n.  The  hishops  and  abbots 
^vere,  as  might  be  expected,  iinwilliug  to  submit  to  this  in- 
fringement of  iheir  ancient  charters  and  immunities;  and 
their  remonstrances  furnished  the  king  with  a  plausible  pre- 
text for  removing  them  and  putting  foreigners  in  their  places. 
The  king,  who,  on  every  occasion  was  supported  by  the  papal 
authority,  sent  two  legates  to  Rome,  where  every  thing  passed 
according  to  his  desire.  On  their  return,  Stigand,  archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  was  deposed,  and  Lanfranc,  an  Italian  by 
birth,  but  abbot  of  a  monastery  at  Caen,  in  Normandy,  was 
raised  to  that  see.  Thomas,  a  canon  of  Bayeux,  was  pro- 
moted to  the  archbishoprick  of  York.  Other  foreigners  >vcre 
placed  in  different  episcopal  sees,  and  Norman  abbots  in  the 
principal  monasteries,  from  which  the  £nglish  abbots  were 
removed.* 

This  general  transfer  of  all  the  power  and  property  of  Eng- 
land to  the  Normans,  was  the  most  important  transaction  of 
the  reign  of  William,  and  that  which  constitutes  the  grand 
characterestic  of  the  memorable  revolution  eftectcd  by  the 
conquest.  From  this  period  England  became  entirely  Nor- 
manized:tlie  laws,  the  language,  and  manners  of  Normandy, 
began  to  prevail.  Instead  of  ealdormen  and  thanes,  the 
French  and  Norman  titles  of  counts,viscounts,barons,  esquires, 
&c.  were  introduced.  The  Norman  French  was  the  only 
language  used  at  Court,  and  among  all  people  of  rank  and 
fashion  ;  and  every  kind  of  means  was  used  to  render  it  uni- 
versally prevalent  throughout  the  kingdom.!  A  great  num- 
ber of  Norman  words  were  consequently  introduced,  and  at 

•  For  these  proceedings  >-ide  Tyrrel's  Hist.  Eng.  p.  28,  Sec-  S.  Dun- 
dm.  p.  202,  See 

f  It  lias  been  said  by  some,  that  no  other  language  tlian  Norman  French 
was  permitted  to  be  taught  in  the  schools ;  but  no  authentic  record  of 
any  positive  prohibition  of  teaching  English  can  be  found.  It  must,  how- 
ever, be  observed,  that  as  all  the  people  of  fashion  spoke  Norman,  it  was 
almost  unnecessary  to  teach  English,  as  in  tliat  age  few  of  the  common 
people  had  any  learning.  As  to  the  laws  being  wholly  written  in  French, 
and  all  pleadings  being  in  that  language,  some  historians  assert  the  factf 
and  others  say  that  this  regulation  was  confined  to  the  Court  of  King's 
Bench  and  the  Exchequer.  Vide  Tyrrel's  introduction  to  vol.  2.  Tin- 
dal's  notes  on  Kapin.  vol.  1.  p.  179. 


9i!  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

length  a  mixed  language  was  formed,  different  both  from  tlio 
Norman  and  from  the  English  that  Mas  spoken  before  the 
conquest.* 

It  is  not  the  design  of  this  work  to  enter  into  tedious  de- 
tails of  all  the  partial  revolts  of  the  English  against  the  op- 
pressive power  of  the  Nonnans.  It  suffices  to  observe,  that 
their  last  effort  Mas  made  in  the  Isle  of  Ely,  a  place  which 
the  surrounding  morrasses  rendered  almost  inaccessible.  To 
this  strong  position  the  earls  Edwin  and  Morcar,  with  the 
bishops  of  Durham  and  Hereford,  and  several  other  distin- 
guished Englishmen,  retired,  as  Alfred  had  formerly  done,  to 
a  similar  situation.  Their  success,  however,  was  very  differ- 
ent. They  were  joined  by  a  great  number  of  malcontents, 
and  chose  for  their  commander,  Harewood,  nephew  of  the 
abbot  of  Peterborough.f  The  king,  who  was  not  unacquainted 
with  the  military  reputation  of  Harewood,  resolved  to  crush, 
as  soon  as  possible,  this  rebellion,  and  marched  with  the  great- 
est expedition  to  attack  his  post.  But  the  morrasses  proving 
an  insurmountable  barrier  against  his  approaches,  he  commen- 
ced a  rigorous  blockade  of  the  isle,  in  the  hope  of  reducing 
the  rebels  by  famine.  This,  however,  was  a  more  difficult 
ta&k  than  he  had,  at  first,  apprehended.  They  had  laid  in 
an  ample  supply  of  provisions,  and  were  prepared  for  a  long 
defence.  The  king,  however,  effected  by  policy,  what  he  found 
go  difficult  to  accomplish  by  arms.  The  monks  of  the  mou| 
astery  of  Ely,  being  zealous  promoters  of  the  revolt,  he 
seized  the  manors  which  they  possessed  without  the  limits  of 
the  isle,  in  order  to  reduce  them  to  obedience.  This  measure 
had  the  desired  effect.  Thurstan,  the  abbot,  agreed  to  pay 
the  king  a  thousand  marks,  and  put  him  in  possession  of  the 
isle  of  Ely,  on  condition  that  he  should  restore  the  lands 
which  belonged  to  the  monastery.     History  does  not  inform 

*  Di:  Tfobertsoa  observes,  that  the  Norman  conquest  did  not  complete- 
ly obliterate  the  Saxon  laws,  manners,  and  language,  as  the  Saxon  con- 
quest had  done  those  of  the  Britons  ;  becanse  the  English,  thongli  van- 
quislied,  were  neither  exterminated  nor  expelled,  and  still  continued  to 
be  the  most  numerous  part  of"  tlie  population.  Vide  Ilist.  of  Charles  Y. 
vol.  1.  note  4- 

I  Ingulph.  p.  71,  he. 


WILLIAM   I.  95 

fis  of  the  means  which  were  used  by  the  abbot  to  fulfil  hi« 
engagement;  but  it  is  certain  that  his  treachery  obliged  the 
malcontents  to  surrender  at  discretion.  Their  cemmandcr 
alone  escaped  by  opening  with  his  sword  a  passage  through 
the  enemy  :  of  those  who  were  taken,  some  were  punished  by 
loss  of  their  eyes,  others  by  the  amputation  of  their  hands ; 
others,  among  whom  was  earl  Morcar,  were  shut  up  in  difter- 
ent  prisons:  the  bishop  of  Durham  was  starved  to  death  iu 
jiis  prison  at  Abingtou ;  and  the  monks  of  Ely,  to  whose 
treachery  he  owed  his  success,  were  obliged  to  pay  an  enor- 
mous fine. 

AVhilc  William  was  employed  in  reducing  the  malcontents 
in  the  isle  of  Ely,  Malcolm,  king  of  Scotland,  invaded  the 
north  of  England,  where  he  committed  the  most  horrible  rav- 
ages. Gospatric,  governor  of  Northumberland,  not  having  a 
/orcc  sufficient  to  meet  him  in  the  field,  made  an  incursion 
into  Cumberland,  where  he  retaliated  on  the  Scots  the  cruel- 
ties committed  by  their  countrymen  in  England.  The  king 
had  no  sooner  terminated  the  atlair  of  Ely,  than  he  marched 
against  Malcolm,  who  retired  at  his  approach.  William, 
however,  followed  him  into  Scotland;  but  neither  of  them 
being  desirious  of  hazarding  a  battle,  a  peace  was  concluded  : 
the  boundaries  of  the  two  kingdoms  were  fixed ;  and  Mal- 
colm did  houiage  to  William,  but  whether  for  the  kingdom 
of  Scotland,  or  only  for  Cumberland,  is  a  matter  of  uncer- 
tainty. 

The  aggrandizement  of  the  duke  of  Normandy  by  the  ac- 
fpiisition  of  the  crown  of  England,  was  an  event,  which,  from 
the  very  first,  had  a  menacing  aspect  for  France.  Baldwin, 
carl  of  Flanders,  regent  of  that  kingdom  at  the  time  of  the 
conquest,  being  the  father-in-law  of  William,  had  favoured 
the  project,  vhich,  had  it  not  been  for  his  influence,  would 
undoubtedly  have  met  with  a  determined  opposition  from  thai 
quarter.  But  the  French  monarch  had  no  sooner  attained  to 
the  age  of  maturity,  than  he  was  sensible  of  the  error  com- 
mitted in  his  minority,  and  grew  jealous  of  the  power  of  ji 
vassal,  who  was  now  become  a  dangerous  rival.  In  order, 
therefore,  to  check  the  rising  greatness  of  so  formidabit; 
a  neighbour,  Philip  invaded  Normandy,  in  the  hope  that  suck 


96  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND,' 

a  diversion  would  produce  a  general  revolt  in  England.  But 
it  was  now  too  late.  The  strength  of  (he  English  was  already 
exhausted,  and  their  spirits  were  broken.  William  passed 
over  into  Normandy  witli  an  army  composed  partly  of  French, 
and  partly  of  English  troops.*  With  these  he  recovered  the 
province  of  Maine,  which  had  revolted ;  and  Philip  seeing 
himself  disappointed  of  his  expectation,  readily  agreed  to  a 
peace. 

While  William  was  engaged  in  this  war,  lie  had  some  dis- 
putes with  the  see  of  Rome.  Gregory  VII.  the  boldest  and 
most  enterprisiug  pontift"  that  ever  sat  in  the  papal  chair, 
summoned  him  to  do  homage,  pretending  that  England  Avas  a 
fief  of  the  holy  see.  He  also  demanded  the  arrears  of  Pe- 
ter pence,  which  had  not  been  paid  for  several  years.  AA'^ill- 
iam,  without  hesitation,  promised  to  pay  the  arrears,  as  well 
as  the  annual  tribute ;  but  in  regard  to  homage,  he  answered 
that  he  held  his  kingdom  only  of  God  and  his  sword.  And 
the  Pope,  who  at  that  time  was  engaged  in  a  difficult  con- 
test with  the  emperor,  perceiving  that  AVilliam  was  nei- 
ther to  be  swayed  by  superstitious  scruples,  nor  awed  by  men- 
aces, desisted  from  his  pretensions. 

This  dispute  with  the  Roman  pontiff  Mas  not  the  only 
trouble  with  which  AVilliam  was  harrassed  during  his  abode 
in  Normandy.  When  he  crossed  the  seas,  he  considered  the 
English  as  too  much  depressed  to  make  any  urther  attempts 
against  his  authority.  In  this  respect  his  calculation  was 
just ;  but  danger  arose  from  the  quarter  in  which  he  reposed 
his  confidence.  Several  of  the  Norman  lords,  the  chief  of 
whom  were  Ralph  dc  Guader,  earl  of  Suffolk,  and  Roger  de 
Breteville,  earl  of  Hereford,  formed  a  conspiracy  to  depose 
the  king.  Walthof,  being  heated  with  wine  at  a  splen- 
did entertainment,  had  been  drawn  into  the  plot ;  but  after- 
wards reflecting  on  the  favours  which  he  had  received  i'nnu 
the  king,  and  the  dangerous  consequences  of  a  revolt,  he  pas- 
sed over  into  Normandy,  and  by  making  a  discovery  of  the 
whole  affair,  obtained  pardon  for  his  imprudent  eonnexicn 
with  the  conspirators.     The  revolt,  however,  was  crushed  al- 

*  IJiinl)»t;il.  p.  s"69.    Bromnt.  p.  972. 


WILLIAM    I.       •  97 

most  in  its  birtli  by  the  activity  of  tlie  Bishop  of  Bayeux,  re- 
gent of  the  kingdom.  The  two  earls  were  prevented  from 
joining  their  forces,  and  Ralph  de  Guader  Avas  obliged  to 
make  his  escape  into  Bretagne.  From  thence  he  went  to  so- 
licit the  assistance  of  Swein  II.  king  of  Denmark ;  and  a 
Danish  fleet  soon  appeared  at  the  mouth  of  the  Thames.  But 
the  English  had  now  su)ik  into  a  state  of  the  most  abject 
slavery  ;  and  the  Danish  commander  finding  that  they  had  no 
disposition  to  rise  against  their  oppressors,  left  the  coast  with- 
out landing  his  troops.* 

William,  in  the  meanwhile,  having  returned  from  Norman- 
dy, Edgar  Atheling,  weary  of  living  an  exile  in  Scotland, 
came  and  made  his  submission.  He  met  ^ith  a  gracious  re- 
ception, and  was  allowed  a  pound  weight  of  silver  per  day 
for  his  maintenance.  But  the  king  made  a  terrible  example 
of  all  who  had  been-  concerned  in  the  late  rebellion.  Some 
had  their  hands  cut  oft",  others  had  their  eyes  put  out,  and 
those  who  met  with  the  most  favourable  treatment  were  ban- 
ished the  kingdom.  Though  the  English  had  not  joined  the 
Norman  conspirators,  they  were  involved  in  their  punishment. 
The  king  believed,  or  pretended  to  believe,  that  they  had 
privately  fomented  the  rebellion,  and  under  tlvat  pretext, 
deprived  some  of  their  lives,  and  others  of  their  estates* 
Earl  Walthof,  the  only  English  nobleman  who  retained  any 
considerable  degree  of  credit  and  influence,  was  involved  ia 
the  general  wreck  of  the  nation.  The  particular  eircumstan' 
ces  which  led  to  his  ruin,  are  unknown ;  but  he  seems  to 
have  fallen  a  victim  to  the  intrigues  of  the  Norman  courtiers, 
who  coveted  his  estates  and  preferments.  On  the  .31st  May, 
1075,  this  nobleman  was  beheaded  at  Winchester,  and  his 
body  was  removed  to  Croyland  abbey,  to  which  he  had  been 
a  great  benefactor.f  He  was  the  last  of  the  distinguished 
nobles  of  England,  that  fell  victims  to  Norman  despotism.  He 
was  regarded  by  the  people  as  a  martyr;  and  miracles  were 
supposed  to  be  wrought  at  his  tomb. 

•  For  an  account  of  this  rebellion,  vUIe  M.  West.  M.  P.uis,  and  S.  Dun- 
elm,  p.  207,  &c. 

t  "V'idc  Ingul.  p.  72,  &c. 

O 


9^  .  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

The  succeeding  Iransactious  of  William's  reigUj  were  of 
much  less  importance  than  those  already  related.  In  a  war 
with  the  Dne  de  Brefagne,  of  which  historians  have  left  only 
confused  and  contradictory  accounts,  he  \>as  obliged  to  raise 
tJie  siege  of  Dol,  with  a  very  considerable  loss.*  He  was 
afterwards  harrassed  by  the  rebellion  of  his  eldest  son  Rob- 
ert, who  was  encouraged  by  the  king  of  France.  In  this 
contest  with  his  son,  he  was  once  in  great  danger  of  losing 
his  life.  Having  fallen  into  an  ambuscade,  he  was  obliged 
to  expose  himself  like  a  common  soldier,  and  his  valour  Mas 
so  conspicuous,  that  Robert  assaulting  him  in  person,  dismoun- 
ted him  with  his  lance.  But  the  prince  recognising  his  father  by 
his  armour,  alighted  immediately  from  his  horse,  raised  him 
«p,  and  asking  pardon  for  his  rebellion,  submitted  entirely  to 
his  mercy.  A  short  war  with  Scotland  produced  no  impor- 
tant effects,  except  that  Malcolm  r<avaged  JVorthumberland  iu 
a  merciless  manner.  The  AVelch  were  compelled  to  pay  an 
annual  tribute  to  the  crown  of  England.  About  the  year  1080, 
William  built  the  town  of  Newcastle-upon-Tyne,  in  the  place 
where  the  abbey  of  Monkcester  stood;  and  about  the  same 
time,  he  laid  the  foundation  of  the  Tower  of  London,  for  tlie 
purpose  of  overawing  the  citizensj  and  of  securing  a  retreat 
in  case  of  an  insurrection. f 

The  king,  seeing  all  opposition  to  his  power  at  an  end, 
turned  his  attention  to  the  arrangement  of  his  revenues.  To 
this  end,  he  ordered  a  general  survey  of  the  lands,  goods,  and 
chattels,  of  his  subjects.  The  number  of  acres  contained  in 
each  estate,  the  taxes  which  it  had  paid  under  the  Saxon 
government,  as  well  as  since  the  revolution,  the  number  of 
horses,  horned  cattle,  sheep,  &c.  kept  upon  it,  with  every 
other  particular  relative  to  landed  and  personal  property, 
w  ere  entered  in  a  general  register,  called  the  Domesday  Book, 
which  was  laid  up  in  the  Exchequer,  and  may  now  be  re- 
garded as  the  most  minute  and  authentic  record  to  be  met 

*  Compare  P.  Daniel  Hist,  of  Trance.  Tom.  3.  p.  112,  Sec.  with  Odor. 
Vitalis  lib.  4.  and  Malms.  o» 

f  The  part  called  the  White  Tower  was  that  which  was  built  by  Wi!- 
liani. 


WILLIAM    I.  99 

with  in  any  country.*  The  king,  knowing  by  this  means  what 
burdens  his  subjects  were  able  to  bear,  regulated  his  imposts 
according  to  the  value  of  their  property,  and  the  demands  of 
his  own  avarice.  His  revenues  amounted  at  least  to  400,000 
pounds,  equal  to  three  times  its  weight  in  modern  money  ; 
and  if  we  consider  the  rate  of  living  to  be  increased  in  a  ten- 
fold proportion  since  the  eleventb  century,  tins  income  might 
be  considered  as  equivalent  to  twelve  miiiious  at  the  present 
day.f 

Hunting  was  the  only  diversion  to  which  William  discov- 
ered any  attachment,  and  in  order  to  gratify  this  propensity, 
he  distinguished  his  reign  by  an  act  which  stands  almost 
without  parallel  in  the  annals  of  despotism.  Thirty-six  par- 
ish churches,  with  the  houses  of  the  inhabit.ants  were  demol- 
ished, and  a  tract  of  country  above  thirty  miles  in  circuit  was 
depopulated  to  make  the  new  forest  in  Hampshire.  But  tlie 
severity  of  the  game  laws  which  he  enacted,  displayed  an  in. 
stance  of  tyranny  still  more  atrocious.  Whoever  killed  a 
deer  was  punished  by  the  loss  of  his  eyes,|  a  law,  which 
though  enacted  by  a  christian  monarch,  would  have  disgraced 
a  pagan  legislator.  In  this,  his  favonrite  forest,  where  he 
had  demolished  the  temples  of  the  Deity,  and  violently  seiz- 
ed the  property  of  the  people,  two  of  his  sons,  and  one  of 
his  grandsons,§  lost  their  lives  by  extraordinary  accidents  ; 
and  it  is  no  wonder  that,  in  a  superstitious  age,  those  tragical 
occurrences  were  considered  as  the  judgments  of  heaven  mani- 
fested against  sacrilege,  injustice,  and  tyranny. 

•  Domesday  Book  Is  to  this  day  regarded  as  decisive  e^•ide^ce  in  all 
controversies  referable  to  it.  But  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  it  does  not 
comprise  Northumberland,  Cumberland,  nor  Westmoreland. 

■}■  Bishop  Fleetwood,  in  his  Chrcnicon,  authorises  us  to  believe  that  the 
rate  of  living  has  increased  more  than  tenfold  since  a  much  later  ]5eriod ; 
but  these  calculations  involving  so  many  particulars,  present  numerous 
difficulties  ;  and  the  extremely  disproportionate  estimates  of  the  value  of 
land  and  of  its  produce,  in  several  parts  of  tlie  Chionicon  are  very  diffi- 
cult  to  reconcile  to  the  natural  state  of  tilings. 

^  Brompt.  p.  981.     Vide  also  M.  Paris,  and  other  historians. 

§  Richard,  his  second  son,  and  William  Hufus.  Richard  was  killed  !)y  a 
stag  in  his  father's  life  time.  The  grandson  here  mentioned  was  Kichard, 
ihc  son  of  Duke  Robert.    VidQ  Malmsb,  Dunejim.  &c.. 


400  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

Although  William  had  so  completely  established  his  de«« 
potism,  it  was  not  his  fortune  to  die  in  peace.  He  was  grown 
so  corpulent  and  unwieldy,  that  tranquiilily  seemed  absolute- 
ly necessary  to  his  comfortable  existence.  But  his  son,  Rob- 
ert, having  again  been  encouraged  by  the  king  of  France  to 
revolt,  William,  after  making  formidable  preparations  passed 
over  into  Normandy.*  Having  entered  the  territory  of  Le 
Vexin,  he  ravaged  the  country  in  a  dreadful  manner,  and 
took  the  city  of  Mantes,  which  he  ordered  to  he  set  on  fire 
and  reduced  to  ashes.  During  this  barbarian  scene,  the  king 
in  his  eagerness  to  see  the  due  execution  of  his  orders,  ap- 
proached so  near  the  conflagration,  that  the  heat  of  the  flames, 
combined  with  that  of  the  season,  threw  him  into  a  feverish 
disorder,  which  an  accident  soon  rendered  fatal.  On  his  re- 
turn to  Rouen,  in  leaping  a  ditch  he  bruised  the  rim  of  his 
belly  against  the  pommel  of  his  saddle,  and  being  carried  on 
a  litter  to  Rouen,  soon  perceived  that  his  end  was  approach- 
ing. At  this  momentous  crisis,  it  is  not  surprising  that  he 
should  see  his  past  actions  in  a  light  very  different  from  that  in 
which  he  had  been  accustomed  to  view  them  in  the  season  of 
prosperity  and  triumph.  It  is  said,  that  he  acknowledged 
his  unjust  usurpation  of  the  crown  of  England,  and  owned 
himself  guilty  of  all  the  blood  that  had  been  spilt  in  conse- 
quence. If  the  English  had  a  right  to  set  aside  the  legiti- 
mate heir  and  elect  their  monarch,  the  charge  of  usurpation 
against  William  is  just ;  but  if  hereditary  claim  be  allowed, 
he  cannot  be  deemed  an  usurper,  but  only  a  conqueror.  He 
wrested  the  crown  not  from  Edgar  Atheling,  the  undisputed 
heir,  but  from  Harold,  who,  according  to  the  laws  of  heredi- 
tary succession,  was  himself  an  usurper.  Historians,  however, 
relate,  that  he  would  not  presume  to  bequeath  a  crown, 
which  he  considered  as  not  belonging  to  him,  but  left  the  dis- 
posal of  it  to  God,  intimating,  however,  that  if  he  might 
have  his  wish,  William,  his  second  son,  should  reign  over 
England.  To  Robert,  his  eldest  son,  he  bequeathed  Nor- 
mandy ;  and  Henry,  his  third  son,  had,  for  his  portion,  all  his 
mother's  cft'octs,  together  with  an  annual  pension.     Some  his- 

*  P.  Daniel  IJist.  de  France,  vol.  3. 


WILLIAM    I.  101 

torians  affirm,  that  he  expressed  a  poignant  sorrow  for  the 
calamities  which  he  had  inflicted  on  the  English,  and  as  a 
proof  of  the  sincerity  of  his  contrition,  liberated  many  that 
were  confined  in  prison.*  And,  indeed,  he  appears  to  have 
incurred  far  greater  guilt  in  the  tyranny  of  his  government, 
than  in  his  mode  of  acquiring  the  crown.  Having  regulated 
his  temporal  affairs,  and  sent  his  son,  William,  to  England, 
in  order  to  secure  his  succession  to  the  throne,  he  turned  his 
whole  attention  to  the  concerns  of  his  soul,  and  by  bequeath- 
ing considerable  sums  for  pious  and  cliaritable  uses,  endeav- 
oured to  bribe  the  justice  of  heaven  to  pardon  his  crimes, f 
He  closed  his  bloody  career  in  the  sixty-fourth  year 

'^1087  ^^  ^"*  *^*^'  ^^^^'^  ^  reign  of  fifty-two  years  over 
Normandy,  and  twenty-one  over  England,  during 
the  latter  of  which  periods,  he  had  subjected  the  English  to 
every  species  of  oppression  and  tyranny. 

The  character  of  William,  like  that  of  most  other  celebra- 
ted princes,  has  been  variously  represented  by  historians ; 
but  it  may  be  the  most  justly  estimated  by  an  impartial  re- 
view of  his  actions.  It  has  already  been  observed,  that  his 
rigorous  treatment  of  the  English  nobles  in  transferring  their 
estates  to  the  Normans,  might  be  partly  excited  by  their  fre- 
quent revolts,  and  partly  by  the  necessity  of  rewarding  those 
adventurers,  who  had  followed  his  fortunes,  and  whom  he  re- 
garded as  his  firmest  support.  But  his  severity  to  the  people, 
his  cruel  devastations  in  Northumberland  and  other  parts  of 
the  kingdom,  his  sanguinary  laws  and  horrible  punishments 
for  trifling  offences,  admit  of  no  such  political  excuse,  and 
can  only  be  considered  as  the  characteristics  of  a  barbarian. 
Those  who  extenuate  his  cruelty,  adduce,  as  a  proof,  his  treat- 
ment of  Edgar  Atheling,  whom  he  received  into  favour,  and 
treated  with  a  liberal  kindness,  although  that  prince  was 
the  legitimate  heir  to  the  crown,  and  had  furnished  him  with 
several  pretexts  to  sacrifice  him  to  his  jealousy.  But  his 
general  severity  would  authorize  a  belief,  that  whenever  he 
acted  with  lenity,  it  was  through  some  political  motive,  with 
which  historians  are  unacquainted. 

*  Earl  Morcar  and  Ulnoth,  the  latter  of  whom  was  brother  of  king  Ha- 
rold, were  liberated  on  this  occasion.    Kapiu  Hist.  Eng.  vol.  1.  p.  180. 

t  Vide  Brompt.  p.  980. 


10^  History  of  England. 

In  regard  to  Lis  person,  William,  in  his  younger  years, 
was  well  proportioned  and  handsome,  with  a  majestic  and 
commanding  countenance.*  His  bodily  strength  was  such, 
tliat  if  we  may  believe  the  historians  of  the  age,  none  but 
Jiimself  could  bend  his  bow.  Some  have  extolled  his  temper- 
ance and  chastity;  but  all  have  acknowledged  that  avarice, 
as  well  as  ambition,  was  a  predominant  trail  of  his  character; 
and  that  although  on  solemn  occasions,  he  displayed  a  consider- 
able degree  of  magnificence,  his  expenses  were  far  from  being 
proportionate  to  liis  greatness  and  wealth.  In  regard  to  his  tal- 
ents, he  was  one  of  the  greatest  politicians  and  warriors  of  his 
lime.  Equally  prudent  in  forming,  and  bold  in  executing  his  de- 
signs, he  always  saw  danger  at  a  distance,  and  generally  en- 
deavoured to  prevent  its  approach ;  but  when  that  Mas  imprac- 
ticable, he  faced  it  with  dauntless  intrepidity.  The  police  of 
the  kingdom  is  said  to  have  been  so  well  regulated  during  his 
reign,  that  a  person  might  have  travelled  in  safety,  tliough 
loaded  with  gold.f  But  while  he  so  rigorously  enforced, 
among  his  subjects,  the  observance  of  the  laws,  he  himself  was 
regardless  of  the  principles  of  justice,  as  well  as  of  humanity. 
And  although  some  historians  have  represented  him  as  a  relig- 
ious prince,  it  is  evident  that  his  religion  consisted  rather  in  an 
attachment  to  the  exterior  forms  and  doctrinal  articles  of  the 
church,  than  in  a  compliance  with  its  moral  precepts.  After  de- 
voutly humbling  himself  before  a  crucifix,  he  made  no  scru- 
ple to  rise  from  his  knees  and  plunder  a  province  or  a  king- 
dom. Such,  from  an  impartial  review  of  his  actions,  ap- 
pears to  have  been  the  man  who  effected  so  great  a  revolu- 
tion in  England.  The  successive  events  of  the  twenty-one 
years  that  he  reigned,  exhibits  the  complete  establishment  of 
despotism  in  this  country ;  but  we  must  trace  its  decline 
through  a  series  of  ages  before  we  reach  the  period  of  its  ex- 
tinction, and  see  the  glorious  structure  of  British  freedom  rise 
upon  its  ruins.  :^ 

*  Rapin,  vol.  1.  p.  ISl. 

t  M.  West.  p.  229. 

i  It  may  be  observed,  that  William  the  Conqueror  first  introduced  the 
Jews  into  England.  They  had  already  been  setlled  in  Normapdy. 
Stjowe'i  Ciii'on.  p.  103. 


103 


WILLIA^I  11. 


VV^iLLiAM  II.  son  of  the  Conqueror,  arriving  in  tlngland  with 
letters  from  his  father  to  Lanfranc,  archbishop  of  Cantei'bury, 
that  prelate,  who  was  universally  beloved  both  by  the  Nor- 
mans and  the  English,  exerted  all  his  influence  to  place  him 
on  the  throne.  To  the  former  he  represented  the  necessity  of 
adhering  to  the  Conqueror's  choice,  as  the  surest  means  of 
preserving  their  possessions,  and  to  the  latter  he  promised 
that  the  young  king  would  govern  them  in  a  manner  very 
different  from  that  of  his  predecessor.  It  was,  indeed,  necessary, 
in  some  degree,  to  conciliate  both  nations:  the  power  and 
property  of  the  kingdom  were  in  the  hands  of  the  Normans ; 
but  the  English  were  the  most  numerous  part  of  the  popula- 
tion, and  might  have  been  a  terrible  engine  under  the  direc- 
tion of  able  leaders.  As  it  was  expected  that  the  crown 
would  be  claimed  by  Robert,  who  had  on  his  side  the  right  of 
primogeniture,  it  was  necessary  to  hasten  the  accession  of 
AVilliam.  The  endeavours  of  Lanfranc  were  not  exerted  in 
vain.  He  gained  most  of  tlie  Norman  lords  to  his  parly,  and 
among  these,  Eudo,  the  high  treasurer,  rendered  the  most 
essential  services.  Before  it  was  known  that  the  Conqueror 
was  dead,  he  put  William  in  possession  of  the  royal  trea- 
sures, amounting  to  G0,000/.  in  money,  besides  plate  and  jew- 
els of  much  greater  value,*  He  also  secured  Dover,  Peven- 
$cy,  Hastings,  and  the  other  fortresses  on  the  south  coast. 
Every  thing  being  thus  managed  by  Lanfranc  and 
A.r).1087'.  ^''''  ^♦^''ercnts,  William  was  crowned  without  meet- 
ing with  any  opposition. 
The  new  king  was  sensible  that  to  the  exertions  and  influ- 
cnee  of  Lanfranc,  he  owed  his  elevation  to  the  throne  ;  and 

•  napin  vol,  1.  p.  182. 


104  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

for  some  time  he  suffered  himself  to  be  directed  by  his  coun- 
sels. This  prelate  had  ever  shewn  a  great  regard  for  the 
English,  and  his  influence  over  the  king  inspired  them 
Avith  hopes  of  a  happy  change  in  their  favour.  But  such  is 
the  difficult  situation  of  princes,  that  when  their  measures 
are  the  best  calculated  for  the  good  of  their  subjects,  they 
are  often  opposed  by  court  intrigue  and  conspiracy.  While 
the  confidence  which  William  reposed  in  this  able  counsellor, 
lield  out  the  hope  of  a  beneficent  reign,  and  gained  him  the 
affections  of  the  English,  it  excited  from  another  quarter  a 
formidable  revolt,  wliich,  had  it  been  more  vigorously  con- 
ducted, might  have  hurled  him  from  his  throne.  His  uncle 
Odo,  bishop  of  Bayeux,  who  was  lately  released  out  of  prison, 
irritated  at  seeing  Lanfranc  so  greatly  in  favour,  and  ambi- 
tious of  being  placed,  as  he  had  formerly  been,  at  the  head 
of  the  administration,  formed  the  project  of  deposing  the  king, 
and  placing  the  crown  on  the  head  of  Robert,  to  whom  it 
belonged  by  the  laws  of  hereditary  succession.  By  repre- 
senting the  justice  of  the  cause,  and  inveighing  against  the 
imperious  disposition  of  the  king,  he  gained  many  of  the 
Norman  lords,  with  whom  he  concerted  the  plan  of  revolt. 
He  then  communicated  the  affair  to  Robert,  and  informed  him 
that  nothing  Mas  wanting  but  his  presence  and  a  body  of  Nor- 
man troops,  to  place  him  on  a  throne  unjustly  usurped  by  his 
brother.  The  duke  readily  concurred  in  a  project  so  fav- 
ourable to  his  interests,  and  promised  speedily  to  come  over 
to  England  with  an  army.  Every  thing  being  thus  arranged, 
tlie  Norman  lords  errccted  the  standard  of  rebellion :  the 
bishop  of  Constance,  with  his  nephew  Robert  de  Mowbray, 
earl  of  Northumberland,  made  themselves  mastors  of  Bath, 
Berkely  castle,  and  Bristol,  at  the  last  of  which  places  they 
established  their  magazines.  Bigod,  in  Norfolk,  and  Hugh 
Grantmenil,  in  Leicestershire,  seized  several  fortified  places. 
Roger  de  Montgomery,  earl  of  Arundel  and  Slirewsbury, 
AVilliam,  bishop  of  Durham,  Roger  de  Lacy,  Ralph  Morti- 
mer, and  all  the  other  conspirator;?,  fortlfud  themselves  in 
ditlcrent  cities,  in  expectation  of  the  arrival  of  duke  Robert 
with  an  army  from  Normandy.* 

*  Vit'e  l.'apin,  vol  1  p.  183,  vilhTindal's  notes. 


WILLIAM  ir.  105 

Had  the  activity  of  that  prince  corresponded  with  the 
zeal  of  the  party  that  had  declared  in  his  favour,  he  might, 
in  all  probability,  have  acquired  the  crown  of  England.  But 
his  indolence  caused  him  to  lose  so  fair  an  opportunity.  After 
a  loqg  delay,  for  which  no  substantial  reason  is  assigned  by 
historians,  instead  of  coming  himself  with  his  whole  force, 
he  sent  only  part  of  his  army,  m  hich  being  met  by  the  Eng- 
lish fleet,  was  defeated  with  a  very  considerable  slaughter.* 
On  this  occasion  the  activity  of  the  king  formed  a  striking 
contrast  to  the  indolence  cf  the  duke  his  brother  Having, 
through  the  influence  of  Lanfranc,  gained  the  English  to  his 
party,  he  prepared,  without  loss  of  time,  to  attack  the  Nor- 
man conspirators.  He  not  only  sent  out  a  fleet  to  intercept 
their  succours  from  Normandy,  but  marched  with  an  army  of 
English  against  his  uncle  Odo,  the  ringleader  of  the  rebellion, 
who  shut  himself  up  in  Pevensey,  where  he  flattered  himself 
with  being  able  to  sustain  a  siege  till  his  nephew,  the  duke  of 
Normandy,  should  come  to  his  relief.  After  a  siege  of  six, 
or  according  to  some  historians,  of  seven  weeks,  Pevensey 
was  taken,  and  Odo  was  made  prisoner.  The  king  after- 
wards marched  (o  Durham  ;  and  that  city  being  soon  obliged 
to  surrender,  the  bishop  and  all  his  adherents  were  banished 
the  kingdom.  By  address,  or  by  terror,  the  rest  of  the  rebels 
were  induced  to  lay  down  their  arms ;  and  this  formidable 
conspiracy,  which  had  threatened  William  with  the  loss  of 
his  crown,  wa$  crushed  without  ditticulty. 

The  English  had  assisted  William  in  his  necessity,  and 
they  expected  a  reward  proportioned  to  their  services.  But 
they  soon  perceived  that  they  had  flattered  themselves  with 
vain  hopes.  While  he  wanted  their  assistance  he  was  lavish  of 
promises,  which  he  forgot  as  soon  as  he  saw  himself  settled 
on  the  throne.  He  even  began  to  oppress  them  by  new  imposi- 
tions ;  ai)d  Lanfranc,  to  whom  he  chiefly  owed  his  success, 
incurred  his  displeasure,  by  remonstrating  against  his  un- 
grateful and  tyrannical  proceedings. 

The  death  of  Lanfranc,  which  happened  soon  after,  was 
equally  lamented  by  the  Normans  and  the  English,  as  it  lefi 

*  Brompt.  p.  985.     ^Vlalmsbuiy  p.  121. 
P 


106  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

William  without  any  check  to  his  tyranny.  "While  that  pre- 
late was  alive  anil  in  power,  his  presence  overawed  tlie  king, 
and  his  wise  counsels  coutiteractcd  his  virions  inclinations. 
But  when  this  sage  monitor  no  longer  superintended  his  meas- 
ures, he  threw  off  all  restraint,  and  gave  a  loose  to  that  in- 
satiable avarice,  which,  with  a  boundless  prodigality,  form 
so  singular  a  mixture  of  seeming  contrarieties  in  his  charac- 
ter. Equally  covetous  and  profuse,  he  amassed  wealth  by 
every  means  of  extortion,  and  squandered  it  by  every  mode  of 
dissipation.  One  of  his  measures,  hitherto  unexampled  ift 
England,  was  that  of  converting  to  his  own  use  the  vacant 
benefices.*  Some  of  these  ho  did  not  fill  for  several  years, 
during  which  time  he  conveyed  away  almost  every  thing  that 
was  convertible  into  money ;  and  at  length  disposed  of  them 
to  the  highest  bidder,  without  any  regard  to  capacity  or  mer- 
it. Such  a  conduct  could  not  fail  of  introducing  into  the 
higher  offices  of  the  church,  men  of  profligate  principles, 
who  did  not  scruple  to  sacrifice  their  consciences  for  ecclesi- 
astical preferment.  The  people  murmured,  and  the  consci- 
entious part  of  the  clergy  complained,  but  without  effect. 
Their  remonstrances  were  disregarded  equally  by  the  king 
and  the  Pope.  The  church,  at  that  time,  was  rent  by  a  schism, 
which  imposed  on  the  court  of  Rome  the  necessity  of  caution. 
And  Urban  II.  to  whom  the  English  clergy  preferred  their 
complaints,  was  intent  on  executing  the  project  which  his 
predecessor,  Gregory  VII.  had  formed,  of  recovering  Palestine 
from  the  infidels,  and  of  engaging  all  the  princes  of  Christen- 
dom in  a  league  for  that  purpose.  In  revolving  so  vast  de- 
signs, his  Holiness  considered  that  the  arms  of  the  christian 
monarchs  would  be  more  efficacious  than  the  prayers  of  the 
priests  and  monks ;  and  as  it  would,  at  such  a  juncture,  have 
been  inconsistent  with  his  views  to  irritate  the  king,  all  the 
applications  of  the  clergy  at  Rome,  were  treated  with  neglect 
and  indifference. 

William  could  not  easily  forget  the  attempt  which  Robert, 

•  The  king  seized  on  the  temporalities  of  the  archicpiscopal  see  of 
Canterbury,  and  on  those  of  the  bishoprick  of  Lincoln,  and  several  others, 
vacant  by  the  death  of  the  incumbents.    Rapin,  vol.  1.  p.  184. 


WILLIAM   II.  107 

or  ralher  his  partisans,  had  made  to  dispossess  him  of  th<> 
crown  of  England,  and  resolved  to  seek  his  revenge  by  seiz- 
ing on  Normandy.  For  this  purpose  he  crossed  the  channel, 
and  made  hinvielf  master  of  some  fortresses.  The  enterprise, 
however,  ultimately  failed.  After  an  indecisive  war  between 
the  brothers,  a  peace  was  concluded,  and  so  complete  a  re- 
conciUatioQ  took  place,  that  Robert  came  to  England  with 
William,  to  assist  him  in  repelling  the  Scots,  who  during  his 
absence  had  invaded  and  ravaged  the  northern  parts  of  the 
kingdom.  These  wars  with  Scotland,  however,  were  little 
more  than  predatory  expeditions  and  reciprocal  ravages, 
which  were  not  rendered  memorable  either  by  splendid  mili- 
tary achievemenls,  or  important  political  consequences.  But 
during  their  continuance,  Robert  Fitz-Hamon,  gentleman  of 
the  king's  bcdcliamber,  with  the  assistance  of  his  friends  and 
vassals,  conquered  the  province  of  Glamorgan,  in  South 
Wales.  And  AVilliam,  in  order  to  oppose  a  strong  barrier 
against  the  inroads  of  the  Scots,  rebuilt  the  city  of  Carlisle, 
which  had  been  destroyed  by  the  Danes,  and  had  lain  during 
the  space  of  two  hundred  years  in  ruins. 

While  William  was  oppressing  his  subjects  by  every  mode 
of  extortion,  and  every  day  finding  pretexts  for  new  imposi- 
tions, a  dangerous  sickness  with  which  he  was  attacked,  in- 
spired his  subjects  with  hopes  of  a  speedy  deliverance  from 
liis  tyranny.  The  king  himself,  in  the  expectation  of  death, 
which  he  considered  as  rapidly  approaching,  began  to  make 
serious  reflections  on  his  past  conduct,  and  appeared  firmly 
resolved  to  correct  the  mismanagemenls  of  his  administration, 
if  Divine  Providence  should  restore  him  to  health.  The  clergy 
represented  the  conversion  of  the  temporalities  of  the  church  to 
secular  purposes  as  an  insuperable  obstacle  to  his  salvation, 
and  under  the  dread  of  approaching  dissolution,,  he  promised  to 
fill  the  vacant  benefices.  But  the  repentance  extorted  by  terror 
is  seldom  sincere  or  lasting.  AVilliam  recovered,  and  all  hiis 
good  resolutions  vanished.  The  apprehension  of  death  had 
induced  him  to  appoint  Anselme,  abbot  of  Bee,  in  Normandy, 
to  the  archbishopric  of  Canterbury,  and  to  promise  the  res- 
toration of  its  revenues;  but  as  soon  as  he  found  himself  out 
of  danger,  he  began  to  delay,  and  at  length  absolutely  refused 


108  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

to  fulfill  his  engagement.  This  prevarication  produced  ft 
contest  between  the  king  and  the  prelate  :  at  length  the  lat- 
ter went  to  Rome,  but  linding  himself  unable  to  engage  the 
Pope  in  his  quarrel,  he  retired  to  a  monastery  at  Lyons ;  and 
the  king  retained,  duriug  the  remainder  of  his  reign,  the 
rich  temporalities  of  the  archiepiseopal  see.  Nor  were  his 
proceedings,  in  regard  to  the  church,  the  only  part  of  his  con- 
duct that  shewed  his  determination  to  continue  his  former 
practices.  Extortion  and  rapine  prevailed  as  much  as  ever 
in  all  the  departments  of  his  administration. 

The  reign  of  William,  as  far  as  England  was  particularly 
concerned,  is  distinguished  by  few  important  transactions ; 
but  in  regard  to  the  general  affairs  of  Europe  it  constitutes  a 
memorable  era.  At  that  period  arose  the  religious  and  mili- 
tary enthusiasm  of  the  eroisades,  which  so  greatly  affected 
the  state  of  the  different  nations  of  Christendom.  William, 
indeed,  took  no  pari  in  those  romantic  expeditions  ;  but  one 
of  their  first  effects  was  to  give  him  the  peaceable  possession 
of  Normandy,  which  he  had  already  attempted  to  conquer  by 
arms.  As  England,  however,  was  afterwards  deeply  enga- 
ged in  these  singular  enterprises,  which  carried  so  many 
hundred  thousands  of  the  inhabitants  of  Europe  to  perish  in 
Palestine,  and  in  common  with  all  the  nations  concerned,  ex- 
perienced their  good  and  their  evil  effects,  it  will  not  be  amiss 
to  exhibit  a  slight  sketch  of  the  nature  and  origin  of  the  train 
of  ideas  and  transactions,  which  make  so  conspicuous  a  figure 
in  the  history  of  human  affairs. 

If  we  consider  the  interest  which  is  naturally  excited  in 
viewing  those  places  that  have  been  the  residence  of  some 
distinguished  person,  or  the  scene  of  some  celebrated  trans- 
action, it  is  easy  to  conceive  that  christians,  from  an  early 
period,  should  entertain  a  peculiar  veneration  fora  city  which 
had  been  the  theatre  of  the  actions  and  sufferings  of  the  llo- 
deenier  of  Mankind.  From  this  principle,  so  congenial  to  the 
mind  of  man,  journeys  to  Jerusalem  became  frequent  and 
fashionable :  and,  in  an  age  of  superstition,  a  pilgrimage  to 
the  sepulchre  of  Chi  ist  wa^  eonsitlered  us  a  compensation  lor 
almost  every  crime. 

The  Arabian  caliphs-  Aujile   they  retained  posscssiou  of 


WILLIAM   II.  109 

Jepusalem,  considered  llie  constant  resort  of  so  many  stran- 
gers, the  greatest  part  of  whom  were  persons  of  rank  and  dis- 
tinction, as  a  source  of  nealtli  to  their  donfinions,  and  pru- 
dently encouraged  these  religious  visits.  Under  their  en- 
lightened and  polished  government  the  pilgrims  found  pro- 
tection, and  were  treated  v.ith  respect.  Bat  the  Turks,  an 
uncivilized  tribe,  having  made  themselves  masters  of  Syria, 
not  only  laid  heavy  impositions  on  the  christians,  who  visited 
Jerusalem,  but  to  extortion  added  outrage  and  insult.  The 
difficulties  and  dangers  to  which  the  pilgrims  were  exposed, 
excited  throughout  Europe  a  general  sentiment  of  indigna- 
tion. Gregory  VII.  one  of  the  ablest,  as  well  as  one  of  the 
most  ambitious  pontifts  that  ever  filled  the  papal  chair,  had 
formed  the  vast  project  of  immortalizing  his  name,  by  march- 
ing in  person  at  the  head  of  the  united  forces  of  Christendom, 
and  wresting  the  holy  land  from  the  infidels ;  but  his  wars 
■with  the  emperor  Henry  IV.  prevented  liim  from  carrying  it 
into  execution.  Urban  II.  had  adopted  the  design  of  his 
predecessor ;  but  as  he  did  not  possess  the  same  enterprising 
spirit,  his  measures  were  slow  and  procrastinating  ;  or  pcr- 
Jiaps  the  jealousies  and  jarring  interests  of  the  European 
princes,  might  render  it  dillicult  to  form  the  necessary  union. 
AV^hile  the  councils  of  Europe  were  thus  undetermined,  a  sud- 
den and  singular  impulse  was  communicated  to  its  inhabitants. 
x\  fauatical  monk,  known  by  the  name  of  Peter  the  Hermit, 
having  returned  from  his  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem,  his  ardent 
and  enthusiastic  mind  formed  the  great  design  of  exciting 
the  whole  power  of  Christendom,  in  order  to  recover  the  holy 
city  from  the  hiinds  of  the  infidels.  >\'ith  a  crucifix  in  hi&^ 
hand,  he  ran  from  province  to  province,  exhorting  the 
princes,  the  nobles,  and  people,  to  take  arms  against  the 
enemies  of  Christ,  and  every  where  inspired  that  enthusiasm 
hy  which  lie  v.as  animated.  Urban  II.  seized  the  favourable 
opportunity  to  execute  the  great  design  which  had  been  so 
long  in  contemplation ;  but  less  bold  and  enterprising  than 
Gregory  VII.  he  did  not  consider  it  as  necessary  that  the 
Father  of  the  Faithful  should  command  the  eombintd  armies 
in  pcnson.  In  the  cornicil  of  Clermont  the  expedition  was 
rwiolved  on,  and  the  plan  of  operations  couecrttJ.     Godfrey 


410  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

de  Bouillon  was  appointed  eommander  in  chief:  Hugtf^ 
brotlier  of  Philip  I.  kinsj  of  Fiance  ;  Robert,  duke  of  Nor- 
mandy ;  Raymond,  count  de  Thoulouse ;  Stephen,  count  de 
Boulogne  ;*  Bohemond,  prince  of  Tarentum,  and  many  oth- 
ers of  illustrious  rank,  embarked  in  the  enterprise.  Persons 
of  every  description  took  the  cross  Avith  enthusiastic  ardour  ; 
the  nobles,  with  their  martial  followers,  ecclesiastics  of  every 
order,  and  desperadoes  from  different  countries,  were  eager  to 
engage  in  an  expedition  which  promised  abundance  of  plun- 
der, and  was  regarded  as  a  propitiation  for  crimes.  But  in 
order  to  raise  the  sums  necessary  for  their  equipment,  many 
persons  of  high  rank  were  obliged  to  sell  or  mortgage  their 
possessions  in  Europe,  while  they  relied  on  their  swords  for 
obtaining  establishments  in  Asia.  Among  these,  Robert, 
duke  of  Normandy,  mortgaged  his  duchy  for  ten  thousand 
marks  to  the  king  of  England,  and  the  twe  brothers  conclu- 
ded a  treaty,  which  stipulated  that  the  survivor  should  inherit 
the  whole  of  their  father's  dominions. 

William  got,  in  this  easy  manner,  possession  of  Normandy ; 
but  the  sum  paid  to  Robert  increased  the  burthens  of  the  peo- 
ple of  England,  and  his  new  acquisition  involved  liim  in  a 
war  with  France.  This  contest,  however,  was  of  short  dura- 
tion, and  produced  no  events  of  importance.  Another  war 
with  Scotland  was  of  a  similar  description.  From  this  time, 
indeed,  the  reign  of  William  was  not  distinguished  by  any 
thing  worthy  of  historical  notice  ;  but  it  was  drawing  towards 
its  termination.  While  hunting  in  the  new  forest,  he  was 
slain  by  Walter  Tyrrel,  a  French  knight,  who  in  shooting 
had  aimed  at  a  stag.f  The  king  was  pierced  to 
A  D  1100.  ^'*^  heart  by  the  arrow  and  instantly  expired,  in  the 
forty-fourth  year  of  his  age,  and  the  thirteenth  of  a 
tyrannical  reign. 

William  II.  was  of  a  middle  stature  and  corpulent:  his 
hair  was  of  a  deep  yellow,  inclining  to  red,  from  which  and 
from  his  ruddy  complexion,  he  received  the  surname  of  Ru- 
I'us.     His  countenance  was  severe,  and  his  voice  was  strong; 

•  Father  of  Stephen,  afterwards  king  of  England. 
f  This  ch-cumstance  is  related  by  all  historians  with  litt'e  variation. 
See  Tir.dal's  notes  on  Rapia  1,  p.  18S'. 


WILLIAM   ir.  Ill 

but  he  was  far  from  being  eloquent.  Courage  and  activity 
were  the  only  good  qualities  that  appear  in  his  character. 
His  avarice,  extortion,  and  extravagant  expenditure,  were 
his  principal  vices.  His  government  was  not  less  despotic 
than  that  of  his  father.  New  taxes  were  daily  invented  un- 
der various  pretences.  Corruption  was  universal :  those  who 
fingered  the  public  money  were  enriched,  while  the  rest  of  the 
nation  was  impoverished :  informers  were  encouraged ;  and 
to  be  a  favourite  at  court,  it  was  requisite  to  discard  every 
principle  of  honour  and  conscience.  During  his  reign,  every 
kind  of  vice  and  excess  prevailed  not  only  among  the  nobility, 
but  also  among  the  clergy.  Such  are  the  colours  in  which 
the  picture  of  William  II.  and  of  England,  under  his  govern- 
ment, is  usually  exhibited.  But  it  must  be  considered,  that 
the  ecclesiastics  were  the  only  historians  of  the  times,  and 
the  freedom  which  he  took  with  the  revenues  of  the  church, 
might  excite  them  to  blacken  his  character.  His  vices  may, 
therefore,  be  displayed  with  some  exaggeration  ;  but  from  the 
most  impartial  review  of  his  reign,  it  appears  that  he  lived 
unbeloved  and  died  uulameuted.* 

*  Vide  M.  Paris,  Odor.  Vital.  Brompt.  W.  Malmsbury,  S.  Dunelmi 
Sax.  Ann.  &c.  William  11.  reduced  South  Wales  about  A.  D.  1093.  He 
also  built  or  more  probably  rebuilt  and  enlarged  Westminster  Hall ;  and 
raised  a  new  wall  round  the  Tower  of  London. 


lis 


HENRY  I. 


At  the  time  wheu  William  II.  met  uith  his  tragical  death, 
his  elder  brother,  the  diike  of  Normandy,  was  fighting  under 
the  banners  of  the  cross  in  Palestine.  Devotion  and  avarice 
had  compelled  near  a  million  of  christians  to  ramble  from 
Europe  to  Asia  in  quest  of  salvation  and  plunder.  Of  this 
number,  near  three  hundred  thousand,  conducted  by  Peter 
the  Hermit,  miserably  perished  by  the  May.  The  ravages 
Avhieh  they  committed  in  their  disorderly  march,  excited  the 
inhabitants  of  the  countries  through  which  they  passed,  to 
take  arms  against  this  undisciplined  horde.  Most  of  them 
were  cut  off  by  famine  and  the  sword  in  traversing  Austria, 
Hungary,  and  Bulgaria;  and  the  small  band  that  reached 
Asia,  was  almost  exterminated  by  the  Sultan  of  Iconiura. 
The  grand  army  of  the  croisadcrs  was  more  successful.  From 
Constantinople,  the  general  rendezvous  where  their  mustered  • 
legions  amounted  to  the  enormous  number  of  seven  hundred 
thousand  infantry  and  cavalry,  they  crossed  <he  Bosphorus, 
and  although  multitudes  of  them  fell  victims  to  diseases, 
caused  by  fatigue  and  intemperance,  in  conjunction  with 
change  of  climate,  the  rest,  animated  by  religion  and  military 
enthusiasm,  reduced  the  best  part  of  Asia  Minor;  and  pro- 
ceeding to  Antioch,  made  themselves  masters  of  that  city,  the 
sovereignty  of  which  was  conferred  on  Bohemond,  prince  of 
Tarentuni.  Pressing  forward  with  an  ardour  that  enabled 
them  to  surmount  every  obstacle,  they  reached,  at  length,  the 
grand  object  of  their  armament.  After  a  murdeious  siege 
of  five  weeks,  Jerusalem  was  taken  by  assault  on  Good  Fri- 
day, A.  D.  1099.  An  incredible  number  of  Mahoniniedans 
fell  in  the  assault  and  in  the  massacre  that  ensued,  as  the 
croisadcrs  shewed  no  mercy.  The  holy  city  and  its  depend- 
encies were  erected  into  a  christian  kingdom ;  and  it  has  been 


tlENfeY  I.  413 

?;ai(l,  although  m  ith  little  appearance  of  tiiith,  that  the  sover- 
eignty was  oftered  to  Robert,  duke  of  Normandy.  It  is  cer- 
tain that  the  report  was  prevalent  in  England  ;  but  the  best 
historians  consider  it  only  as  a  vague  rumour.  Godfrey  de 
Bnuillon  was,  by  the  unanimous  voices  of  the  croisaders, 
elected  king  of  Jerusalem.  But  if  the  duke  of  Normandy 
rejected  so  splendid  a  station,  his  expectation  of  the  croMH 
of  England  can  alone  be  assigned  as  the  reason.* 

The  conquest  of  Jerusalem  had  been  achieved  more  than 
a  year  before  the  death  of  AVilliam  IT.  but  Robert  was  still 
in  Palestine,  and  his  absence  caused  him  to  lose  the  crown  of 
England.  The  throne  was  become  suddenly  vacant ;  and 
although  it  belonged  to  the  duke  of  Normandy  by  hereditary 
right,  that  prince  was  in  a  distant  region,  and  whether  he 
was  living  or  dead,  was  a  matter  entirely  unknown.  Henry, 
his  younger  brother,  therefore,  taking  advantage  of  so  fa- 
>ourable  a  juncture,  resolved  to  seize  the  sceptre.  His  2)re- 
tcnsions  were  strengthened  by  his  presence  ;  and  by  a  positive 
promise  made  to  the  nation  to  abrogate  the  rigorous  laws  enact- 
«',d  since  the  contjuest,  to  re-establish  those  of  the  Saxon  kings, 
to  reinstate  the  clergy  in  their  privileges,  to  fill  the  vacant 
benefices,  and  recall  the  banished  ecclesiastics.  The  lords 
hesitated  ;  but  the  voice  of  the  people,  that  voice  which,  evea 
under  governments  the  most  despotic,  will  sometimes  make 
itself  heard,  was  decidedly  in  favour  of  Henry.  His  name 
resounded  in  loud  acclamations  ;  and  the  great  barons,  over- 
awed by  this  unanimous  expression  of  the  national  will, 
resolved  to  place  him  on  tiie  throne.  Henry,  without  loss  of 
time,  departed  fiom  Winchester,  where  the  assembly  was 
held,  and  on  his  arrival   in  London,  was  immedi- 

1100^  '  ^^^h'  crowned  by  the  bishop  of  that  city,  and  the 
archbishop  of  York.  Such  was  the  dispatch  used 
on  this  occasion,  that  only  three  days  elapsed  from  the  death 
of  William  to  the  coronation  of  Henry. 

Every  «ompetition  for  sovereignity  is  favourable  to  the 
liberties  of  the  people,  whose  weight  in  the  scale  must,  ou 
such  occasions,  be  sensibly  felt.     William  II.  left  the  gov- 

•  Vide  Rapin,  vol.  1.  p.  188  and  194,  ami  Tindal's  notes  ibid. 
Q 


11^  HISTORY  OP  ENGLAND." 

eminent  entirely  despotic  ;  but  Henry  owed  his  etowh  to  aa 
irregular  kind  of  popular  election,  and  on  the  afi'eetions  ot* 
his  subjects  he  was  to  depend  for  support.  His  first  care  was 
to  fulfil  his  promises  both  to  the  clergy  and  the  laity.  He 
recalled  from  exile,  Anselme,  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
whose  opposition  to  the  arbitrary  measures  of  the  late  kinjj 
had  gained  the  love  and  esteem  of  the  English  ;  and  having 
granted  a  general  pardon  for  all  crimes  committed  before  his 
accession,  and  remitted  all  debts  and  arrears  due  to  the  crown, 
he  re-established  the  Saxon  laws  as  they  had  existed  in  the 
reign  of  Edward  the  confessor.  These  measures  were  not 
less  agreeable  to  the  Normans  than  to  the  native  English. 
By  the  Saxon  laws  they  were  screened  from  the  violence  of 
arbitrary  power,  and  acquired  a  constitutional  right  to  those 
possessions  which  they  had  hitherto  held  at  the  will  of  the 
sovereign,  the  limits  of  whose  authority,  were  now,  for  the 
first  time  since  the  conquest,  expressly  defined. 

Although  the  Normans  were  the  ruling  nation,  the  English 
still  constituted  the  great  mass  of  the  people ;  and  Henry,  in 
order  more  fully  to  conciliate  their  aftections,  espoused  Ma- 
tilda, the  daughter  of  Malcolm,  king  of  Scotland,  by  Mar- 
garet, sister  of  Edgar  Atheling.  This  alliance  was  extremely 
grateful  to  the  English,  and  eventually  restored  the  ancient 
race  of  their  kings  by  uniting  the  Saxon  with  the  Normaa 
line  of  succession. 

"While  these  tilings  were  transacting  in  England,  Robert 
returned  from  the  holy  land,  and  took  possession  of  Normandy 
w  ithout  opposition.  Although  that  duchy  had  been  mortgaged 
to  the  late  king,  Henry  judged  it  imprudent  to  begin  a  con- 
test with  his  brother,  at  a  moment  when  it  was  necessary  to 
employ  all  his  thoughts  in  securing  the  throne  of  England. 
But  Robert,  seeing  himself  a  second  time  deprived  of  a  king- 
dom which  he  justly  considered  as  his  birthrigbt,  resolved  to 
attempt  its  recovery.  Several  of  the  discontented  lords  en- 
couraged his  design  ;  and  part  of  the  fleet  M'hich  Henry  had 
prepared  in  order  to  intercept  him,  declared  in  his  favour. 
This  defection  of  the  fleet  having  facilitated  his  passage^ 
Robert  landed  at  Portsmouth  without  opposition ;  and  num- 
bers of  maleeontents  repaired  daily  to  his  standard.     The 


HENRY  I.  115 

throne  of  Henry  now  seeraed  to  totter ;  but  the  influence  of 
archbishop  Anselme  greatly  contributed  to  secure  the  assist- 
ance of  the  English.  A  treaty,  however,  was  concluded 
between  the  two  rival  brothers.  Henry  retained  the  crown  of 
England,  and  agreed  to  leave  Robert  in  possession  of  Nor- 
mandy, as  also  to  pay  him  the  sum  of  three  thousand  marks 
as  an  annual  pension. 

Every  thing  now  seemed  to  indicate  a  sincere  reconciliation. 
But  Henry,  not  contented  with  the  croAvn  of  England,  was 
desirous  of  annexing  Normandy  to  his  dominions  ;  and  it  wa% 
not  long  before  the  misconduct  of  Robert  aftorded  him  both  a 
plausible  pretext  and  a  fair  opportunity.  Robert  de  Belesme, 
earl  of  Shrewsbury,  and  William  de  Mortagne,  earl  of  Corn- 
wall, two  rebellious  lords  whom  Henry  had  dispossessed  of  their 
estates,  had  retired  to  Normandy,  and  being  joined  by  other 
malecontents,  ravaged  the  lands  which  the  king's  subjects 
possessed  in  that  country.  The  indolence  of  the  duke,  who 
neglected  to  oppose  these  outrages,  rendered  the  freebooters 
still  more  presumptuous  and  daring ;  and  complaints  >vere 
brought  from  every  quarter,  soliciting  protection  against  their 
depredations.  Robert  at  length  took  arms  against  them,  but 
was  defeated,  and  obliged  to  conclude  a  dishonourable  peace. 
The  two  lords,  however,  soon  violated  the  treaty.  They 
renewed  and  extended  their  ravages  in  such  a  manner,  that  all 
Normandy  exhibited  a  scene  of  violence  and  outrage  ;  and 
the  principal  nobles,  seeing  themselves  without  hope  of  pro- 
tection from  the  duke,  resolved  to  invite  the  king  of  England 
to  their  assistance.  Their  suit  was  extremely  pleasing  to 
Henry,  who  immediately  made  preparations  for  a  voyage  to 
Normandy,  and  oppr»essed  his  own  subjects  by  exorbitant  taxes 
for  the  support  of  a  war  in  which  they  had  no  proper  concern. 
The  pretence  of  compassion  for  the  oppressed  sei*ved  as  a 
cloak  for  his  ambition,  the  people  being  generally  too  blind  to 
see  the  injustice  of  statesmen  and  conquerors,  when  veiled  by 
the  specious  appearance  either  of  patriotism  or  philanthropy. 

Henry,  on  his  arrival  in  Normandy,  found  every  thing 
agreeable  to  his  wishes.  Many  of  the  Norman  lords  conjureil 
him  to  assume  the  government,  and  to  relieve  them  from  the 
anarchy  under  which  their  country  groaned.    The  king  did 


il6  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

not  fail  to  express  an  extreme  coueern  at  being  obliged  to  dis- 
possess liis  brother  of  his  dominions ;  but  since  the  necessity 
of  the  case  required  so  decisive  a  measure,  lie  promised  the 
Normans  a  compliance  M'ith  their  entreaties.  But  appre- 
hending that  such  a  conduct  to  his  brother  might  excite  some 
disturbance  in  England,  he  rciurned,  in  order  to  reconcile  the 
nation  to  his  project.  Having  convened  the  great  council  of  the 
barons  at  London,  he  endeavoured,  in  a  studied  and  eloquent 
oration,  to  demonstrate  the  justice  of  the  undertakingj  and 
concluded  by  declaring  that  if  he  was  sure  of  their  aftection, 
he  despised  all  the  efforts  of  his  enemies.  Tliis  speech  had 
the  desired  effect ;  the  lords  considered  themselves  highly 
honoured  by  this  expression  of  his  confidence  in  their  val- 
our, and  promised  to  support  his  cause  with  iheir  lives  and 
fortunes. 

Henry  having  obtained  an  assurance  of  support,  with  a 
grant  of  fresh  supplies,  passed  over  with  a  numerous  fleet, 
and  the  principal  nobility  of  his  realm,  to  effect  the  conquest 
of  Normandy.  The  battle  of  Tinchebray  decided 
the  ftite  of  that  duchy.  The  two  armies  were  near- 
ly equal;  but  the  Noi-mans  were  soon  thrown  into  confusion, 
and  defeated  with  a  terrible  slaughter.  The  duke,  with  Ed- 
gar Atheling,  Avho  had  long  resided  at  his  court,  the  earl  of 
Mortagne,  four  hundred  knights,  and  ten  thousand  soldiers, 
were  taken  prisoners.  Prince  Edgar  m  as  set  at  liberty,  and 
passed  the  remainder  of  his  days  in  England.*  The  earl  of 
Mortagne  was  sent  to  the  Tower  of  London.  And  the  un- 
fortunate duke  was  shut  up  in  Cardiffe  castle,  where  he  re- 
mained prisoner  during  the  rest  of  his  life. 

The  battle  of  Tinchebray  having  put  Henry  in  possession 
of  Normandy,  as  that   of  Hastings   had   forty  years  before, 

•  Tliis  Saxon  prince  had  long  been  tlie  sport  of  fortune.  At  tlie  con- 
quest he  had  fled  to  Scotland.  After  roaking  an  unsuccessful  attempt 
to  recover  the  crown  of  England,  he  s\ibmitted  to  William,  who  allowed 
him  aUberal  maintenance.  He  afterwards  went  to  Constantinople :  from 
thence  he  returned  to  England.  He  was  then  banished  both  from  Eng- 
land  and  Normandy,  and  again  retired  into  Scotland.  He  again  obtained 
leave  to  return  to  England,  and  went  with  Robert  to  Normandy.  Aftei;' 
all  his  vicissitud<.3  he  died  in  extreme  old  age  aod  in  peac^. 


HEKRY  I.  117 

made  his  father  master  of  England,  he  returned  in  triumph 
to  Loudon,  and  for  some  time  devoted  his  cares  to  the  reform 
of  the  numerous  abuses  that  prevailed  in  the  court  and  the 
kingdom.  These  were  of  such  a  nature  as  strikingly  dis? 
played  the  tyranny  of  the  government,  and  the  barbarity  of 
tJte  times.  In  the  preceding  reign,  when  the  king  took  a 
journey,  his  progress  was  marked  by  all  the  disorders  and 
violences  that  might  have  been  expected  from  the  march  of 
an  enemy.  The  numerous  attendants  of  (he  court  plundered 
and  wasted  the  country,  violated  the  chastily  of  women,  and 
committed  every  kind  of  outrage  without  restraint  or  control, 
so  that  whcf  ever  the  king  was  to  pass,  the  people  left  their 
habitations,  and  carrying  off  their  ]>rovisions  and  porlalde 
effects,  retired  to  (he  woods  or  other  by-places,  as  if  (hey  had 
fled  from  a  foreign  invader-*  In  coiriparing  those  ages  of 
oppression  and  tyranny,  with  the  polished  manners  of  modern 
times,  and  the  benevolent  equity  of  the  present  cons(itntioii 
and  government  of  this  kingdom,  the  contrast  must  make,  on 
every  mind,  a  lively  and  lasting  impression.  Another  cir- 
cumstance also  strikingly  shews  (he  disorders  which  prevail- 
ed through  the  Avant  of  internal  regulation.  The  fabrication 
of  counterfeit  money  was  reduced  (o  a  system  ;  and  the  coin- 
ers being  protected  by  the  great  barons,  were  employed  in 
their  houses,  where  they  set  (he  laws  at  defiance.  These 
abuses  obliged  Henry  to  adopt  the  most  rigorous  measures. 
He  enacted  a  most  severe  law,  subjecting  the  attendants  of 
the  court,  who  committed  any  outrage  on  the  people,  as  well 
as  the  coiners  of  false  money,  to  the  loss  of  eyes  or  the  am- 
puta(ion  of  limbs.  If  the  offences  demonstrate  the  disorders 
of  the  state,  the  penalties  are  characteristics  of  the  barbarism 
of  (he  age. 

The  possession  of  Normandy  vjas  attended  by  its  unavoid- 
able consequences,  a  series  of  wars  with  Fiance.  These, 
however,  were  not  productive  of  any  important  consequences, 
although  they  afforded  the  king  an  oppor(unity  of  acquiring 
martial  fame.  In  a  skirmish  he  was  attacked  by  a  French 
pavalier,  and  (hough  wounded,  he  maintained  the  single  com" 

t  Eapin  with  Tindal's  notes,  vol.  1.  p.  194. 


118  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

bat  till  he  unhorsed  his  antagonist,  and  made  him  prisoner. 
A  peace  was  at  length  concluded ;  but  the  moment  that 
seemed  to  promise  the  king  an  uninterrupted  felicity,  ushered 
in  a  misfortune  that  imbittered  the  remainder  of  his  days.  In 
returning  from  Normandy  to  England,  the  vessel  which  car- 
ried William,  his  only  son,  a  promising  youth  of  sixteen,  to 
whom  the  states  of  both  countries  had  already  sworn  fealty 
as  his  successor,  was  wrecked  in  the  passage.  The  young 
prince,  through  a  childish  desire  of  being  the  first  on  shore, 
promised  the  seamen  a  reward  if  they  could  pass  the  rest  of 
the  fleet.  This  foolish  emulation  was  productive  of  fatal 
consequences.  The  ship,  in  approaching  the  English  coast, 
ran  upon  a  rock  and  was  dashed  in  pieces.  The  first  care  of 
the  seamen  was  to  hoist  out  the  boat  in  order  to  save  the 
'prince ;  and  he  was  already  out  of  danger,  when  the  cries  of 
his  natural  sister,  Matilda,  induced  him  to  row  back  and 
bring  her  off  from  the  wreck.  But  the  approach  of  the  boat 
giving  others  an  opportunity  of  attempting  to  save  their 
lives,  so  many  jumped  in,  that  it  instantly  Avcnt  to  the  bottom. 
The  prince,  with  Richard,  his  natural  brother,  Matilda, 
countess  of  Perclie,  his  sister,  Lucia,  the  king's  niece,  the 
earl  of  Chester,  and  all  the  young  nobility,  with  the  officers 
and  seamen,  about  three  hundred  persons  in  all, 
'  perished  in  tlie  waves,  and  one  man  only  escaped. 
This  catastrophe  made,  on  the  mind  of  Henry,  an  impression 
that  neither  time  nor  the  splendours  of  royalty  could  ever 
efface ;  and  from  that  fatal  moment  he  was  never  seen  to 
smile. 

The  remainder  of  his  reign,  which  was  protracted  almost 
fifteen  years  after  this  period,  seems  a  blank  in  history.  See- 
ing no  hopes  of  having  any  legitimate  male  issue,  although 
he  had  several  natural  sou^  he  resolved  to  leave  his  crown  to 
his  daughter  Matilda,  who  had  been  married  to  the  emperor, 
Henry  IV.  but  was  now  left  a  widow  ;  and  in  conformity  to 
his  desire,  all  the  vassals  of  the  crown,  in  a  general  assembly, 
recognized  her  as  his  successor.  He  afterwards  mariied  her 
to  Geoffrey  Plantagenet,  earl  of  Anjou,  by  M'hom  she  had  a 
son,  the  famous  Henry  II.  On  this  occasion,  the  barons  were 
JVgaiu  assembled?  and  the  oath  of  feally  being  renewed,  the 


henTry  I,  119 

aew-boni  infant  was  included  in  the  disposal  of  tke  succ-essiou. 
Thus  Henry,  although  he  had  lost  his  only  male  heir,  lived 
to  see  the  revival  of  his  hopes  of  transmitting  the  crown  to 
his  posterity. 

His  reign  was  now  drawing  towards  its  termination  ;  but 
previous  to  its  close,  his  brother  Robert,  formerly  <luke  of 
Normandy,  expired  in  Cardiffe  castle,  where  he  had  been 
kept  twenty-six  years  a  prisoner.  This  unfortunate  son  of 
William  the  Conqueror  seems  to  have  been  born  to  be  the 
iiport  of  fortune,  or  rather  the  victim  of  his  own  indiscretion. 
He  was  a  piince  of  great  courage,  and,  for  some  time,  of 
great  reputation.  The  most  remarkable  traits  in  his  charac- 
ter were  an  easy  good  nature,  and  a  boundless  generosity.  His 
profusion  and  thoughtless  imprudence  caused  him  twice  to 
Jose  the  opportunity  of  ascending  the  throne  of  England, 
which  was  his  indisputable  birthright.  After  spending  his 
youth  amidst  toils  and  fatigue,  he  saw  himself  at  last  depri- 
ved of  his  fortune,  his  friends,  and  his  freedom,  and  con- 
demned to  languish  the  remainder  of  his  days  in  hopeless 
captivity.* 

The  exit  of  this  unfortunate  prince  was  soon  followed  by 
that  of  the  king,  his  brother,  w  hose  death  is  ascribed,  tliougli 
with  no  great  degree  of  probability,  to  a  surfeit  occasioned 
by  eating  too  grout  a  quantity  of  lampreys.  Henry  expired 
at  tlie  castle  of  Lyon,  near  Rouen,  in  Normandy. 
A.  D  1135.  ^"  ^'*^  sixty-eighth  year  of  his  age,  and  the  thirty- 
sixth  of  his  reign. 

Henry  I.  w  as  handsome  and  elegant  in  his  person  :  his 
countenance  was  open,  sweet,  and  serene,  and  his  carriage 
and  conversation  engaging  and  affable.  His  character  dis- 
plays a  conspicuous  mixture  of  virtues  and  vices.  He  was 
courageous  in  war,  prudent  in  government,  and  strict  in  the 
administration  of  justice.  Although  living  in  an  age  of  ig- 
norance, he  was  learned  and  studious,  and  fiom  his  literary 
accomplishments  he  derived  the  surname  of  Beauclerc.  He 
patronised  letters,  and  built  a  palace  near  Oxford,  to  which 

*  Tlie  popular  story  of  Hobcrt  being  depi  ivcd  of  sight  by  the  king's 
command,  fs  without  foundation,  net  bein^-  meiHioneJ  by  tl>a  beet  hlsti*- 
lians. 


120  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

he  often  retired  to  enjoy  the  conversation  of  the  learnefd^ 
But  these  brilliant  fjualities  were  counterbalanced  by  others 
wliich  redounded  less  to  his  honour.  He  was  avaricious  and 
unfeeling;  and  although  temperate  in  eating  and  drinking^ 
he  was  a  voluptuary  in  his  amours.* 

His  reign  is  an  important  sera  in  the  history  of  this  king- 
dom, as  it  opened  the  first  dawn  of  liberty,  by  delivering  the 
barons  from  the  arbitrary  power  which  had  been  exercised 
hy  the  two  first  Norman  kings  ;  but  it  does  not  appear  to  have 
given  any  freedom  to  the  people ;  and  tbe  lower  classes  re- 
mained for  some  centuries  in  the  most  abject  slavery.  In 
proportion  as  the  royal  authority  was  diminished,  the  baronial 
powers  were  extended,  and  the  people,  instead  of  being  sub- 
ject to  one  mighty  tyrant,  saw  petty  despots  established  in 
every  corner  of  the  kingdom.  The  church  acqnired  an  in- 
crease of  power  in  this  reign.  After  a  dispute  of  several 
years,  the  king  resigned  to  the  Roman  pontiff  the  right  of 
investiture.  And  a  synod  being  convened,  the  celibacy  of  the 
clergy  was  enforced  through  the  influence  of  Ansclme,  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury ;  but  the  king  took  little  concern  in 
this  question,  which  he  considered  as  foreign  to  his  interests, f 
During  this  reign,  therefore,  we  see  the  baronial  and  ecclesi- 
astical powers  rising  in  opposition  to  the  authrrity  of  the 
crown;  and  it  was  not  long  before  their  preponderancy  pro- 
duced the  mosit  terrible  consequences. 

•  Besides  Matilda,  his  only  legitimate  daugliter,  Henry  left  twelve  natit- 
r;d  children,  besides  Richard  who  was  drowned  with  prince  William.  Of 
these  Robert,  earl  of  Gloucester,  was  the  most  conspicuous  in  Uie  follow- 
iiiLj  reign.     Vide  Rapin,  voh  1. 

■\  In  tills  reign,  about  A.  D.  1110,  the  university  of  Cambridge  was  if!- 
slltiited,  or  perhaps  only  restored.  Vide  Uanin  and  Vq^xv  Rlessens,  p. 
114,  &C. 


121 


STEPHEN. 


Henry  was  no  sooner  dead,  than  the  barons  and  clergy  vio" 
!ated  the  oath  by  which  they  had  repeatedly  engaged  to  secure 
the  succession  to  Matilda  and  her  infant  son.  Stephen,  earl 
of  Boulogne,  nephew  of  the  late  king,  although  he  had  been 
one  of  the  first  to  swear  fealty,  prepared  to  seize  the  throne. 
His  brother,  the  bishop  of  Winchester,  had  the  address  to 
bring  over  to  his  party  the  archbishop  of  York  and  the  bishop 
of  Salisbury,  who,  though  originally  a  parish  priest  in  Nor- 
mandy, was  become  the  richest  subject  in  England.*  The  in- 
fluence of  these  three  powerful  prelates  secured  him  the  suff- 
rages of  the  clergy  ;  and  the  example  and  authority  of  that 
body  determined  the  barons.  In  the  meanwhile,  Stephen,  who 
had  been  with  the  king  when  he  expired  in  Normandy,  was 
sensible  of  the  expediency  of  supporting  his  pretensions  by 
his  presence,  and  lost  not  a  moment  in  returning  to  England. 
Various  aeviccs  were  framed,  to  prove  that  the  oath  which 
they  had  taken  to  place  Matilda  on  the  throne  was  not  bind- 
ing: and  that  the  spiritual  and  temporal  lords  ought  to  pro- 
ceed to  a  free  election  in  the  race  of  William  the  Conqueror. 
Stephen,  at  the  same  time,  endeavoured  to  compensate  the 
defect  in  his  title  by  liberal  promises  of  grants  and  privileges. 
The  barons  considered  this  juncture  as  too  favourable  to  be 
let  slip  without  turning  it  to  their  advantage.  They  pro- 
posed the  Conditions  under  which  he  should  reign,  and  he 
readily  granted  thcin  all  that  they  required.  He  acknowl- 
edged that  he  was  elected  king  by  the  nobles  and  clergy:  he 
confirmed  all  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  the  church, 
and  consented  that  all  ecclesiastical  causes  and  persons  should 
be  tijed  by  the  clergy:  he  promised  not  to  njeddle^  in  any 

•  Kapln,  vol.  l,p.  200. 
R 


122  HISTORY  O^  ENGLAND. 

manner,  with  the  temporalities  of  vacant  bishoprics  or  ab- 
beys :  he  abolished  all  the  laws  relating  to  forests  and  hunt- 
ing enacted  since  the  conquest:  he  totally  abolished  Dane 
gelt,*  confirmed  the  ancient  Saxon  laws,  and  promised  to 
grant  an  authentic  charter  for  the  security  of  the  liberties  of 
the  nation,  and  of  the  privileges  of  the  church.f  The  spirit- 
ual and  temporal  lords  swore  allegiance  to  him  no  longer 
than  he  should  perform  all  the  articles  of  this  covenant.  On 
these  conditions,  they  placed  on  the  head  of  Stephen  the 
crown  which  they  had  repeatedly  sworn  to  pre- 
Dea^-,or^  ,  gg^ve  for  Matilda,  and  in  an  assembly  convened 

A.  D.  llo5.  ^  ,       '  .  •' 

at  Oxford,  he  signed  the  promised  charter. 

The  former  order  of  things  was  now  entirely  changed;  the 
arbitrary  power  established  by  the  Conqueror  was  abolished; 
but  a  power  more  hostile  to  national  happiness  rose  on  its 
Tuins.  England  now  assumed  the  aspect  of  an  aristocracy, 
in  which  the  nobles  and  ecclesiastics  possessed  the  chief  com- 
mand. They  erected  castles,  which  they  fortified  and  gar- 
risoned with  their  own  troops,  and  in  which  they  could  set 
the  royal  authority  at  defiance.  In  a  short  time  more  than  a 
thousand  of  these  castles  were  seen  in  different  parts  of  the 
kingdom. 

Stephen  had  soon  cause  to  repent  of  having  made  no  op- 
position to  the  erection  of  these  fortresses.  Baldwin  de  Red- 
vers,  earl  of  Devonshire,  publicly  declaring  that  he  would  no 
longer  obey  the  king,  erected  the  standard  of  independence 
in  his  fortified  castle  at  Exeter,  and  assumed  the  sovereignty 
of  that  city.  But  Stephen,  after  a  siege  of  considerable 
length,  made  himself  master  of  the  place,  and  the  rebellious 
earl  was  expelled  from  the  kingdom.  At  the  same  time  he 
was  engaged  in  a  war  with  the  Welsh,  who  defeated  the 
English  troops  with  great  slaughter,  and  after  pillaging  an 
extensive  tract  of  country,  returned  into  Wales  with  a  con- 
siderable booty. 

*  The  lax  palu  to  the  Danes  by  Etlieh'ed  IT.  and  continued  by  the  suc- 
ceedhii?  kings  to  fill  their  owa  coffers  when  the  Danes  no  longer  liai'assed 
the  kingdom. 

fllapai,  vol.  1.  p.20I. 


STEPHEN,  4 S3 

While  the  English  arras  were  employed  in  Wales,  David, 
king  of  Scotland,  under  pretence  of  avenging  the  wrongs  of 
Matilda,  his  niece,  made  an  incursion  into  England,  and  after 
taking  Carlisle  and  Newcastle,  advanced  to  Durham.  This 
war  was  concluded  by  a  treaty  of  peace,  by  which  Carlisle 
was  ceded  to  Scotland.  The  king  being  soon  after  seized  willi 
a  lethargy,  which  induced  a  belief  that  his  death  was  at  hand, 
his  brother,  the  earl  of  Blois,  attempted  to  make  himself 
master  of  Normandy.  Steplien,  however,  was  no  sooner 
restored  to  healtli,  than  passing  over  to  (hat  country,  the  Nor- 
mans returned  to  their  allegiance,  and  by  making  an  alliance 
with  the  French  monarch,  he  frustrated  the  views  of  his 
brother  the  earl  of  Blois,  as  well  as  those  of  the  count  of 
Anjou,  husband  of  tUe  empress  Mutilda.  Affairs  being  settled 
f  0  his  satisfaction  in  Normandy,  the  king  returned  to  England, 
and  immediately  marched  against  the  Scots,  who,  at  the  re- 
quest of  the  English  barons,  had  made  another  irruption  into 
Northumberland.  The  king  of  Scotland  retiring  at  his  ap- 
proach, Stephen  hastily  returned,  and  in  the  depth  of  winter 
laid  siege  to  Bedford,  where  some  of  the  lords  had  erected  the 
standard  of  revolt.  Having  made  himself  master  of  that 
place,  he  again  directed  his  march  towards  the  north,  in  order 
to  carry  the  war  into  Scotland,  and  to  retaliate  on  that  coun- 
try the  ravages  which  the  Scots  had  committed  in  England. 
But  from  this  expeditioji  he  was  suddenly  recalled  by  affairs 
of  infinitely  greater  importance. 

In  raising  Steplien  to  the  throne,  the  prelates  and  barons 
had  paid  less  regard  to  his  personal  merit,  although  that  was 
sufficiently  known,  than  to  the  establishment  of  their  own 
jpower.  They  considered  him  as  wholly  indebted  to  them  fox' 
his  elevation,  and  expected  his  compliance  with  all  their 
demands.  Stephen,  in  his  eagerness  to  obtain  a  crown,  had 
promised  more  than  it  was  possible  to  perform.  All  of  them 
aimed  at  the  same  offices,  honours,  and  privileges  :  to  satisfy 
all  was  an  impossibility ;  and  those  who  fell  short  of  their 
high  expectations,  considered  themselves  as  not  rewarded 
according  to  their  merit.  These  dispositions  bling  artfully 
improved  by  Robert,  earl  of  Gloucester,  natural  brother  to 
Matilda,  he  resolved  to  make  an  offbrt  to  place  that  princess 


i24«  niSTOJRY  OF  ENGLAND. 

on  the  throne.*  The  barons  being  ready  to  take  arms,  the 
earl  came  to  England,  and  took  possession  of  Bristol,  where 
he  placed  a  strong  garrison.  The  other  lords  adopted  the 
same  measures  in  other  fortified  places  ;  the  kingdom  assumed 
the  formidable  aspect  of  a  country  studded  >vith  castles,  on 
the  battlements  of  which  the  standard  of  rebellion  was  dis- 
played ;  and  the  insurrection  becoming  almost  general,  the 
barons  openly  declared  for  Matilda.  The  king  of  Scotland 
also  espoused  her  cause,  or  at  least  having  made  it  a  pretence 
for  recommencing  hostilities,  entered  once  more  into  England, 
and  cruelly  ravaged  Northumberland.  The  archbishop  of 
York,  the  king's  lieutenant  in  the  north,  assembled  all  the 
forces  of  those  parts  in  order  to  repel  this  invasion.  The 
English  encamped  near  Northallerton,  where  they  set  up  a 
mast,  on  the  top  of  which  they  placed  a  silver  pix,  with  a 
consecrated  host,  and  the  banners  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  John 
of  Beverley,  to  serve  as  a  ralying  point.  The  soldiers  having 
received  absolution  of  their  sins,  with  a  promise  of  heaven  to 
such  as  should  fall  in  the  battle,  awaited  with  confidence  the 
approach  of  the  enemy,  who  made  a  formidable  attack  on  the 
English  intrenchments.  But  the  Scots,  though  greatly  supe- 
rior in  numbers,  were  defeated  with  the  loss  of  ten  or  twelve 
thousand  men,  and  obliged  to  retire  to  their  own  countjy.t 

Stephen,  in  the  mean  while,  was  not  inactive.  At  the 
commencement  of  his  reign,  he  had  employed  the  treasures  of 
the  late  king  in  levying  an  army  of  Flemings,  French,  and 
other  foreigners,  on  whom  he  could  depend,  in  case  of  a  revolt 
of  his  own  subjects  ;  and  he  now  found  the  beneficial  effects 
of  this  precaution.^:  "With  these  mercenary  forces  he  carried 
the  terror  of  his  arms  into  every  part  of  the  kingdom  ;  and 
the  barons  not  daring  to  meet  him  in  the  field,  were  succes- 
sively compelled  to  surrender  their  castles.  The  carl  of 
Gloucester,  seeing  the  ruin  of  his  party,  escaped  into  France 
to  his  sister  Matilda.     His  flight,  and  that  of  several  other 

•  Huntingd.  p.  387.  M.  Paris,  p.  36.  Malmsbury,  p.  182,  &c. 

f  Vide  RapSi,  vol.  1.  p.  203,  with  Tindal's  notes. 

+  Malmsbury  says  that  Stephen  found  100,000/.  in  tlie  treasury.  Bapin 
cays  100,000  marks,  besides  plate  and  jewels.  Malmsb.  p.  Ir9.  llapia 
1.  p.  20i. 


STEPHEN.  125 

lords,  left  the  king  at  liberty  to  pursue  the  war  against  Scot- 
land, and  he  immediately  commenced  his  march  into  the  north. 
But  the  Scotch  monarch  carefully  avoided  an  engagement, 
and  Stephen  prudently  considering  that  no  advantages  could 
he  gained  in  this  expedition,  suflicient  to  counterbalance  the 
dangers  that  might  arise  from  too  long  an  absence,  was  desir- 
ous of  returning  to  his  own  kingdom.  A  treaty  was  therefore 
concluded,  by  which  the  county  of  NorUiumberland  and  the 
earldom  of  Huntingdon  were  granted  to  Prince  Henry  of  Scot- 
land ;  and  the  Scotish  monarch  engaged  to  take  no  further 
concern  in  the  dispute  between  Stephen  and  Matilda. 

England  might  now  have  enjoyed  many  years  of  lasting 
tranquillity,  had  not  the  king  involved  himself  in  a  quarrel 
with  the  clergy,  whose  power  was  so  greatly  increased  as  to 
eclipse  that  of  the  crown.  The  prelates  had  a  number  of 
strong  castles.  The  bishop  of  Salisbury  had  two  of  these 
fortresses,  one  at  Devizes  and  another  at  Sherborne,  and  was 
building  a  third  at  Malmsbury.  The  bishop  of  Lincoln  had 
strong  castles  at  Newark  and  Sleaford  ;  and  the  bishop  of 
Ely  was  nothing  behind  them  in  pomp  and  magnificence. 
When  these  prelates  came  to  court,  they  were  attended  by  a 
number  of  armed  followers,  as  if  they  intended  to  brave  the 
sovereign  rather  than  to  shew  him  respect.  An  affray  m  hich 
happened  at  Oxford  between  the  retainers  of  these  three 
bishops  and  the  king's*  attendants,  put  the  regal  and  episco- 
pal jjower  to  the  trial.  The  king's  servants  were  beaten : 
the  bishops  were  summoned  to  answer  for  the  riot  of  their 
domestics,  and  were  required  to  deliver  up  their  castles  as  a 
security  for  their  allegiance.  On  their  refusal,  the  king  at 
the  head  of  an  armed  force,  reduced  their  castles,  and  seized 
the  treasures  there  deposited.  This  exasperated  the  whole 
body  of  the  clergy  ;  and  the  bishop  of  Winchester,  who  was 
secretly  incensed  against  the  king  his  brother,  because  he  had 
not  admitted  him  into  the  administration  of  public  affairs,  nor 
advanced  him  to  the  see  of  Canterbury,  placed  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  episcopal   faction,  which  was  joined  by  most 

*  Vide  Tindal's  notes.  Rapin's  account  is  somewhat  different,  vol,  1. 
p.  204. 


i26  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

of  the  lay  barons,  and  the  contest  which  ensued  was  attended 
by  all  the  calamities  that  can  fall  upon  a  nation. 

The  kingdom  being  all  in   confusion,  and  swarming  with 

maleeontents  who  only  wanted  a  leader,  the  empress,  Matilda, 

resolved  to  profit  by  so  favourable  a  juncture.  She 

Sept.  30th,  landed  at  Portsmouth  with  only  one  hundred  and 

A.  D.  1139. 

sixty  men,  a  very  small  force  for  the  enterprise 
which  she  was  meditating.  But  she  relied  on  the  support  of  the 
maleeontents,  and  her  expectation  was  not  disappointed.  She 
was  soon  joined  by  the  clergy  and  most  of  the  principal  no- 
bility ;  and,  there  remained  with  the  king,  only  a  few  of  the 
harons  and  his  army  of  foreigners. 

A  civil  war  now  commenced,  in  which  the  operations  were 
so  complex,  and  the  instances  of  treachery,  of  rapine  and 
perfidy,  so  numerous,  that  a  recital  of  particulars  would  be 
equally  tedious  and  disgusting.  Amidst  such  a  multiplicity 
of  matter,  and  such  a  chaos  of  confusion,  it  suffices  to  mention 
the  principal  events.  The  bishop  of  Winchester  soon  began 
to  repent  of  his  error  in  raising  a  siorm  which  must  over- 
whelm the  king,  his  brother,  in  the  consequences  of  whose 
fall,  he  himself  would,  in  all  probability,  be  involved.  From 
this  consideration  he  resolved  to  change  sides ;  and  being 
desirous  of  regaining  the  king's  confidence  by  some  signal 
service,  he  drew  to  Winchester  a  number  of  the  barons  who 
adhered  to  Matilda,  and  detained  them  prisoners  until  they 
surrendered  their  castles. 

Amidst  all  his  difficulties  Stephen  displayed  a  firmness  that 
kept  up  the  courage  of  his  adherents  ;  and  daily  endeavoured 
to  counteract,  by  his  prudence  and  valour,  tlie  reverses  of 
fortune.  Matilda  and  her  brother',  the  earl  of  Gloucester, 
however,  escaped  from  Wallingford,  where  the  king  had,  for 
some  time,  kept  them  blockaded.  The  earl  then  made  himself 
master  of  Worcester,  while  the  barons  of  his  party  ravaged 
the  counties  of  Chester  and  Nottingham ;  and  Matilda  retired 
lo  Lincoln,  where  she  was  immediately  besieged  by  Stephen. 
During  the  siege,  however,  she  found  means  to  escape  j  and 
the  king,  who  hoped  to  have  decided  the  contest  by  the  capture 
of  his  rival,  finding  himself  disappointed,  retired  from  the 
city.    He  had  scarcely  begun  his  retreat  before  he  was  in- 


STEPHEN.  IST! 

formed  that  the  earl  of  Chester,  with  his  wife  and  brother, 
were  arrived  at  Lincoln.  On  receiving  this  intelligence,  he 
immediately  marched  back,  and  again  laid  siege  to  the  place. 
The  earl  of  Gloucester  coming  suddenly  to  its  relief,  a  deci- 
sive battle  took  place  :  The  royal  army  being  totally  defeated 
and  dispersed,  the  king  was  left  alone  and  on  foot  in  the  midst 
of  his  enemies.  In  this  forlorn  situation,  assaulted  by  mul- 
titudes, he  resisted  their  efforts  with  astonishing  valour.  But 
having  broken  first  his  battle-axe  and  then  his  sword  in  this 
terrible  encounter,  he  was  knocked  down  to  the  ground  and 
made  prisoner.  The  unfortunate  monarch  being  now  in  the 
power  of  his  enemies,  was  committed  to  the  castle  of  Bristol 
and  loaded  with  irons.* 

While  Stephen  was  in  this  deplorable  condition,  Matilda 
improved,  by  her  arts  and  address,  the  advantages  gained  by 
her  arms.  The  whole  kingdom,  except  London  and  the 
county  of  Kent,  abandoned  the  captive  monarch.  Normandy 
followed  the  example  of  England  ;  and  the  king  of  Scotland 
again  entered  the  northern  provinces,  in  direct  violation  of 
the  late  treaty.  At  this  horrid  period,  honour  and  honesty 
seemed  to  have  vanished,  and  perfidy  alone  was  considered 
as  good  policy. 

Although  the  battle  of  Lincoln  had  rendered  Matilda  irre- 
sistable  in  arms,  some  difficulties  were  yet  to  be  overcome 
before  she  could  establish  herself  on  the  throne.  It  was 
necessary  to  gain  Uie  bishop  of  Winchester,  who,  in  quality 
of  legate,  was  at  the  head  of  the  clergy  ;  and  also  to  obtain 
possession  of  the  city  of  London.  On  condition  of  having 
the  disposal  of  all  ecclesiastical  preferments,  the  bishop 
abandoned  the  cause  of  the  king,  his  brother,  and  in  the 
cathedral  church  of  Winchester,  pronounced  the  sentence  of 
excommunication  against  all  his  adherents.  He  then  called 
a  synod  of  all  the  prelates  and  abbots,  and  at  his  instigation 
Matilda  was  unanimously  elected  queen  of  England. 

Nothing  was  wanting  but  the  consent  of  the  Londoners  to 
her  coronation.  The  city  was,  at  that  juncture,  all  in  confu- 
sion :  the  barons   who  adhered  to  the  king,  had  retired  to 

*  Vide  Malmsbury  p.  ISr. 


138  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

London,  and  united  in  a  confederacy  with  the  citizens  ;  but 
sit  length  it  Avas  resolved  to  give  way  to  the  times,  and  ac- 
knowledge the  empress.  She  was  received  in  London  with 
great  magnificence  by  the  barons  and  citizens,  and  the  whole 
kingdom  following  the  example  of  the  metropolis,  Matilda 
■was  every  where  recognised  as  sovereign. 

The  king,  in  the  mean  while,  languished  in  prison,  loaded 
with  fetters,  and  although  he  oftered  to  resign  all  claims  to 
the  crown,  to  retire  out  of  the  kingdom,  and  never  to  re- 
turn, neither  the  tears  of  his  queen,  nor  the  solicitations  of 
his  friends,  could  induce  Matilda  to  release  him  from  cap- 
tivity. Such,  indeed,  was  the  character  of  the  times,  that  no 
one  could  trust  to  treaties,  promises,  or  oaths,  after  so  many 
instances  of  their  violation.  But  the  incessant  fluctuations 
of  the  state  gave  a  favourable  change  to  his  fortune ;  and 
his  rival  in  her  turn  experienced  the  instability  of  a  throne. 

In  placing  the  crown  on  the  head  of  Matilda,  the  shadow 
of  royalty  was  all  that  the  bishops  and  barons  intended  to 
give ;  but  with  this  she  was  not  contented.  Conscious  of 
lier  hereditary  right,  she  expected  to  revive  the  absolute  pow- 
er of  her  Norman  predecessors,  without  considering  the  al- 
tered complexion  of  the  times.  The  views  of  the  sovereign 
and  her  subjects,  therefore,  verged  towards  two  opposite  ex- 
tremes :  she  expected  to  reign  Aviththe  authority  of  a  despot ; 
they  intended  that  she  should  be  only  a  pageant  of  state.  The 
just  medium  of  a  limited  government,  so  beneficial  both  to  the 
sovereign  and  the  subject,  was  scarcely  thought  of  in  those 
times  of  violence  and  anarchy.  The  bishop  of  AVinehester,  who 
was  all-powerful  in  the  church,  expected  that,  in  considera- 
tion of  his  services,  the  new  queen  A\ouId  be  wholly  guided 
by  his  counsels.  On  finding  himself  disappointed,  he  resolved 
to  convince  her  that,  as  he  had  so  greatly  contributed  to 
place  the  sceptre  in  her  hand,  he  could  wrest  it  from  lie:' with 
equal  facility.  The  Londoners  being  disgusted  at  her  haugh- 
ty demeanor,  the  bisliop  fomented  their  discontents,  and  a 
confodpraey  was  formed  for  the  purpose  of  seizing  Iier  per- 
ifon.  Matilda,  however,  having  had  timely  noli. e  «;f  tiie  de- 
sign, escaped  the  danger  by  a  precipitate  flight.  The  ))ishop 
iaimediatelv  levied  an  army,  and  ordered  the  castle  of  Win- 


Stephen.  120 

Chester,  and  some  others  that  were  at  his  disposal,  to  be  well 
stored  with  provisions  and  arms,  while  Matilda  put  herself 
at  the  head  of  her  forces,  and  was  joined  by  her  brother,  the 
earl  of  Gloucester,  and  by  the  kin^  of  Scotland. 

The  civil  war  now  recommenced  with  all  its  horrors.  The 
Kentish  men  and  the  Londoners,  commanded  by  Eustace,  the 
king's  son,  and  William  de  Ypres,  general  of  the  foreign 
mercenaries,  marched  against  Matilda,  who  had  taken  pos- 
session of  Winchester;  and  while  they  besieged  her  in  the 
castle,  the  bishop  set  fire  to  the  city,  the  greatest  part  of 
which  was  consumed,  and  an  abbey  and  a  nunnery,  with 
above  twenty  churches,  were  destroyed  by  the  conflagra- 
tion.* 

The  siege  having  continued  two  months,  and  the  castle  be- 
ing no  longar  tenable,  the  besieged  took  the  bold  resolution  of 
opening,  with  their  swords,  a  passage  through  (he  enemy. 
They  sallied  out  in  good  order,  Matilda  and  the  king  of 
Scotland  marching  in  the  front,  and  the  earl  of  Gloucester 
bringing  up  the  rear.  The  king's  troops  harrassed  their 
march  by  incessant  attacks,  and  in  passing  through  a  narrow 
defile,  the  earl  of  Gloucester,  after  giving  signal  proofs  of 
his  valour,  was  made  prisoner.  The  queen,  with  a  few  of 
her  followers,  escaped  to  Devizes,  and  from  thence  to  Glouces- 
ter, although  the  roads  were  lined  with  soldiers. 

The  liberation  of  Stephen  was  the  consequence  of  thi* 
event.  After  the  earl  of  Gloucester  had  remained  six 
months  a  prisoner,  he  was  exchanged  for  the  king ;  but  the 
war  continued  to  rage  with  unabated  fury.  The  bishop  of 
Winchester  summoned  a  council,  at  which  the  king  was  pres- 
ent, and  having,  in  a  rhetorical  harraugue,  endeavoured  to 
justify  his  conduct  and  the  frequent  violation  of  his  oaths,  he 
concluded  by  excommunicating  all  the  adherents  of  Matilda, 
as  he  had  about  a  year  before  fulminated  the  same  sen(enc» 
against  those  of  Stephen.  Thus  Mere  the  people  exposed  to 
alternate  and  opposite  excommunications,  as  one  party  or  the 
other  prevailed.  This,  however,  is  nothing  extraordinary  : 
iu  all  agi's  and  in  all  countries,  among  Pagans,  Jews,  Ma- 

+  Malmsbury,  p.  19^. 
& 


130  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

hommedaus,  and  Chrisiiaiis,  religion  has  too  oflen  been  macTe 
A  political  engine. 

But  temporal  as  uell  as  spiritual  arms  were  neeessary  to 
eontend  with  the  turljiiicncc  of  the  times.  The  earl  of 
(jiloucester  passed  over  into  Normandy  to  solicit  the  aid  of 
the  count  of  Anjou,  the  husband  of  Matilda,  who  had  seized 
on  that  di.'chy.  The  count  would  gladly  have  supported  the 
right  of  his  w  ife,  which  w  as  also  that  of  his  sou,  but  the  af- 
fairs of  Normandy  w  ere  not  sufficiently  settled  to  permit  him 
to  send  any  considerable  force  into  England.  He  contented 
himself,  therefore,  with  sending  a  small  body  of  troops,  ac- 
companied by  his  son  Henry,  in  the  hope  that  his  presence 
might  have  some  inlluenee  on  the  English. 

Matilda,  in  the  mean  while,  had  retired  to  Oxford,  where 
she  waited  for  succours  from  Normandy.  Stephen,  regarding 
this  as  a  favourable  opportunity  of  terminating  the  war  by 
the  capture  of  his  rival,  marched  to  Oxford,  burned 
'  the  city  and  laid  siege  to  the  castle.*  From  the  26tk 
September  till  ChristmaSj  notwithstanding  the  rigour  of  the 
season,  every  possible  cftbrt  was  made  in  the  attack  and 
defence.  At  the  last,  Matilda,  finding  it  impossible  to 
make  any  longer  resistance,  took  advantage  of  a  dark  night 
to  make  her  escape.  She  crossed  the  Thames  on  the  ice,  and 
afterwards  walked  six  miles  on  foot,  facing  a  severe  storm  of 
snow.  This  was  no  easy  task  to  a  lady  who  was  the  daugh- 
ter of  a  king,  and  liad  been  the  wife  of  an  emperor,  and  who 
liad,  herself,  so  lately  worn  a  crown ;  but  dangers  and  difficul- 
lies,  which  strike  the  pulsilanimous  with  terror,  only  serve  to 
rouse  vigorous  minds  to  exertion. 

All  the  efibrts  of  Matilda  and  licr  party,  however,  were 
inetVeeUial.  From  l!ie  time  that  Stephen  was  liberated,  the 
Mar  continued  nearly  six  years,  a  nielaucholy  period,  the  his- 
tory of  which  presciils  only  a  picture  of  rapine  and  anarchy, 
with  confused  details  of  skirmishes,  sieges,  or  surprises  of 
castles,  and  disgusting  accounts  of  the  pillage  and  destruc- 
tion of  towns  and  villages.  It  suffices,  therefore,  to  say, 
that  the  party  of  Matilda  gradually  declined ;  and  the  death 

*  Malmsburvj  p.  191 


STEPIIEX.  131 

of  the  earls  of  Gloucester  and  Hereford,  the  two  aldcst  sup- 
porters of  her  cause  both  in  the  council  and  the  field,  com- 
pleted the  series  of  her  misfortunes.  Finding  her  affairs 
irretrievable,  she  retired  into  Xorniandy,  and  left 
Stephen  in  quiet  possession  of  the  throne.  Since 
the  time  of  the  Danish  invasion,  Ens^land  had  never  suffered 
such  calamities  as  during  this  dreadful  contest. 

Stephen  having,  with  the  greatest  diHiculty,  recovered  tho 
crown  of  England,  left  Matilda  undisturbed  in  Normandy, 
and  turned  his  whole  attention  towards  repairing  the  mis- 
chiefs occasioned  by  civil  commotions.  One  of  the  great  ob- 
jects of  his  care  was  to  transmit  the  sceptre  to  his  posterity : 
hut  he  soon  saw  it  wrested  from  his  family  l)y  a  new  rival. 
Henry,  the  eldest  son  of  Matilda,  having,  by  the  death  of  his 
father,  been  put  in  possession  of  Aujou,  his  mother  permitted 
him  to  assume  the  title  of  duke  of  Normandy ;  and  for  his 
farther  aggrandizement,  he  married  Eleanor,  the  repudiated 
wife  of  Louis  VII.  king  of  France,  with  whom  he  received 
the  sovereignty  of  Guienne,  Poitou,  Saintonge,  and  other 
territories.  This  sudden  increase  of  power  alarmed  the 
French  monarch,  who  incited  Geoffrey,  the  brotljcr  of  Henry, 
to  invtade  Anjou,  and  vested  Eustace,  the  son  of  Stephen, 
with  the  dukedom  of  Normandy.  Henry,  however,  expelled 
the  two  claimants;  and  without  being  discouragi-d  by  the  ill 
success  of  his  mother,  his  enterprising  genius  prompted  him 
to  assert  his  right  to  the  crown  of  England. 

Having  landed  with  a  considerable  number  of  troops,  his 
presence  gave  new'  life  to  his  partj>  which  since  the  depart- 
nre  of  Matilda  seemed  to  be  totally  suppressed.  He  was 
soon  joined  by  many  of  the  barons,  who  put  into  his  hands  no 
less  than  thirty  fortified  castles,  among  which  were  those  of 
Malmsbury,  Stamford,  and  Nottingham.  Near  Vv  allingford, 
Stephen  and  Henry  were  preparing  for  battle,  and  the  king- 
dom was  again  threatened  w  ith  all  the  horrors  of  civil  war, 
Avhen  the  prudent  counsels  of  the  earl  of  Arundel  averted  the 
impending  storm.  His  arguments,  which  ought  to  be  trans- 
mitted to  posterity  in  letters  of  gold,  were  founded  on  the 
tlireefold  basis  of  patriotism,  Christianity,  and  reason.  He 
represented  to  the  king  the  miseries   to  which   tlie  kingdom 


13S  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

must  again  be  exposed  by  Ihe  contest :  he  insisted  that  it  tvouM 
be  more  suitable  to  the  character  of  christians,  to  try  to  ac- 
commodate matters  by  treaty,  than  to  revive  the  misfortunes 
of  their  bleeding  country  by  renewing  the  war;  and,  in  fine, 
lie  flatly  declared  it  to  be  inconsistent  with  reason,  that  a 
Avhole  uation  should  suft'er  the  greatest  calamities  on  account 
of  a  dispute  between  two  princes,  whose  aim  was  to  gratify 
their  own  ambition,  rather  than  to  procure  the  happiness  of 
the  people.*  Whether  the  king  was  moved  by  these  remon- 
strances, or  what  is  more  probable,  was  afraid  of  being  de- 
serted, he  consented  to  propose  an  accommodation.  Henry, 
who  was  ready  for  battle,  and  desirous  of  military  fame, 
would  have  willingly  rejected  the  proposal;  but  being  urged 
by  the  lords  of  his  party,  and  perceiving  that  the  English, 
grew  weary  of  being  the  dupes  of  ambition,  and  of  permit- 
ting rival  princes  to  wade  through  their  blood  to  a  throne,  he 
yielded  with  reluctance  to  their  importunity,  and  agreed  to  a. 
truce,  in  order  to  commence  a  negociation  for  peace. 

The  claims  of  Stephen  and  Henry,  however,  were  not  ad- 
justed without  considerable  difficulty.  The  sudden  death  of 
Eustace,  the  eldest  son  of  Stephen,  which  happened  during 
the  negociations,  removed  one  obstacle  to  the  conclusion  of 
the  treaty.  But  the  king  had  another  son  named  William, 
on  whom  he  desired  to  settle  the  succession.  To  this,  how- 
ever, Henry  would  never  consent,  and  Stephen  was  obliged  to 
give  up  the  point.  It  was  therefore  agreed  that  Stephen 
should  wear  the  crown  during  his  life,  and  that  Henry  should 
be  recognised  as  his  successor. 

Thus  ended  the  dreadful  contest,  which  during  so  many 
years  had  drenched  England  with  blood,  and  converted  her 
fertile  fields,  her  villages,  and  towns,  into  scenes  of  desolation. 
Stephen,  although  he  had  no  longer  any  hopes  of  transmitting 
the^rown  to  his  descendants,  used  all  his  endeavours  to  alle- 
viate the  miseries  of  the  kingdom,  and  his  measures  were 
well  adapted  to  their  object.  But  while  he  appeared  so  de- 
sirous to  compensate  the  fatal  effects  of  his  usurpation  by  the 
beneficence  of  his  future  government,  he  was  suddenly  snr- 

Eapin,  vol.  1.  p.  210. 


STEPHEN.  133 

Oct.  25,    prised  by  death  in  the  fiftieth  year  of  his  age,  and 
A.  D.  1154.  the  uineteenth  of  his  reign. 

The  qualities  which  seem  to  have  predominated  in  his 
character,  were  valour,  clemency,  and  generosity.  In  the 
field,  his  personal  courage  and  martial  abilities  were  on  many 
occasions  splendidly  conspicuous,  and  his  reign,  although  al- 
most a  continued  series  of  civil  wars,  affords  no  instances  of 
deliberate  cruelty.  His  domineering  vice  was  ambition,  a 
passion  which  in  that  age  was  universally  indulged  by  princes. 
His  accession  to  the  throne,  though  sanctioned  by  the  per- 
jured prelates  and  barons,  was  an  evident  usurpation  in  direct 
violation  of  his  oath ;  and  its  consequences  were  fatal  to  his 
repose,  and  to  the  happiness  of  tlie  kingdom.  The  miseries 
of  his  reign  have  been  concisely  described :  the  church  and 
the  aristocracy  domineered  over  the  throne :  the  democratical 
part  of  the  nation  Mas  in  a  state  of  abject  slavery,  and 
groaned  under  the  complicated  calamities  of  war  and  famine. 
The  king,  the  bishops,  and  barons,  were  constantly  struggling 
for  power  and  privileges ;  but  the  rights  of  the  people  were 
wholly  disregarded.  In  such  a  state  of  society,  it  is  scarcely 
necessary  to  observe  that  commerce  aud  manufactures,  artSj 
scieuces,  and  letters,  were  neglected. 


iSA! 


HENRY  11. 


Although  Henry  was  detained  iu  Normandy  by  contrary 
■winds,  and  did  not  arrive  in  England  till  six  weeks  after 
Stephen  was  dead,  he  met  with  no  difficulty  iu  ascending  the 
throne.  The  nation  had  too  fatally  experienced  the  baneful 
eflects  of  civil  commotions,  to  wish  for  their  renewal;  and 
Henry  was  crowned  a  few  days  after  his  arrival. 
J  j^j  ''  The  English  beheld,  with  great  satisfaction,  the  ac- 
cession of  a  prince  descended  by  the  female  line 
from  their  ancient  kings ;  and  the  monarchy  received  a  very 
considerable  addition  of  splendour  and  strength  by  the  annex- 
ation of  Guienne,  Poictiers,  Saintonge,  Maine,  Anjou,  Tou- 
raine,  and  Normandy,  which  were  all  in  Henry's  possession. 
The  first  care  of  the  new  king  was  to  redress  the  evils  which 
civil  commotions  had  produced  in  England,  and  to  deprive 
the  factions  of  the  power  of  exciting  fresh  troubles.  Fai' 
this  purpose  he  began  with  demolishing  the  numerous  castles 
which  had  been  fortified  during  the  preceding  reign,  and 
which  served  as  the  sanctuaries  of  robbers,  the  receptacles  of 
plunder,  and  the  seats  of  licentiousness.  Another  of  his 
measures,  which  was  equally  agreeable  to  his  subjects  and 
beneficial  to  the  kingdom,  was  the  dismissal  of  the  foreign 
forces  entertained  by  Stephen.  England  had  long  expe- 
rienced their  depredations ;  but  Henry  having  clearly  indi- 
cated his  intention  of  clearing  the  country  of  such  a  pest, 
William  de  Ypres,  their  general,  disgusted  by  tlie  cold  re- 
ception which  he  met  with  at  court,  and  sensible  that  he 
should  not  find  his  account  amidst  scenes  of  tranquillity,  led 
off  his  mercenary  bands  without  waiting  for  positive  orders 
to  depart  from  the  kingdom. 


IlENRY    II.  135 

But  all  the  proceedings  of  Henry  were  not  characterised 
by  the  same  disinterested  regard  for  the  public  welfare. — 
Some  of  them  seemed  to  proceed  from  more  ignoble  motives, 
and  to  be  calculated  on  principles  less  equitable.  He  revoked 
all  the  grants  made  by  his  predecessor,  and  resumed  all  the 
lands  alienaled  from  the  crown.  Those  who  had  adhered  to 
Stephen,  alleged  that,  in  serving  a  king  actually  on  the 
throne,  they  had  acted  the  part  of  loyal  subjects  ;  and  those 
who  had  supported  the  cause  of  Matilda,  which  was  also 
that  of  Henry  himself,  complained  of  the  injustice  of  depriv- 
ing them  of  their  rewards,  and  of  confounding  them  with 
Stephen's  adherents.  lu  consequence  of  these  resumptions, 
"W'illiam,  the  son  of  Stephen,  was  despoiled  of  all  his  estates, 
except  such  as  belonged  to  his  family  before  his  father's  ac- 
cession to  the  throne,  although  the  treaty  which  Henry  had 
signed,  gave  him  an  ineontestible  right  to  all  the  rest  of  his 
possessions.*  But  ti'caties  are  of  little  force  against  power  j 
and  Henry's  treatment  of  his  brother,  Geoftrey,  count  of 
Anjou,  shews  that  he  made  no  scruple  of  violating  the  most 
saered  obligations,  when  they  interfered  with  his  views  of  his 
ambitious  policy. 

As  soon  as  Henry  obtained  the  duchy  of  Normandy,  Geoft'- 
rcy  took  possession  of  Anjou  according  to  the  purport  of  his 
father's  testament.  He  was  soon  driven  out  of  that  province 
by  Heury ;  but  when  the  latter  ascended  the  throne  of  Eng- 
land, Geoffrey  revived  his  pretensions,  and  was  received  bj 
the  Angevins  as  their  lord.  Henry  had  bound  himself  by  an 
oath  to  execute  the  will  of  his  father;  but  perjury  is  too  often 
regarded  as  a  trifling  matter  in  political  concerns. f  Henry 
declared  the  testament  to  be  illegal,  and  being  relieved  from 
liis  oath  by  a  papal  dispensation,  he  passed  over  into  France, 
and  expelled  his  brother  from  Anjou,  which  he  annexed  to  his 
other  dominions. 

The  king  having  accomplished  the  design  of  his  expedition, 
returned  to  England,  and  concluded  an  advantageous  treaty 
with  Malcolm  IV.  king  of  Scotland,  who  resigned  to  him 
Carlisle,  Newcastle,  and  the  fortress  of  Bamborougli.  These 

•  ^'^de  Rapiii  1.  p.  223. 

t  Tor  a  paiticulai-  account  of  llilb  afuiir,  vide  Rapin  vol.  1  p,  224. 


13^  HISTORY  or  England. 

places  had  been  ceded  to  David  I.  grandfather  of  Malcolm 
by  Stephen,  when  pressed  on  every  side  by  the  efforts  of  re- 
faelliou;  but  the  dread  of  Henry's  power  induced  tlie  Scottish 
monarch  to  consent  to  their  restoration.  The  AVelsh,  how- 
ever, had  not  imbibed  the  same  terror.  They  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  attack  so  formidable  a  neighbour;  and  without  provo- 
cation they  made  an  incursion  into  his  territories.  The  king 
having  collected  a  powerful  array,  marched  in  person  to  repel 
this  invasion;  and  having  entered  Wales,  put  all  to  fire  and 
sword.  Upon  his  approach,  the  Welsh  had  retired  into  their 
inaccessible  mountains ;  and  the  van  of  the  English  having 
entered  into  a  narrow  defile,  was  totally  routed.  A  rumour 
at  the  same  time  being  spread,  that  the  king  was 
'slain,  the  whole  army  was  thrown  into  so  great  a 
confusion,  that  it  required  all  the  courage  and  prudence  of 
Henry  to  preserve  it  from  total  destruction.  After  this  dis- 
aster, he  resolved  to  prepare  a  fleet,  in  order  to  make  descents 
on  their  coasts ;  and  the  Welsh,  apprehensive  of  being  at- 
tacked on  every  side,  agreed  to  a  treaty  of  peace,  by  which 
they  granted  him  permission  to  cut  roads  throi\gh  their  for- 
ests, which  would  open  an  entrance  into  their  country,  and 
surrendered  several  castles  which  they  had  seized  during  the 
convulsed  reign  of  king  Stephen. 

Within  two  years  after  the  termination  of  this  troublesome 
war,  the  death  of  Geoffi*ey,  his  brother,  afforded  to  Henry  an 
opportunity  of  enlarging  his  dominions  on  the  continent. — 
That  prince  had,  after  his  expulsion  from  Anjou,  obtained 
the  earldom  of  Nantes ;  and  at  his  decease,  Henry  claimed 
the  possession  by  right  of  inheritance  from  his  brother.  But 
Conon,  duke  of  Bretagne,  seized  on  Xantes  and  its  territory. 
which  he  annexed  to  his  own  dominions.  In  consequence  of 
this  procedure,  Henry  seized  on  the  earldom  of  Richmond, 
which  the    duke  of   Bretagne  held  in  England,*    and  soon 

*  It  is  here  necessary  to  remember,  tliat  Alan  Fergcant,  the  ar.restor  of 
Conon,  duke  of  Bretagne,  was  one  of  the  tjencrals  of  William  tlie  Con- 
queror, and  obtained  the  estates  of  earl  Edwin,  in  Yorkshire,  with  the  title 
of  earl  of  Richmond.  Vide  d'Argentre  p.  173,  Stc.  The  grant  of  lliese  e«- 
latesto  Alan  was  made  at  the  camp  before  York,  when  the  Conqueror  be  • 
si-eged  that  cily  A.  I).  1070.  Brake's  El'oraci'.ra,  p.  SS. 


HENRY    11.  137 

after  passed  into  Normandy  with  a  very  considerable  force. 
By  the  marriat^e  of  his  eldest  son,  who  was  five 
AD.  1159.  ^.^^j.g  of  a<,e,  with  Margaret,  the  French  king's 
daughter,  an  infant  only  six  months  old,  he  secured  the 
neutrality  of  that  monarch.  Conon,  who  was  unable  to  main- 
tain a  contest  with  so  formidable  an  antagonist  as  the  king 
of  England,  was  obliged  to  yield  up  the  city  and  earldom  of 
Nantes.  But  this  was  not  the  only  advantage  that  Henry 
derived  from  his  expedition.  He  concluded  a  marriage  between 
his  son  Geoffrey,  who  was  then  in  his  cradle,  and  Constance, 
the  daus;htcr  of  Conon.  By  this  marriage,  which,  notwith- 
standing tlic  bridegroom's  youth,  >vas  celebrated  five  years 
afterwards,  Geoffrey  became  duke  of  Brctagne  on  the  death 
of  his  father-in-law. 

The  dominions  which  Henry  possessed  in  France,  rendered 
him  nearly  as  powerful  in  that  kingdom  as  the  monarch  him- 
self; and  he  had  also  the  expectation  of  adding  Brctagne  to 
the  territories  of  his  family.  But  his  ambition  increasing  with 
his  prosperity,  he  revived  the  pretensions  of  his  queen  to  the 
extensive  county  of  Thoulouse.*  The  nature  of  these  claims 
are  wholly  uninteresting;  and  it  suffices  briefly  to  relate  tlie 
event.  His  recent  .alliance  with  the  French  monarch,  induced 
liim  to  suppose  that  he  should  meet  with  no  greater  opposition 
in  Langnedoc  than  he  had  done  in  Brctagne.  This  expecta- 
tion, however,  was  ill-founded.  Louis,  alarmed  at  the  exor- 
bitant aajgrandizement  of  his  vassal,  threw  himself  into 
Thoulouse  wllb  so  considerable  a  force,  that  Henry,  having 
approaelied  (he  city,  soon  found  himself  obliged  to  retire.  In 
his  retreat  he  ravaged  Le  Beauvoisis ;  and  Simon,  count  of 
Alontfort,  having  delivered  to  him  his  castles  in  the  vicinity 
of  Paris,  the  communication  between  that  city  and  Orleans 
was  entirely  cut  off.  These  circumstances  obliged  Louis  to 
propose  a  cessation  of  arms,  and  a  truce  was  concluded  which 
terminated  in  a  peace. 

After   a  stay  of  four  years  in   France,  Henry 

returned  to  England.     At  this  period  his  affairs 

were  in  so  prosperous  a  state,  both  abroad  and  at  home,  as 

•  For  a  statement  of  these  pretensions,  vide  Kapin  K  p,  225.       -^ 
T 


1^8  HISTORY  OF  ENCLAXD." 

to  promise  liim  a  reign  equally  glorious  and  tranquil.  But 
his  sunshiue  of  happiness  was  soon  overclouded  by  storms  that 
were  gathering  in  the  horison.  Although  heloved  by  the 
nation,  respected  by  his  neighbours,  and  feared  by  his  ene- 
mies, the  ambition  of  one  of  his  subjects  imbittered  a  con- 
siderable part  of  his  reign,  and  reduced  him  to  a  state  of 
liumiliation  that  would  astonish  any  person  who  is  unac- 
quainted with  the  ideas  and  spirit  of  that  age. 

Thomas  Becket  was  the  son  of  an  eminent  citizen  of 
Loudon,  by  a  Syrian  woman.  His  youth  had  been  employed 
in  the  study  of  the  law,  in  M'hich  he  acquired  great  repu- 
tation. 

Having,  in  the  beginning  of  this  reign,  had  some  business 
to  transact  at  court,  he  became  known  to  the  king,  who 
conceived  such  an  opinion  of  his  merit,  that  he  conferred  on 
him  the  dignity  of  high  chancellor.  In  the  di.seharge  of  this 
eminent  office,  Beeket  displayed  an  insupportable  haughtiness, 
and  an  extraordinary  magnificence.  The  bridles  of  his  horses 
had  silver  bits  ;  and  he  surpassed  any  of  the  earls  in  his 
expenditure.*  It  is  even  said,  that,  in  the  war  of  Thoulouse, 
in  which  he  attended  the  king,  he  maintained,  at  his  own 
expense,  seven  hundred  knights  and  twelve  hundred  foot 
soldiers. t  Notwithstanding  his  imperious  and  arrogant  be- 
haviour to  others,  he  was  extremely  obsequious  to  his  royal 
master,  and  seemed  entirely  devoted  to  his  will.  The  king 
was  so  misled  by  his  blandishments,  that  he  regarded  him  as 
a  man  always  ready  to  sacrifice  his  life  in  his  service  j  and 
"imagining  that  he  might  be  highly  instrumental  in  executing 
a  plan  which  he  had,  for  some  time,  meditated,  he  procured 
liis  election  to  the  archiepiscopal  see  of  Canterbury.  As  soon 
as  Becket  was  placed  in  that  eminent  station,  he  sent  the 
great  seal  to  the  king ;  and  suddenly  altering  his  mode  of 
living,  he  wore  the  habit  of  a  monk,  with  sackcloth  next  his 
skin,  and  kept  only  a  few  domestics.  Under  this  external 
appearance  of  mortification  and  humility,  however,  he  con- 
cealed the  most  ambitious  designs  ;  and  seeing  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  English  cluuch,  he  resolved,  if  possible,  to  exalJ 
his  own  power  above  that  of  his  sovereign. 

*  Bronipton,  f  Eapin  1,  p.  226, 


HENRY   II.  139 

It  has  already  been  observed,  that,  during  the  reign  of  Ste- 
phen, the  power  of  the  clergy  had  increased  to  an  exorbitant 
height.  Henry  resolved  to  reduce  it  within  its  due  bounds; 
and  as  he  expected  from  Becket  a  more  ready  compliance 
than  from  any  other  prelate,  this  had  been  his  principal  rea- 
son for  exerting  his  influence  to  procure  his  election  to  the  see 
of  Canterbury.  But  he  was  extremely  Mrong  in  liis  conjec- 
tures. Becket  no  sooner  saw  himself  at  the  head  of  the  clergy, 
than  he  considered  himself  as  bound  in  honour  and  duty  to 
the  support  of  their  cause,  and  promised  himself  immortal 
fame  and  eternal  glory  by  a  vigorous  defence  of  their  privi- 
leges and  immunities.  The  famoHS  dispute  between  Henry 
and  this  prelate,  merits  particular  attention,  as  i<s  origin,  its 
progress,  and  ultimate  consequences,  contribute  to  display  the 
spirit  and  complexion  of  the  age. 

One  of  the  greatest  abuses  that  had  crept  into  the  church, 
was  its  remissness  in  regard  to  the  punishment  of  priests  con- 
victed of  crimes.  The  clergy  could  be  tried  only  in  the 
ecclesiastical  courts  ;  and  the  trials  were  conducted  with  such 
indulgence  to  the  holy  malefactors,  that  their  most  enormous 
crimes  were  punished  only  witli  degradation,  and  others  >vith 
a  short  suspension  or  easy  confinement.  Such  a  practice  evi- 
dently tended  to  the  destruction  of  all  morality  among  the 
clergy,  who,  being  sure  of  impunity,  often  committed  the  most 
horrible  outrages.  It  was  proved  in  the  presence  of  the  king, 
that,  since  iiis  accession,  above  a  hundred  murders  had  been 
perpetrated  by  ecclesiastics,  of  whom  not  one  had  been  pun- 
ished so  much  as  with  degradation,  the  usual  penalty  imposed 
by  the  canons.  Such  enormous  abuses  could  not  fail  of  ex- 
citing the  complaints  of  the  people,  and  the  animadversion  of 
the  sovereign. 

AVhile  things  were  in  this  state,  Philip  de  Broc,  a  canon  of 
Bedford,  having  committed  a  murder,  was  tried  in  the  arch- 
bishop's court,  and  condemned  to  be  deprived  of  his  benefice 
and  confined  in  a  monastery.  The  king  expostulated  with 
the  archbishop  for  punishing  so  slightly  a  capital  crime.  The 
prelate  insisted  on  the  immunities  and  privileges  of  the 
clergy,  and  affirmed,  that  an  ecclesiastic  ought  not,  for 
any  oflonce  whatever,  to  be  punished  with  death.     Henry 


140  HISTORY  OF  EXGLAND, 

replied,  that  God  could  not  take  plesisure  in  sanctioning  the 
crimes  of  his  ministers,  and  declared,  that,  being  appointed 
to  administer  impartial  justice  to  all  his  subjects,  it  was  his 
intention,  since  the  ecclesiastical  court  was  so  favourable  to 
the  clergy,  that  all  heinous  oftences,  such  as  murder,  robbery* 
and  the  like,  should  be  brought  before  his  own  tribunals.  The 
archbishop  answered,  that  he  would  never  allow  the  clergy 
to  be  tried  any  Avhere  but  in  the  ecclesiastical  courts.  The 
dispute  was  conducted  with  great  warmth  on  both  sides : 
the  king  and  the  archbishop  parted  extremely  dissatisfied ; 
and  the  latter,  instead  of  adopting  any  conciliatory  mea- 
sure, seized  several  occasions  of  infringing  the  royal  prerog- 
ative. 

The  arrogance  and  obstinacy  of  Beeket  rendered  the  king 
still  more  sensible  of  the  expediency  of  reducing  the  power  of 
the  clergy  within  its  just  limits.  For  this  purpose  he  convened 
an  assembly  of  the  principal  lords  of  the  realm,  spiritual  as 
well  as  temporal.  When  they  were  met,  he  complained  of 
the  proceedings  of  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  endeav- 
oured to  render  them  sensible,  that,  if  measures  were  not 
taken  to  curb  that  haughty  and  enterprising  prelate,  he  would 
at  length  usurp  all  the  prerogatives  of  the  crown,  and  all 
the  power  of  the  kingdom,  under  the  pretence  of  supporting 
the  privileges  of  the  church.  The  majority  of  the  barons^ 
most  of  whom  were  oftended  at  the  arrogance  of  Beeket,  re- 
joiced at  this  opportunity  of  humbling  his  pride,  and  redu- 
cing the  power  of  the  clergy,  who  had  so  long  eclipsed  the 
splendour  of  the  nobility.  The  king  perceiving  these  favour- 
able dispositions,  brought  forward  certain  regulations  as  ne- 
cessary to  the  preservation  of  order  and  tranquillity  in  the 
kingdom.  Among  these  was  an  ordinance  that  clergymen 
accused  of  capital  offences,  should  be  tried  in  the  king's 
courts.  The  other  articles  tended  to  retain  the  clergy  in  their 
obedience  to  the  crown ;  and  all  of  them  met  with  the  unanimous 
approbation  of  tJie  lay  barons.  But  the  bishops  and  abbots 
refused  to  sign  them,  unless  this  clause  were  added,  "  saving 
"  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  church ;"  a  clause  which 
was  calculated  to  render  them  wholly  ineffectual.  The  king, 
i?x.asperated  at  their  refusal,  suddenly  left  the  assembly,  after 


HENRY  II.  141 

usiiii;  some  threats,  which  induced  thorn  to  send  a  deputation 
to  assure  liim  that  they  were  ready  to  comply  with  liis  will. 
Becket  long  opposed  this  resolution  ;  but  at  last  being  pressed 
by  the  other  bishops,  he  yielded  to  their  importunity,  and  wait- 
ed on  the  king,  who  was  higlily  satisGed  at  this  seemingly  fav- 
ourable conclusion  of  the  affair  ;  and  in  order  to  give  a  lirmer 
sanction  to  tbe  new  regulations,  resolved  to  have  them  ratified 
in  a  general  assembly  of  all  the  bisbops  and  barons  of  the  king- 
dom. This  assembly  being  shortly  after  convened  at 
Clarendon,  tbe  same  articles  were  subscribed  by 
all  the  lords,  both  spiritual  and  temporal.*  Becket  and  his 
party  made  some  objections  ;  but  at  the  instance  of  the 
other  prelates,  he  at  length  complied,  although  with  evident 
reluctance. 

Henry  now  flattered  himself  that  the  dispute  was  termina- 
ted, and  the  harmony  between  tiie  church  and  the  state  com- 
pletely restored.  But  the  Pope,  Mho  undoubtedly  acted  in 
concert  with  Becket,  condemned  tbe  transactions  of  the  as- 
sembly as  prejudicial  to  tbe  church,  and  destructive  of  her 
privileges.  In  conformity  to  the  papal  decision,  the  arch- 
bishop openly  declared,  that  he  repented  of  having  subscribed 
the  constitutions  of  Clarendon,  and  that  he  had  committed  so 
heinous  a  crime  as  to  have  no  hope  of  pardon  but  from  tho 
mercy  of  the  Pope.  Tbe  king,  in  the  mean  while,  finding 
that  the  archbishop,  sheltering  himself  under  the  protection 
of  the  Roman  see,  grew  daily  more  obstinate,  endeavoured  to 
humble  his  haughty  spirit.  An  action  was  first  brought 
against  him  for  unjustly  retaining  a  manor  which  did  not  be- 
long to  him,  and  the  archbishop  was  condemned  to  jiay  a  fine 
of  five  hundred  pounds.  He  was  afterwards  charged  with 
two  capital  crimes.  The  first  was  for  converting  to  his  own 
use,  the  revenues  of  the  archbishopric  of  York,  of  which  he 
had  the  custody  during  forfy  days  while  chancellor :  the  se- 
cond was  that  of  embezzling  30,000/.  of  the  king's  money. 
Becket  refusing  to  acknowledge  the  authority  of  the  court, 
was   pronounced  guilty  of  contumacy  and  rebellion  against 

*  For  a  particular  account  of  the  sixteen  articles  of  the  constUutions 
of  Clarendon,  vide  Tyrre?,  vol,  2. 


1418  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAKD. 

the  authority  of  the  laws ;  and  all  his  goo  Js  were  confiscated. 
As  this  sentence  did  not  reach  his  person,  he  was  afterwards 
accused  of  perjury  and  rebellion  in  having  violated  his  oath, 
and  refused  obedience  to  his  sovereign.  The  archbishop  was 
now  convinced  that  the  king  was  resolved  on  his  destruction ; 
but  his  determined  spirit  would  not  sufter  him  to  bend.  He 
resolved  to  immortalize  his  name  by  a  tirmness  which,  in  his 
opinion,  ought  to  rank  him  among  the  most  illustrious  con- 
fessors of  the  church;  and  these  sentiments  rendered  his 
courage  unconquerable.  The  court  suspended  his  trial  for 
treason,  in  order  to  allow  him  time  to  reflect  on  his  situation, 
and  to  reconcile  himself  to  the  king  by  submission ;  but  it 
declared  him  guilty  of  perjury ;  and  the  bishops  sent  him 
notice  that  they  no  longer  considered  him  as  their  primate, 
but  from  that  moment  renounced  his  communion. 

Becket  now  saw  himself  exposed  to  the  vengeance  of  tho 
king,  and  abandoned  by  the  bishops ;  but  his  high  spirit 
could  not  entertain  a  thought  of  submission.  He  declai'ed 
the  sentence  illegal ;  and  continued  his  function,  regardless 
of  the  royal  displeasure.  Finding  that  nothing  could  move 
his  determined  mind,  the  court  proceeded  to  try  him  on 
the  charge  of  high  treason.  The  fate  of  the  archbishop  now 
seemed  to  be  drawing  to  a  crisis.  Being  informed  that  the 
bishops  and  barons  were  assembled  in  the  presence  of  the 
king,  he  went  to  the  church,  Avherc  having  celebrated  mass, 
he  ordered  these  words  of  the  3d  psalm  to  be  sung :  "  The 
**  rulers  took  counsel  together  against  the  Lord,  and  against 
*'  his  anointed.''  Then  taking  the  cross  in  his  hand,  he  went 
without  asking  leave,  to  the  room  where  the  king  and  the 
lords  were  sitting,  and  from  which  he  was  legally  excluded 
by  his  former  sentence.  The  archbishop  of  York  and  the 
bishop  of  London  reprimanded  him  for  his  insolence,  in  thus 
bidding  defiance  to  the  royal  authority ;  and  told  him  that 
the  weapon  of  the  sovereign  was  sharper  than  his.  ^'  The 
*'  kings  weapon,"  replied  Becket,  "  it  is  true,  may  kill  the 
*'  body  ;  but  mine  can  destroy  the  soul  and  send  it  to  hell." 
This  expression,  which  seemed  to  threaten  the  king  with  ex- 
communication, shewed  that  no  submission  could  be  expected 
from  so  daring  a  spirit;  and  the  court,  after  a  long  debate, 


HENRY   II.  143 

ileclared  that  Becket  ouglit  to  be  committed  to  prison,  and 
punished  according  to  law.  In  consequence  of  this  reso- 
lution, (he  earls  of  Chester  and  Cornwall  were  sent  to  sum- 
mon the  arclihishop  to  hear  his  sentence ;  but  he  refused  to 
appear,  or  acknowledge  the  authority  of  the  court,  and  ap- 
pealed to  the  Pope,  adding,  that  were  it  not  for  the  restraints 
of  his  ecclesiastical  character,  he  would  vindicate  himself 
in  single  combat  against  any  one  that  dared  to  come  forward 
as  his  accuser.  Becket,  howerer,  being  sensible  that  his 
ruin  was  determined,  took  advantage  of  Uie  uight,  and  es- 
caping in  disguise,  retired  into  Flanders. 

The  king  of  France  being  informed  of  Becket's  arrival  on 
the  continent,  and  expecting  that  some  advantage  might  be 
drawn  from  this  singular  dispute,  sent  him  an  offer  of  his 
protection,  with  an  honourable  asylum  in  his  dominions. — 
Henry  expostulated  with  that  monarch,  but  in  vain.  Louis 
replied,  that  he  could  not  refuse  to  the  unfortunate,  a  sanctu- 
ary in  his  dominions,  and  that  he  could  not  consider  the  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury  as  a  criminal  until  he  was  condemned 
by  the  Pope. 

In  the  meanwhile,  Henry  beiif^  extremely  desirous  of  pre- 
possessing the  Roman  pontiff  in  his  favour,  sent  ambassadors 
to  inform  him  of  every  particular  relating  to  the  affair,  and 
to  request  Iiim  to  send  legates  into  England,  in  order  to  de- 
cide the  affair.  The  embassy  consisted  of  the  archbishop  of 
York,  with  four  other  bishops,  and  several  Barons.  Both 
sides  pleaded  their  cause  before  the  Pope.  The  archbishop 
of  York  inveighed  with  vehemence  against  Becket,  M'ho  de- 
feuded  himself  with  admirable  courage  and  skill,  represent- 
ing his  cause  as  that  of  the  universal  church.  The  sovereign 
pontiff  was  sensible  that  a  favourable  opportunity  was  now- 
offered  for  extending  his  authority,  and  that  if  he  deserted  the 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  none  of  (he  clergy  would  for  the 
future  support  the  privileges  of  the  church.  But  he  was  un- 
willing to  come  to  an  open  rupture  with  Henry,  and  fearful 
to  commit  the  decision  to  legates,  who  might  be  biassed  in 
their  judgment  by  bribes.  He  (herofore  dismissed  the  par- 
ties, with  a  promise  to  determine  the  affair  at  a  more  conve- 
nient season.     Heniy  being  exasperated  at  this  mode  of  pro- 


i44i  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

ceeding,  shewed  his  resentment  by  imprisoninj;  the  fiiencls  of 
the  archbishop,  by  seqnestratin!5  into  the  liauds  of  the  bishop 
of  London  the  revenues  of  all  the  ecclesiastics  who  were 
known  to  favour  his  cause,  and  by  various  otlier  rigorous 
measures,  wliich  the  archbishop  retaliated  by  fulmiiiatiu!; 
the  sentence  of  excommunication  against  those  who  adhered 
to  the  constitutions  of  Clarendon. 

It  would  be  equally  tedious  and  useless  to  trace  the  whole 
progress  of  this  extraordinary  contest :  all  that  is  needful  is 
to  exhibit  the  outlines  with  the  characters  and  views  of  the 
actors,  and  the  circumstances  and  spirit  of  the  times.  The 
archbishop  sent  Henry  a  virulent  letter,  threatening  him  with 
the  vengeance  of  God  for  troubling  the  church.  That  mon- 
arch knowing  that  the  king  of  France  fomented  the  discord 
between  him  and  the  see  of  Rome,  by  promising  to  assist  the 
Pope,  resolved  to  let  his  Holiness  see  what  a  feeble  support 
lie  relied  on  in  case  of  a  rupture.  To  this  end,  he  levied  a 
numerous  army,  in  order  to  be  ready  either  to  repel  a  foreign 
attack,  or  to  suppress  any  revolt  that  might  be  excited  in  his 
own  dominions. 

The  situation  of  the  Pope  at  this  time  was  critical.  A 
schism  had  long  divided  the  Roman  see,  and  agitated  the 
Catholic  church.  In  England,  France,  and  some  other  coun- 
tries, Alexander  III.  was  acknowledged  as  the  successor  of 
St.  Peter ;  but  a  faction  of  the  cardinals  had  raised  to  the 
pontificate,  Victor  IV.  and  after  his  decease  Paschal  III. 
whose  authority  was  recognised  in  Italy  and  Germany.  In 
this  situation,  Alexander,  who  was  extremely  apprehensive 
that  Henry  might  reject  his  authority,  and  join  his  forces  to 
those  of  the  empire,  was  obliged  to  act  with  caution.  The 
king  of  England  sometimes  threatened  to  declare  for  Paschal, 
and  would  doubtless  have  adopted  that  measure  had  he 
thought  it  possible  to  bring  his  subjects  to  consent  to  the 
change.  These  various  considerations  produced  a  long  train 
of  chieanry.  Sometimes  the  Pope  seemed  ready  to  decide 
the  dispute :  at  other  times  he  procrastinated.  Sometimes 
legates  were  sent  to  examine  the  aftair;  but  were  afterwards 
recalled  before  they  had  arrived  at  the  place  appointed,  or 


ifTP.NRY    itr  14iJ 

r\cre  shackleJ  by  restrictions  whicli  preveutcd  them  from 
coining  to  any  decision. 

Henry  having  been  occupied  more  than  four  years  in  this 
Tinprofitable  dispute,  grew  extremely  desirous  of  its  termi- 
nation, especially  as  it  obstructed  his  design  of  conquering 
Ireland,  an  enterprise  which  he  had  long  in  contemplation. 
In  this  view,  he  requested  the  king  of  France  to  appoint  a 
place  where  he  might  hold  a  conference  with  the  archbishop, 
to  try  if  he  could  bring  him  to  reason.  The  request  Mas 
granted,  and  Becket  appeared  twice  before  the  two  kings,  iu 
whose  presence  he  pleaded  his  cause  with  great  boldness  and 
skill;  but  would  never  give  up  tlie  most  minute  point  in  dis- 
i)ute. 

Till  this  period  the  violence  of  Beeket  had  been  restrained 
by  the  prudent  caution  of  the  Pope;  but  at  length  having 
overcome  the  fears  of  his  Holiness,  and  obtained  leave  to 
make  use  of  his  spiritual  artillery,  he  thundered  his  anathe- 
mas against  such  numbers  of  the  clergy,  that  there  were 
scarcely  a  sufficient  number  unexcommunicated  to  officiate  in 
the  king's  chapel.  He  was  vigorously  supported  by  the  arch- 
bishop of  Sens,  who  pressed  the  Pope  to  put  England  under 
an  interdict,  and  to  excommunicate  the  king  as  an  obstinatet 
heretic.  Henry  being  informed  of  the  circumstance,  prepared 
for  the  iiiipending  storm  by  issuing  an  edict,  prohibiting  the 
receiving  of  any  orders  from  the  Pope  or  the  archbishop  ; 
and  declaring,  that,  in  case  of  an  interdict  on  the  kingdom, 
all  that  submitted  to  it  should  be  immediately  hanged  a.« 
traitors ;  while,  at  the  same  time,  he  put  a  stop  to  the  pay- 
ment of  Peter  pence.  These  vigorous  measures  made  the 
Pope  apprehensive  of  some  dangerous  revolution,  in  caso 
that  he  should  push  matters  to  extremity,  and  induced  him  to 
suspend  his  designs  of  excommunication  and  interdict. 

The  dispute  now  appeared,  for  some  time,  to  lie  dormant ; 
and  during  this  calm,  Henry,  who  had  now  spent  almost  four 
years  in  France,  returned  into  England,  where  he  redressed 
iiKiny  abuses  that  had  crept  into  the  administration,  and  in- 
slit  uled  inquiries  into  the  conduct  of  the  magistrates.*    Hav- 

*  Vide  Tyn(;I>  vol.  2. 

U 


144  niSTOR¥  OP  ENGLAND. 

ing,  by  these  measures,  given  great  satisfaction  to  the  people^ 
he  caused  his  sou  Henry  to  be  crowned,  and  to  assume  the 
title  of  king,  in  order  to  secure  the  succession  in  his  family. 
!But  the  king  of  France  being  greatly  oft'ended  because  his 
daughter  had  not  been  crowned  with  the  prince,  her  husband, 
this  circumstance  gave  rise  to  a  new  quarrel  between  the  two 
monarchs,  which  obliged  Henry  to  return  again  to  Normandy, 
where  the  aftair  was  soon  terminated  by  a  treaty. 

While  the  king  was  in  Normandy,  he  was  seized  with  a 
violent  fever,  accompanied  with  so  dangerous  symptoms,  that 
Jhe  firmly  believed  his  dissolution  to  he  at  hand.     In  that  aw- 
ful moment,  when  man  is  standing  on  the  verge  of  eternity, 
Lis  religious  ideas,  whether  founded  on  reason  or  superstition, 
are  usually  revived.     Notwithstanding  the  determined  spirit 
which  Henry  had  shewed  in  this  dispute,  his  mind  was  evi- 
dently prepossessed  by  the  current  ideas  of  that  age.     On 
the  expected  approach  of  death,  these  prepossessions  began 
to  operate  with    all  their  force,  and  scruples  arose  in  his 
breast,  to  which  he  had  scarcely  paid  any  attention  in  time 
of  health.     The  pride  and  obstinacy  of  the  archbishop  had 
evidently  caused  the  rupture  ;  but  the  king,  in  reflecting  on 
?iis  own  proceedings,  might  probably   think  them  too  severe. 
In  every  point  of  view  to  be  at  enmity  with  the  church,  was, 
in  those  times,  regarded  as  a  dreadful  situation ;  and  Henry 
resolved,  in  ease  that  he  should  recover  his  health,  to  eftect, 
at  any  rate,  a  reconciliation  with  the  archbishop.     It  fre- 
quently happens,  indeed,  that  resolutions,  inspired   by  the 
(dread  of  death,  vanish  when  the  danger  is  passed ;  but  vari- 
ous considerations  concurred  to  induce  Henry  to  adhere  to  his 
intentions.     He  desii*ed  to  be  freed  from  the  continual  dread 
of  excommunication,  and  to  be  left  at  liberty  to  undertake  the 
conquest  of  Ireland.     In  pursuance  to  these  views,  as  soon  as 
his  health  permitted,  he  held  a  conference  w  ith  Beeket  and 
the  king  of  France,  at  Montmirail,  and  another  at  Amboise. 
At  the  last  of  these  places  to  which  the  king  of  France  came, 
attended  by  several  princes  and  lords,  Henry  agreed  to  almost 
every  thing  that  Beeket  proposed.     He  engaged  by  oath  to 
restore  him  to  his  foi-mer  state,  and  to  make  full  restitution  to 
all  his  relatives  and  friends  who  bad  suftered  iu  his  cause.. 


HENRY  II.  A47 

The  icing  even  condescended  to  hold  tlic  archbishop's  stirrup 
while  he  mounted  his  horse,  and  gave  every  proof  of  a 
sincere  reconciliation. 

But  althougli  the  archbishop  had  obliged  Henry  to  forgive 
those  by  whom  he  had  been  oftended,  he,  for  his  own  part, 
was  far  from  extending  the  same  indulgence  to  the  prelates, 
whom  he  regarded  as  his  enemies.  Before  he  departed  from 
France,  he  had  obtained  the  Pope's  permission  to  suspend  the 
archbishop  of  York,  and  to  excomraunica{e  the  bishops  of 
Xiondon,  Durham,  and  Exeter  ;  and  on  his  arrival  in  England, 
lie  instantly  carried  the  measure  into  execution,  without  pay- 
ing any  regard  to  the  remonstrances  of  the  young  king,  who 
having  notice  of  his  design,  sent  messengers  to  request  him 
not  to  revive  ecclesiastical  contention  by  fulminating  new 
anathemas.  Having  made  a  triumphal  entry  into  Canterbury, 
amidst  the  acclamations  of  the  populace,  he  soon  convinced 
the  w^orld,  that  far  from  being  humbled  by  his  long  exile,  his 
tlifficulties  had  rendered  him,  if  possible,  more  hauglity  and 
imperious.  Ascending  his  archiepiscopal  chair  on  Christmas 
day,  he  solemnly  pronounced  the  sentence  of  excommunication 
against  two  persons  of  distinguished  rank,  both  of  whoni 
were  immediate  vassals  of  the  crown.  One  of  them  he  ac- 
cused of  retaining  a  manor  that  belonged  to  the  archbishopric, 
and  the  other  of  having  cut  oft'  the  tail  of  a  horse  that  was 
carrying  provisions  to  his  palace. 

While  Becket  was  dealing  out  his  anathemas  with  an  un- 
sparing hand,  and  delivering  souls  to  Satan  with  as  little 
repugnance  as  he  would  have  sent  oxen  to  the  butcher,  the 
suspended  and  excommunicated  prelates  were  gone  to  carry 
their  complaints  to  the  king,  who  was  then  at  Argenton,  in 
Normandy.  After  representing  the  troubles  to  which  they 
were  exposed  by  the  tyranny  of  their  primate,  the  archbishop 
of  York  said,  that  as  long  as  Becket  was  alive,  it  was  im- 
possible that  England  should  enjoy  tranquillity.  Henr}', 
exasperated  by  these  complaints,  exclaimed  in  a  sudden  gust 
of  anger, "  I  am  unhappy  that  among  the  great  numbers  whom 
"  I  maintain,  there  is  not  a  man  that  dares  undertake  to  free 
*'  me  from  the  insults  of  this  insolent  priest."  This  expres- 
€J^on  beipg  marked  by  Reginald  Fitz-Urse,  Hugh  Morvillr^ 


148  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND, 

Ktchard  Brilton,  and  William  Tracy,  four  knights  of  the 
king's  househohU  they  resolved  to  undertake  the  perpetration 
of  a  crime  which,  as  they  imagined,  would  gratify  their  sov^ 
ereign.  For  this  purpose  they  went  to  Canterbury,  and 
assassinated  the  archbishop  at  the  foot  of  the  altar  of  the 
cathedral,  while  he  >vas  performing  his  devotions.  Thus  died 
that  celebrated  prelate,  whose  overbearing  pride  and  exorbi- 
tant love  of  power  had  so  long  agitated  the  chureh  and  the 
kingdom,  and  whose  character  has  been  so  variously  esti- 
mated.* Had  he  fallen  by  a  legal  sentence,  impartial  history 
could  scarcely  deny  that  he  had  merited  his  fate ;  but 
assassination  is  a  cowardly  measure,  n  hich  can  never  admit 
of  an  apology.  How  far  Henry  was  guilty  of  the  murder  of 
Becket,  it  is  impossible  to  determine.  He  disavowed,  on 
oatli,  any  participation  in  the  crime,  cither  by  command  or 
consent;  but  it  appears  that  his  indiscreet  words  liad  excited 
liis  obsequious  courtiers  to  its  perpetration,  in  the  view  of 
raising  themselves  in  the  favour  of  their  prince.  But  what- 
ever advantages  the  assassins  might  expect  from  their  crime, 
their  hopes  were  frustrated.  Attairs  took  a  turn  that  was 
wholly  against  them.  They  saw  themselves  exposed  to  the 
detestation  of  ehristeudom,  and  the  vengeance  of  the  church, 
without  the  shelter  of  royal  protection.  Being  thus  cast  out 
from  the  world  they  went  to  Rome ;  and  throwing  themselves 
at  the  feet  of  the  Pope,  they  obtained  absolution,  on  condition 
of  making  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem  as  a  penance  for  their 
^n. 

The  character  of  this  famous  archbishop  cannot  be  fairly 
delineated,  except  by  being  brought  into  the  same  point  of 
view  with  the  circumstances  and  ideas  of  the  age.  It  displays 
a  boundless  ambition,  mixed  with  an  ardent  enthusiasm,  and 

*  "  About  fifty  year?  after  his  death,  it  was  tlie  subject  of  a  public 
dispute  in  the  University  of  Paris,  whether  Becket  was  in  heaven  or  in 
hell !  so  ambiguous  a  point  was  his  sanctity.  Some  asserted  that  for  his 
extreme  pride  he  deserved  to  be  damned.  Others,  on  the  contrary,  main- 
tained that  the  miracles  wrought  at  his  tomb  were  undoubted  proofs  of 
his  salvation.  This  last  argument,  indeed,  would  have  been  unanswerable, 
jf  these  miracles  had  been  as  evidently  proved  as  the  fame  of  them  wa« 
industriously  spread."    Eapin,  vol.  1.  p,  232. 


HENRY  II.  149 

supported  by  considerable  abilities,  as  well  as  a  dauntless 
courage.  His  genius  bold  and  enterprising  led  him  to  aim 
at  exorbitant  power  and  immortal  fame,  which  appear  to  have 
been  his  idols;  and  the  cause  in  which  he  embarked,  was  iu 
his  days  eminently  calculated  for  the  attainment  of  these 
grand  objects  of  human  ambition.  The  church  was  raising 
herself  above  all  secular  power,  and  to  support  her  authority 
was  then  considered  as  the  road  to  temporal  distinction  and 
eternal  glory.  In  that  age  the  cause  of  God  and  religion  was 
confounded  with  that  of  the  Pope  and  the  clergy.  To  form 
a  just  estimate  of  the  character  of  Becket,  and  the  motives 
of  his  conduct,  imagination  must  carry  us  back  to  the  twelfth 
century. 

The  consequences  of  his  death  were  still  more  remarkable 
than  the  incidents  of  his  life.  From  his  zealous  support  of 
priestly  power  and  privileges,  he  had  merited  from  (he  court 
of  Rome  a  place  in  the  catalogue  of  saints ;  and  the  Pope  was 
desirous  to  shew  his  gratitude  to  so  eminent  a  champion  of  the 
church.  But  in  the  first  place,  it  was  necessary  to  convince 
the  world  that  the  cause,  in  which  he  died,  was  sanctioned  by 
t-he  divine  approbation.  Nothing  was  so  proper  to  infuse  this 
belief  as  miracles.  The  craft  of  the  priests,  and  the  super- 
stition of  the  people,  admirably  concurred  to  their  fabrication. 
Not  all  the  apostles  together  ever  wrought  so  many  miracles 
to  prove  the  truth  of  Christianity,  as  this  new  saint  performed 
to  support  the  authority  of  the  clergy.  The  sanctity  of 
Becket  being  thus  established  beyond  all  contradiction  or 
doubt,  his  Holiness  canonized  him  by  the  name  of  St.  Thomas 
of  Canterbury.  Miracles  were  multiplied  by  priestly  art 
and  popular  credulity ;  and  his  tomb  became  a  celebrated 
place  of  resort  for  pious  pilgrims.  Before  many  years  had 
elapsed,  Louis  VII.  king  of  France,  performed  a  pilgrimage 
to  the  tomb  of  St.  Thomas,  in  order  to  obtain  the  recovery  of  his 
son  from  a  dangerous  sickness.*  The  king  of  England  met  the 
French  monarch  at  Dover,  and  having  conducted  him  to 
Canterbury,  both  of  them  offered  up  their  prayers  at  the 

•  This  young  prince  was  the  famous  Thilip  Augustus.    Rapin,  J.  p, 
239.    Ilcn.  Ab.  Cbron.  de  Hist,  de  France  An.  1179. 


i$G  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

tomb  of  this  rcnowued  saiut,  and  implored  his  powerfnl  in- 
tercession in  favour  of  (he  young  prince.  Louis  made  a  val- 
uable olTering  of  a  cup  of  massive  gold  at  the  tomb  of  the 
saint,  and  granted  to  the  monks  an  annual  donation  of  seven 
thousand  two  hundred  gallons  of  wine,  Avhich  these  holy 
fathers  must  have  regarded  as  substantial  proofs  of  his  devo- 
tion. The  convalescence  of  the  heir  of  the  Fieuch  monarchy 
soon  after  proclaimed  throughout  Christendom  the  sanctity  of 
St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury,  and  the  efficacy  of  his  interces- 
sion.* The  number  of  pilgrimages  rapidly  increased :  the 
offerings  corresponded  with  the  piety  and  wealth  of  the  pil- 
grims J  and  about  Gfty  years  after  his  martyrdom,  the  shrine 
of  the  new  saint  was  enriched  with  a  prodigious  quantity  of 
precious  stones,  and  other  valuable  ornaments. 

Henry  soon  had  reason  to  apprehend,  that  Becket,  when 
dead,  would  not  give  him  less  trouble  than  he  had  done  while 
alive.  His  enemies  openly  accused  him  of  being  the  author 
of  the  murder ;  and  the  Pope  regarding  this  as  a  favourable 
juncture  for  obtaining  some  advantages  over  the  king,  and 
for  augmenting  the  power  of  the  Roman  see,  threatened  him 
with  immediate  excommunication,  unless  he  gave  proofs  of 
a  sincere  repentance.  Henry,  in  order  to  avert  the  storm,  sent 
to  his  Holiness  an  embassy,  consisting  of  the  archbishop  of 
Rouen,  the  bishops  of  Evreux,  Winchester,  and  several  bar- 
ons. At  first  the  ambassadors  were  refused  admission  to  the 
presence  of  the  Pope ;  but  a  seasonable  distribution  of  mondy 
among  his  courtiers  procured  them  an  audience. 

While  his  ambassadors  were  employed  in  averting  from 
the  sovereign  and  kingdom  the  threatened  excommunication 
and  interdict,  Henry  resumed  the  design  of  annexing  Ireland 
to  his  dominions.  The  Irish  having  taken  some  Englishmen 
prisoners,  and  sold  them  for  slaves,  had  offered  a  just  pretext 
for  invading  their  country.  At  the  time  when  he  formed  the 
project,  Adrian  IV.  a  native  of  Englanil,  sat  in  the  papal 
chair,  and  Henry  easily  obtained  his  approbation,  by  alleging 
that  the  enterprise  would  tend  to  promote  the  glory  of  God, 

*  The  ead  of  Flanders  bad>  abonttwo  years  before,  made  a  pilgrimage 
te  Becket's  tomb.    Vide  Tindal's  Notes  on  Kapin,  vol.  1.  p.  239. 


HENRY   II.  151 

and  the  salvation  of  souls — plausible  pretences,  indeed,  but 
which  are  seldom  the  motives  or  objects  of  political  transact 
tions.  The  aim  of  Henry  was  to  bring  the  Irish  into  sub- 
jection to  the  crown  of  England ;  and  that  of  Adrian  was  to 
enlarge  the  jurisdiction  and  revenues  of  the  holy  see,  as  Ire- 
land had  not  yet  acknowledged  its  supremacy  over  the  chris- 
tian world.  He  therefore  sent  to  the  king  his  apostolical 
benediction,  accompanied  by  a  bull,  in  which,  after  asserting 
jbis  right  to  dispose  of  Ireland,  as  a  country  umjuestionably 
belonging  to  St.  Peter  and  his  successors,  he  gave  Henry  full 
permission  to  annex  it  to  the  English  crown,  on  the  laudable 
condition  that  the  rights  of  the  church  should  be  inviolably 
preserved,  and  Peter-pence  duly  paid  for  every  house  in  the 
island.  Thus  the  Pope,  and  the  king  of  England,  agreed  to 
share  the  spoils  of  a  country  which  belonged  to  neither.  The 
4lcpredations,  however,  which  the  Irish  committed  on  the  Eng- 
lish, might  justify  the  expedition  ;  and  a  glance  at  the  situa- 
tion and  extent  of  Ireland  suffices  to  evince  the  importance  of 
the  conquest. 

The  quarrel  with  Bceket,  as  already  observed,  had  long 
suspended  the  enterprise  ;  but,  immediately  after  his  death,  a 
favourable  opportunity  occurred  for  carrying  it  into  execu- 
tion. Ireland  was,  at  that  time,  divided  into  seven  kingdoms, 
Connaught,  Cork,  Lcinster,  Ossory,  Meath,  Limerick,  and 
Ulster.  The  king  of  Connaught  kept  the  rest  of  tliese  petty 
kingdoms  in  a  state  of  easy  dependence,  so  that  the  political 
system  of  Ireland  seems  to  have  borne  a  near  resemblance  to 
that  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  duriug  the  existence  of  the  hep- 
tarchy. Among  the  princes  reigning  in  Ireland,  at  that  pe- 
riod, Dermot,  king  of  Leinster,  was,  by  the  extent  of  his  do- 
minions, one  of  the  most  considerable ;  but  his  tyranny  had 
rendered  him  odious  to  his  subjects ;  and  by  debauching  and 
carrying  oft'  the  wife  of  O'Uorie,  king  of  Meath,  he  had  em- 
broiled himself  with  his  neighbours.  O'Rorie,  to  revenge 
the  affront,  having  levied  an  army,  solicited  and  obtained  the 
aid  of  Rodcrie,  king  of  Connaught,  who  was  regarded  as  the 
.supreme  monarch  of  Ireland.  The  two  kings,  with  their  uni- 
ted forces,  attacked  Dermot,  who  being  abandoned  by  his 
subjects,  was  under  tht^  necessity  of  escaping  from  Iioland,  t« 


iS2  iiisTORV  OP  ekgla:nd.' 

avoid  falling  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies.  ' Beins;  thus  ex- 
pelled from  his  kingdom,  he  went  into  Normandy  to  implore 
the  protection  of  the  king  of  England,  promising  to  become 
his  vassal,  if  he  would  enable  him  to  re-ascend  his  throne. 
Kothing  could  be  more  agreeable  to  Henry  than  this  proposal. 
But  as  the  state  of  his  attairs  did  not  yet  permit  him  to  send 
any  great  force  into  Ireland,  he  advised  Dermot  to  engagu 
some  of  the  English  barons  in  his  cause,  and  to  recommence 
the  war  in  expectation  of  more  eftectual  succours.  In  con- 
sequence of  this  encouragement,  Dermot  came  into  England, 
■where  Robert  Fitz-Stephen  and  Richard  de  Clare,  earl  of 
Pembroke,  surnamed  Strongbow,  agreed  on  certain  conditions 
to  assist  him  in  recovering  his  dominions  :  the  former  being 
incited  to  the  undertaking  by  the  expectation  of  considerable 
possessions  in  Ireland,  and  the  latter  by  Dermot's  promise  of 
giving  him  his  daughter  in  marriage,  and  of  settling  on  him 
the  succession  to  the  throne. 

The  two  lords  lost  no  time  in  collecting  their  vassals  and 
friends  ;  and  Fitz-Stephen,  who  was  first  ready,  accompanied 
Dermot  into  Ireland,  with  about  four  hundred  and  ninety 
men.*  The  capture  of  AVexford  was  the  first  of  their  at- 
chievements  ;  and  that  city  was  given  to  Fitz-Stephen,  who 
placed  in  it  an  English  colony.  After  this  conquest,  their  little 
army  being  considerably  augmented  by  the  arrival  of  Mjiurice 
Pendergast,  they  marched  against  the  king  of  Ossory ;  and  that 
prince,  who  did  not  expect  an  attack,  and  was  consequently- 
unprovided  for  defence,  was  obliged  to  submit  to  such  condi- 
tions as  the  conquerors  were  pleased  to  impose.  It  now  be- 
came evident  that  the  views  of  the  adventurers  were  not  eon- 
fined  te  the  assistance  of  the  king  of  Leinster.  Roderic, 
monarch  of  Ireland,  convened  the  different  sovereigns,  and 
prevailed  on  them  to  unite  in  a  war  against  Dermot  and  the 
English.  In  the  first  place,  however,  he  endeavoured  to  set- 
tle affairs  by  a  treaty.  Rut  while  the  hostile  parties  M'ere 
employed  in  the  arts  of  political  fraud,  which  in  the  most 
barbarous  ages  were  not  wholly  unknown,  the  earl  of  Pem- 
broke arriving  from  England  with  twelve  hundred  mcnj  took 

*  Girald.  Cambrens,  p.  761, 


HENRY  II.  16^ 

the  city  of  Waterford,  and  put  all  the  inhabitants  to  the 
sword.  This  barbarous  exploit  having  broken  otF  the  nego- 
ciations,  the  earl  of  Pembroke  married  the  daughter  of  Dcr- 
niot,  and  soon  after  obtained  possession  of  the  kingdom  of 
Loinster,  in  consequence  of  tlie  death  of  his  father-in-law. 
After  this  event  tlie  adventurers  seeing  the  terror  of  their 
arms  spread  throughout  Ireland,  pushed  forwards  their  con- 
quests, and  made  themselves  masters  of  Dublin,  as  well  as  of 
several  other  fortihed  places  ;  while  Roderic  and  the  rest  of 
the  kiugs  were  in  such  confusion,  that  they  made  only  a  feeble 
opposition  to  their  progress. 

On  hearing  of  this  extraordinary  success,  Henry  grew  jeal- 
ous of  the  adventurers.  Apprehending  that  they  would  con.- 
quer  the  country  without  his  aid  and  assume  the  sovereignty, 
he  resolved  to  take  effectual  measures  for  securing  their  de- 
pendence on  the  crown  of  England.  In  this  view,  he  pro- 
hibited the  exportation  of  amunitiou  and  provisions  to  Ireland, 
and  commanded  all  his  subjects  to  return  from  that  country. 
These  orders  succeeded  to  his  expectation.  As  soon  as  the 
adventurers  were  apprized  of  the  king's  edict,  they  sent  a  depu- 
tation to  assure  him  that  they  should  ever  acknowledge  his 
sovereignty,  and  (hat  Iheir  present  and  future  conquests  were 
wholly  at  his  disposal.  Henry  being  appeased  by  these  de- 
monstralions  of  obedience,  concluded  with  them  an  agreement, 
stipulating  that  he  should  have  all  the  sea-ports,  and  that  the 
conquerors  should  retain  the  rest  of  the  island  to  hold  of  him 
and  his  successors  by  feudal  tenure. 

Matters  being  thus  settled,  the  king  himself  went  into 
Ireland  with  a  powerful  army ;  and  the  Irish  perceiving 
themselves  unable  to  make  any  effectual  resistance,  avoided, 
by  a  ready  submission,  the  evils  attendant  on  conquest.  At 
Waterford,  Henry  saw  all  the  Irish  kings  arrive  at  his  court, 
and  swear  allegiance;  and  thus,  by  the  successful  efforts  of 
a  few  private  individuals,  he  became  master  of  Ireland  iu 
the  same  manner  as  the  mouarchs  of  Spain,  in  later  times, 
obtained  possession  of  (heir  immense  American  empire.  Iu 
both  instances,  vast  multitudes  of  j^eople  were  subjugated  by 
a  very  small  number  of  invaders,  a  circumstance  which  is  to 
be  chiefly  if  not  wholly  ascribed  to  the  advantage  which  the 
X 


154i  HISTORY  01;'  ENGLAND^ 

conquerors  derived  from  the  superiority  of  their  discipfine', 
their  weapons,  und  their  tactical  skill.*  The  cross-hows  of 
the  English,  a  weapon  at  that  time  unknown  to  the  Irish, 
struck  that  people  not  perhaps  with  the  same  degree  of  as- 
tonisliiuent,  but  with  a  terror  somewhat  similar  to  that  which 
the  fire-arms  and  artillery  of  the  Spaniards  diftused  among: 
the  natives  of  Mexico  and  Peru.f 

Henry  having  thus  completed  the  conquest  of  Ireland,  was 
obliged  to  hasten  to  Normandy  to  meet  the  Pope's  legates,  who- 
were  sent  to  examine  the  affair  of  Becket's  murder.  After 
many  difficulties  and  delays,  the  object  of  which  was  to  en- 
hance the  favour  that  he  was  to  receive  from  his  Holiness,  the 
king  was  at  length  permitted  to  clear  himself  by  a  solemn 
oath,  that  he  had  neither  commanded  nor  consented  to  the 
assassination  ;  and  having  publicly  declared  his  sorrow  for 
the  indiscreet  words  by  which  he  had  imprudently  given  occa- 
sion to  that  crime,  he  received  absolution  on  the  following 
conditions  :  1st,  That  he  should  never  oppose  the  will  of  the 
Pope  so  long  as  he  was  used  as  a  catholic  prince.  2dly,  That 
lie  should  not  hinder  appeals  to  the  holy  see.  3dly,  He  en- 
gaged himself  to  lead  an  army  to  Palestine  to  act  against  the 
infidels,  and  remain  there  during  three  successive  years. ^:  4thly, 
To  recall  all  those  who  had  been  banished  on  account  of  the  late 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  grant  them  full  restitution  of 
their  estates  and  revenues ;  and  5thly,  To  abolish  all  laws 
and  customs  lately  introduced  to  the  prejudice  of  the  church 
of  Canterbury,  or  any  other  church  in  England.     To  these 

*  Christianity  had  somewhat  regulated  the  morals  of  the  Irish  at  that 
lime  :  in  other  respects  they  do  not  seem  to  hr.ve  been  in  a  higher  state 
of  civilization  than  the  Me::icans  and  the  Peruvians,  when  conquered  by 
the  Spaniards.  Vide  Lyttleton's  Hist.  Henry  U.  vol.  I. 

f  If  the  reader  compare  the  conquest  of  Ireland,  as  I'elated  by  Glral- 
<lus  Cambrens.  p.  761,  &c.  Hoveden.  p.  512,  &c.  as  well  as  by  other  au- 
thors, W'ith  those  of  Mexico  and  Peru,  in  De  Solis  Hist,  of  the  Conquest 
of  Mexico,  &.C.  he  will  find  a  striking  similarity,  except  that  the  former 
Avas  eflccted  with  infinitely  less  effusion  of  blood. 

:|  Heni'y  was  left  at  libei'ty  to  cliunge  this  condition  to  a  crolsadc  in 
person  against  the  Mahommedans  of  Spain,  in  which  case  he  was  bounds 
only  so  send  two  hundred  men  into  Palestine.  Vide  Tindal's  Notes  on^ 
llapm  1.  p  336. 


HENRY    IT,  155 

articles,  which  were  made  public,  was  added  another  of  a 
secret  nature,  by  which  the  king  obliged  himself  to  go  bare- 
ibot  to  Beckct's  tomb,  and  receive  discipline  from  the  hands 
of  the  monks  of  St.  Augustine.  Thus  did  this  famous  eon- 
test,  notwithstanding  the  resolution  which  Henry  had  shewed 
during  the  long  space  of  nine  years,  ultimately  tend  to  the 
advantage  of  the  papal  authorily,  by  demonstrating  to  the 
sovereigns  of  Europe  the  dangerous  consequences  of  opposing 
-so  formidable  a  power. 

This  troublesome  affiiir  being  terminated,  Henry  might  have 
expected  some  interval  of  peace  ;  but  vexations  of  a  diftercnt 
.nature  arose  to  disturb  his  felicity.  His  licentious  dissipation 
had  excited  the  jealousy  of  the  queen, 'whose  resentment 
prompted  his  sons  to  rebellion.  Henry,  his  eldest  son,  a  prince 
of  a  haughty  temper  and  turbulent  spirit,  was  weary  of  the 
title  without  the  authority  of  king :  Ricliard  and  Geoffrey, 
also,  had  either  real  or  imaginary  grounds  of  complaint.  The 
three  young  princes,  therefore,  formed  the  design  of  dethron- 
ing their  father,  and  drew  several  of  the  English  barons  into 
the  confederacy,  which  was  also  supported  by  the  kings  of 
France  and  Scotland,  the  former  of  whom  thought  it  expedi- 
ent to  lessen  the  power  of  Henry  on  the  continent,  while  the 
latter  hoped  to  recover  the  provinces  ceded  to  England  by 
Malcolm,  his  predecessor. 

The  storm  which  had  gathered  in  silence  and  secrecy, 
hurst  upon  Henry  at  a  moment  when  lie  little  expected  such 
an  occurrence.  His  sons,  Richard  and  Geoffrey,  excited 
Guienne  and  Bretagne  to  revolt :  Normandy  was  attacked 
by  the  king  of  France,  aided  by  his  vassals,  the  earls  of 
Flanders,  Boulogne,  and  Blois  :  the  king  of  Scotland  invaded 
the  northern  parts  of  England ;  and  the  earl  of  Leicester 
landed  with  an  army  which  had  been  levied  in  France  for 
the  support  of  the  English  barons.  Henry  thus  saw  all  parts 
of  his  dominions  tilled  with  hostile  armies,  before  he  had 
thought  of  preparing  for  the  danger;  and  his  ruin  seemed 
inevitable.  But  this  dreadful  conjecture  only  served  to  add 
lustre  to  his  virtues.  Never  did  his  prudence  and  martial 
abilities  appear  so  conspicuous  as  on  this  trying  occasion, 
when  he  seemed  to  be  reduced  to  cxtreniilv.     Animated  with 


156  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

fresh  courage  at  the  view  of  impending  (lunger,  he  managed 
his  affairs  with  such  Avisdom  and  firmness,  that  he  gained  sig- 
nal advantages  over  the  French  monarch  in  Normandy  ;  and 
an  army  of  mercenaries  hired  in  Brahant,  uliich  lie  sent  into 
Bretagne,  reduced  that  province  to  its  former  obedience.  He 
then  recovered  the  greatest  part  of  Guienne,  Saintonge,  An- 
jou,  Poitou,  and  Bretagne  ;  and  by  these  successes  disconcert- 
ed the  measures  of  his  enemies.  In  the  meanwhile,  his  eldest 
son,  Henry,  resolved  to  make  a  vigorous  effort,  in  order  to  ob- 
tain possession  of  England.  His  project  was  to  join  his 
forces  to  those  of  the  earl  of  Leicester  and  the  king  of  Scot- 
land, a  measure  which  at  that  juncture  could  scarcely  have 
failed  of  success.  .But  here  fortune,  or  rather  Providence, 
interposed  in  favour  of  the  king.  Young  Henry  marched  to 
Gravelines,  where  he  intended  to  embark;  but  was  detained 
by  contrary  winds,  until  the  king  having  restored  his  affairs 
in  France,  embarked  at  Barfleur,  and  by  his  arrival  in  Eng- 
land about  the  beginning  of  July,  disconcerted  all 
•■    '  the  plans  of  his  enemies.     From  Southampton,  the 

place  where  he  landed,  he  proceeded  directly  to  Canterbury 
to  perform  the  penance  enjoined  him  on  receiving  absolution. 
At  the  distance  of  three  miles  from  the  city,  the  king  pulled 
off"  his  boots,  and  walked  barefoot  to  the  sacred  tomb  of  St. 
Thomas.  He  was  then  scourged  by  the  prior  and  monks  of 
St.  Augustine,  and  spent  the  Avhole  night  in  prayer  in  the  ca- 
thedral, lying  prostrate  on  the  cold  pavement.  On  the  ensu- 
ing day,  after  assisting  at  a  solemn  procession  round  the  sa- 
cred shrine,  he  set  out  for  London. 

This  humiliation  of  Henry  at  the  tomb  of  his  inflexible 
opponent,  impressed  on  the  minds  of  the  people  a  high  opin- 
ion of  his  piety,  and  was  instantly  followed  by  events  which 
seemed  to  corroborate  all  that  had  been  said  concerning  the 
miraculous  powers  of  the  saint  and  his  influence  in  the  celes- 
tial court.  While  Henry  had  been  so  actively  employed  in 
reducing  his  revolted  provinces  on  the  continent,  his  generals 
had  also  been  successful  in  England.  The  earl  of  Leicester, 
at  the  head  of  the  rebellious  barons,  with  their  French  and 
Plemish  auxiliaries,  had  already  been  defeated  and  made 
prisoner  Dear  St.  Eumoudsbury,  and  ten  thousand  of  his  meu  . 


HENRY    II.  157 

had  fallen  in  the  badle.  This  advantage,  gained  by  the  royal 
arms,  was  folloAved  by  another  of  still  greater  importance, 
and  rendered  remarkable  by  a  striking  coincidence.  On  the 
same  day  that  Henry  performed  his  hnmiliating  penance,  and 
assisted  in  the  procession  round  Becket's  tomb,  his  generals, 
Humphrey  de  Bohun,  and  Richard  de  Laci,  totally  defeated 
the  king  of  Scotland,  and  brought  that  monarch  a  prisoner  to 
England.  The  clergy  did  not  fail  to  make  use  of  this  cir- 
cumstance, in  order  to  magnify  the  fame  of  the  new  saint: 
the  credulity  of  the  people  corresponded  with  their  eftbits, 
and  this  important  victory  was,  by  every  one,  ascribed  to  the 
intercession  of  the  blessed  St,  Thomas  of  Canterbury.*  The 
king  himself,  if  we  may  credit  historians,  adopted,  or  feigned 
to  adopt  the  same  opinion,  and  testified  his  gratitude  and  de- 
votion by  a  public  thanksgiving.t  Both  religion  and  policy 
might  have  a  share  in  actuating  the  conduct  of  Henry,  but 
which  soever  of  these  predominated,  he  experienced  the  most 
beneficial  effects  from  a  compliance  with  the  dictates  of  the 
church,  and  the  spirit  of  the  times.  His  obedience  and  ap- 
parent piety  exculpated  him  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  averted 
the  thunders  of  excommunication,  which  in  that  age  were  so 
terrible,  regained  him  the  favour  of  the  Pope,  and  confirmed 
the  attachment  of  his  subjects.  His  conduct  was  adapted  to 
the  times  in  which  he  lived.  What  one  age  applauds  another 
condemns  :  many  of  the  general  ideas,  current  opinions,  and 
established  customs  of  our  ancestors  incur  our  disapprobation 
and  censure,  and  perhaps  not  a  few  of  ours  will  be  subjects 
of  ridicule  to  posterity.  The  story  of  Henry  and  Becket 
displays  the  ideas  of  the  age,  and  may  be  considered  as  a 
curious  and  memorable  occurrence  in  the  history  of  the  Eng- 
lish monarchy,  of  the  christian  church,  and  of  the  human 
mind.  But  to  form  a  just  estimate  of  the  motives  M'hich 
actuated  their  conduct,  imagination  must  carry  us  back  to 
the  twelfth  century. 

The  future  operations  of  Henry  were  crowned  with  the 

•  For  the  history  of  Henry's  quarrel  with  Bcckct,  vide  Hovedon,  p.  490 
to  536.  Brompt.  p.  1052  to  p,  1094.  Lyttleton's  Hist  Henry  11.  also  M, 
Paris,  101,  &c.     M.  Westniiust.  p.  247,  &.c. 

tRapin,  vol.  l,p.238. 


15S  HISTORY  OP  EXGLAND. 

most  brilliant  success.  The  rebellious  barons  not  daring  t« 
keep  the  field,  retired  to  their  castles,  which  were  reduced 
■with  great  celerity.*  Henry  was  extremely  desirous  of  de- 
priving; his  sons  of  their  only  support,  the  protection  of 
France ;  and  Louis  seeing  the  failure  of  all  his  plans,  was 
desirous  of  an  accommodation.  Young  Henry,  and  Geoffrey 
his  brother,  perceiving  themselves  about  to  be  abandoned  by 
the  French  monarch,  were  glad  to  be  included  in  the  pacifi- 
cation, and  at  length  Richard,  who  continued  for  some  time 
longer  in  arms,  being  left  without  hope  of  assistance,  was 
obliged  to  sue  to  his  father  for  pardon  and  peace.  A  treaty 
was  therefore  concluded,  and  the  reconciliation  between  the 
two  monarclis  of  England  and  France  being  strengthened  by 
a  contract  of  marriage  between  Richard  and  x\lice,  the  daugh- 
ter of  Louis,  the  princess,  who  was  yet  very  young,  was  sent 
to  be  educated  at  London  until  she  arrived  at  the  age  of  ma- 
turity. 

A  treaty  was,  at  the  same  time,  concluded  between  Henry 
and  William,  king  of  Scotland,  who  was  released  from  cap- 
tivity on  condition  of  restoring  all  the  places  that  he  had 
taken,  and  of  doing  homage  for  his  kingdom  to  the  crown  of 
England.  William  also  put  into  the  hands  of  the  English 
the  castles  of  Roxborough,  Sterling,  and  Edinburgh,  as  a  se- 
curity for  his  fulfilment  of  the  articles  of  the  treaty. 

This  short  but  active  war  being  thus  terminated, 
'  Henry  enjoyed  some  years  of  tranquillity  ;  and  the 
king  of  Scotland,  with  the  kings  of  North  and  South  Wales, 
and  several  Welch  noblemen  came  to  do  him  homage.f  Dur- 
ing this  interval  of  peace  he  endeavoured  to  assure  himself 
«f  (he  aflfcctions  of  his  subjects  by  a  revival  of  several  of  the 
Saxon  laws,  a  measure  equally  agreeable  to  the  Normans  and 
the  English,  and  which  had  several  times  been  partially  adopt- 
ed,}: but  never  established  for  any  considerable  length  of  time  : 
nor  did  Henry  himself  carry  it  fully  into  effect.  The  progress 
of  nations  from  despotism  to  liberty  has  mostly  been  gradual 
and  slow :  and  such  it  has  been  particularly  in  England. 

*  Vide  Brompt.  p.  1094,  &c. 
*      t  Vi  Ic  Rapin  1.  p,  238,  and  TIndal's  Notes,  p.  239. 
-■  13}-  Henry  I.  and  Stephen. 


HENRY   II.  ±39 

After  seven  years  of  tranquillity,  the  happiest  period  ia 
Heni'y's  reign,  his  repose  was  again  disturbed  by  the  turbu> 
lence  of  his  sons,  who  formed  another  conspiracy  to  bereave 
him  of  his  crown.  Their  design,  however,  was  frustrated  by 
the  death  of  young  Henry,  who,  falling  ill.  and  perceiving 
himself  past  all  hope  of  recovery,  expressed  a  sincere  re- 
pentance for  his  nndutifiil  conduct,  and  before  he  expired  had 
the  satisfaction  of  receiving  from  his  father  the  pardon  of  his 
disobedience. 

During  the  tranfjuillity  which  resulted  from  the  death  of 
this  restless  and  turbulent  prince,  Hcraclius,  patriarch  of  Je- 
rusalem, arrived  at  Lomlou  with  an  oifer  to  Henry  of  the 
erown  of  that  kingdom,  in  order  to  induce  liim  to  undertake 
a  croisade  for  the  support  of  the  christians  in  Palestine.  Tho. 
domestic  affairs  of  the  king,  however,  were  not  in  so  settled 
a  state  as  to  permit  him  to  be  long  absent  from  his  dominions, 
and  he  contented  himself  with  furnishing  a  considerable  sum 
of  money  for  the  support  of  the  christian  cause.  About  the 
same  time  he  sent  his  youngest  son  John  to  Ireland,  in  the 
quality  of  governor,  and  had  even  formed  the  design  of 
crowning  him  king  of  that  island.  At  his  arrival  John  was 
received  with  the  greatest  applause  by  the  Irish  ;  but  his  mis- 
conduct soon  alienated  their  affections ;  and  the  king  saw  it 
necessary  to  recall  him,  in  order  to  prevent  the  ill  consequen- 
ces that  might  arise  from  their  disgust. 

The  troubles  of  Henry  were  only  to  end  with  his  life.  His 
sons  continually  found,  or  pretended  to  find,  causes  of  dis- 
content. Geoffrey  died  at  Paris  in  the  flower  of  his  age ; 
but  Richard  still  revolved  new  plans  of  revolt.  Louis  VII. 
had  departed  this  life,  and  his  son  Philip  Augustus,  a  young 
and  enterprising  prince,  had  no  sooner  ascended  the  throne  of 
France,  than  he  formed  the  great  design  of  wresting  from  the 
English  the  provinces  which  they  held  in  that  kingdom.  In 
this  view  he  fomented  the  differences  between  Henry  and  hii» 
son  Richard,  and  began  to  make  great  preparations  for  war. 
Henry,  however,  for  once  succeeded  in  convincing  his  son  that 
his  interest,  as  well  as  his  duty,  obliged  him  to  prefer  the 
friendship  of  a  parent  to  that  of  a  foreign  prince.  The  dis- 
astrous news  that  arrived  from  Svria  also  contributed  to  sns- 


160  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

pend  the  meditated  hostilities  between  France  and  England. 
The  christian  kingdom  of  Jerusalem,  founded  by  the  first 
croisaders,  was  subverted  after  having  subsisted  about  eighty- 
eight  years,  and  the  holy  city  was  taken  by  the  cel- 
'^•^•^^^''•ebrated  Saladin,  sultan  of  Egypt  and  Syria.  This 
intelligence  roused  the  zeal  of  the  princes  of  Europe,  and  ano- 
ther croisade  was  projected.  Henry  and  Philip  suspended 
their  private  animosities  in  order  to  support  what,  in  that  age, 
was  deemed  the  cause  of  heaven;  and  at  an  interview  the 
two  monarchs  together  with  the  earl  of  Flanders,  agreed  to 
take  the  cross,  and  to  prepare  for  an  expedition  to  the  holjr 
laud.* 

This  sudilen  coruscation  of  zeal,  however,  soon  vanished 
amidst  the  dark  complexity  of  political  interests  and  family 
coutehtions.  A  trifling  dispute  having  arisen  between  prince 
Richard  and  the  count  of  Thoulouse,  Henry  supported  his 
son,  and  Philip  espoused  the  cause  of  the  count.  These  cir- 
cumstances occasioned  a  fresh  rupture  between  the  two  kings, 
which  cooled  their  croisading  enthusiasm.  But  while  they 
were  carrying  on  their  operations  with  vigour,  Richard  sud- 
denly and  unexpectedly  abandoned  his  father,  who  had  en- 
gaged in  the  war  chiefly  on  his  account,  and  went  over  to  the 
king  of  France.  The  motives  of  his  conduct  seemed  mys- 
terious ;  but  he  alleged,  as  his  principal  cause  of  complaint, 
that  the  king  withheld  him  from  espousing  the  princess  Alice  ; 
and  he  also  suspected  that  his  intention  was  to  give  her  in 
marriage  to  John,  and  to  place  that  prince  on  the  throne.  It 
is  evident  that  Philip  Augustus  was  at  the  bottom  of  these 
surmises,  and  fomented  the  jealousies  of  Richard  respecting 
the  designs  of  his  royal  parent. 

Whatever  might  be  the  grounds  of  Richard's  suspicions, 
his  defection  involved  the  king  in  great  difliculties.  He  saw 
himself  abandoned  by  most  of  his  continental  subjects,  who 
joined  the  standard  of  rebellion  erected  by  his  son  ;  and  his 
troops  being  every  where  defeated  and  greatly  reduced  in 
number,  he  was  unable  any  longer  to  contend  with  the  enter- 

•  The  sum  of  130,000/.  was  levied  in  England  for  the  croisade.  Of 
this  the  Jews  supplied  60,000/.    Tlndal's  Notes,  p.  C!?. 


HENRY    II.  161 

prising  genius  and  formidable  arms  of  Philip  Augustus.  Un- 
der these  circumstances,  Henry  solicited  the  Pope  to  iutcrposfe 
his  autliority  in  procuring  a  peace.  His  Holiness  threatened 
the  French  monarch  with  excommunication,  if  he  continued 
to  prevent  Henry  from  fulfilling  his  vow  of  leading  an  army 
to  Jerusalem  ;  but  his  interference  was  ineffectual.  Philip 
despised  the  menaces  of  Rome ;  and  Henry  finding  himself 
unable  to  continue  the  war,  was  obliged  to  submit  to  a  disad- 
vantageous and  humiliating  peace  on  such  terms  as  that  mon- 
arch was  pleased  to  dictate.* 

The  disastrous  issue  of  this  fatal  war,  which  formed  an 
inglorious  and  melancholy  contrast  to  his  former  exploits,  was 
not  the  only  mortification  that  Henry  was  doomed  to  expe- 
rience. He  discovered  that  his  favourite  son  John  had  been 
engaged  in  the  confederacy  with  his  brother  and  the  French 
king,  and  had  laboured  to  dethrone  a  father,  who  constantly 
shewed  him  the  most  tender  affection.  On  the  discovery  of 
this  new  and  unexpected  instance  of  filial  ingratitude  and  re- 
hellion,  his  cup  of  affliction  was  full :  his  grief  and  indigna- 
tion rose  beyond  all  restraint :  he  cursed  the  day  of  his  birth, 
and  uttered  imprecations  against  his  sons,  which  he  could 
never  be  prevailed  on  to  retract.  Broken  with  cares,  disap^ 
pointments,  and  sorrows,  rather  than  with  age,  the  unhappy 
monarch  was  now  weary  of  life,  and  he  soon  sunk  Under  the 
burden-t  Falling  sick  at  Chinon,  and  perceiving  that  his 
end  was  approaching,  he  caused  himself  to  be  carried  into 
the  church  and  laid  before  the  altar,  where,  after  confessing 
and  receiving  absolution,  he  expired  in  the  57tU 
year  of  his  age,  and  the  35th  of  a  most  troublesome 
reign.  His  eyes  were  no  sooner  closed  than  all  his  domestics 
left  him.  So  little  respect  was  paid  to  this  once-powerful 
monarch  ;  that  his  corpse  was  stripped,  and  left  quite  naked 
in  the  cliurch,  from  whence  it  was  removed  to  Foutevraud, 
and  interred  in  the  choir  of  a  nunnery  which  he  had  found 
ed. 

•  For  the  particular  articles  vide  Rapin  1.  p.  242  and  243. 
f  According  to  Bronipton's  account  Henry  died  broken  hearted,    Vid6 
Bronipt.  p,  T15'l 

X 


16S  HISTOTIY  OF  ENGLAND. 

The  character  of  Henry  II.  presents  a  striking  mixture  of 
virtues  and  vices.     Prudent,  valiant,  and  generous,  studious 
and  learned,  luiniane  and  beneficent,  he  was  qualified  to  shine 
ill  the  threefold  capacity  of  politician,  legislator,  and  warrior. 
The  political  and  military  transactions  of  his  reign,  rank  him 
among  the  greatest  statesmen  and  commanders  of  his  time. 
The  equity  and  mildness  of  his  laws,  which  subjected  those 
who  hunted  in  the  royal  forests  to  no  greater  penalty  than  im- 
prisonment, were  a  blessing  to  his  subjects,  and  his  acts  of 
beneficence  endear  his  name   to  posterity.     To   widows  and 
orphans  he  was  particularly  bountiful ;  and  during  a  time  of 
famine,  in  Maine  and  Anjou,  he  displayed   his  humanity  iti 
supplying,  at  the  expense  of  his  treasury,  ten  thousand  poor 
people  with  food  from  the   beginning  of  April  till   harvest. 
Notwithstanding  the  repeated  rebellions  by  which  he  was 
harassed,  historians  mention  few  executions,  and  no  cruel  pun- 
ishments during  his  reign,  an  evident  proof  of  his  humane 
and  magnanimous  disposition.    But  his  brilliant  and  amiable 
qualities  were  tarnished  by  his  unbounded  ambition,  and  in- 
satiable lasciviousness.     He  attempted  the  chastity  of  all  the 
fair  sex  that  came  in  his  way,  and  the  concurrent  accounts  of 
historians  accuse  him  of  a  criminal  correspondence  with  the 
princess  Alice  of  France,  who  was  designed  to  be  his  daugh- 
ter-in-law.   Among  his  numerous  mistresses  was  the  celebra- 
ted Rosamond  Clift'ord,  whose  name  has  been  transmitted  to 
posterity,  in  history,  tragedy,  and  popular  ballads.*     This 
lady,  whom  fame  has   represented  as  a  paragon   of  beauty, 
appears  to  have  completely  captivated  the  heart  of  the  vola- 
tile monarch,  whose  attachment  to  her  was  sincere  and  un- 
changeable. Her  history,  however,  is  obscure.  But  it  appears 
almost  certain  that  she  was  not  poisoned  by  the  queen,  as  re- 
lated in  the  popular  story,  and  it  is  most  probable  that  she 
died  a  natural  deatli.     The   beginning  of  the  reign  of  this 
monarch  was  happy  and  glorious,  and  seemed  to  promise  him 
long  and   uninterrupted  prosperity.     But  his  dispute  with 

*  Nothing  of  Kosamond's  Iilstory  appears  lo  be  certain,  except  her 
beavity  and  her  amours  with  Henry.     See  Tindal's  notes  on  Rapin,  1.  p. 

■Ji}6.    She  was  Uie  daughter  of  Lord  Clifford.- 


HENRY   II.  163 

Beeket,  and  the  repeated  revolts  of  his  sons,  produced  a  se- 
ries of  troubles  that  iinbittered  the  remainder  of  his  days. 
Without  attaining  to  old  age,  he  outlived  his  glory  and  his 
happiness,  and  died  broken  hearted,  exhibiting  a  memorable 
instance  of  royal  infelicity. 

The  domestic  unhappiness  of  Henry,  however,  did  not  in 
any  great  degree  involve  that  of  his  subjects.  His  misfortunes 
fell  chiefly  on  his  own  head,  and  not  on  the  kingdom,  which, 
notwithstandiug  the  dissensions  of  the  royal  family,  had 
never  been  in  so  happy  anri  flourishing  a  state  as  during  his 
reign.  The  lapse  of  more  than  a  century  since  the  conquest 
had  mitigated  the  system  of  tyranny,  which  was  the  immedi- 
ate consequence  of  that  hlooily  revolution,  and  had  softened 
the  Norman  ferocity.  The  conquerors  began  no  longer  to  re- 
gard themselves  as  a  distinct  people  from  the  conquered.  The 
great  barons  being  born  in  the  country,  considered  themselves 
as  Englishmen  ;  and  Henry  endeavoured  to  raise  the  mass  of 
the  people  to  some  share  of  political  consequence  by  tlie  es- 
tablishment of  corporations,  which  in  every  country  of  En- 
rope  was  the  first  step  towards  the  subversion  of  the  feudal 
power.*  This  reign  is  also  remarkable  for  the  intro- 
duction of  various  arts  of  elegance  and  splendour.  The 
croisades,  the  history  of  which  remains  a  perpetual  monument 
of  human  folly,  were  productive  of  beneficial  consecjuences 
which  had  not  been  foreseen  nor  expected  by  their  enthusias- 
tJe  projectors.  In  their  progress  to  the  holy  land,  the  follow- 
ers of  the  cross  travelled  through  countries  better  cultivated 
and  more  civilized  than  those  with  which  they  had  been  pre- 
viously acquainted.  Their  first  rendezvous  was  generally  in 
Italy,  in  which  country,  Genoa,  Pisa,  Venice,  and  other  cities, 
had  begun  to  apply  themselves  to  commerce,  and  had  made 
some  advances  towards  opulence  and  refinement.  From 
Italy  they  had  proceeded  to  Constantinople,  the  largest  and 
most  magnificent  city   of  Europe,  and  the  chief  seat  of  the 

*  Vide  Madox  firma  Burgi,  c*  I.  sec.  9.  Hume's  Hist.  Eng.  vol.  1,  Ap- 
pend. Brady's  Treatise  of  boroughs  passim.  It  appears  that  some  cor- 
porations had  been  tbrme.d  under  tlie  Saxon  kings,  and  tliat  the  Norman 
grants  confirmed  their  priviloges.    I^ytUeton's  Hist.  Henry  II.  vol.  2.  p 

Sir. 


16*  HISTORY  OF  EXGLAND. 

commerce,  the  arts,  and  the  elegance  of  that  age.*  Even  in 
A^ia,  the  Europeans  found  the  remains  of  tlie  knowledge  and 
arts  which  the  cncouragoment  and  example  of  the  caliphs 
had  diffused  through  their  empire.  It  was  not  possible  that 
the  croisaders  should  travel  through  so  many  countries,  and 
see  their  various  customs  and  institutions,  without  acquiring 
information  and  improvemont.f  As  their  views  were  enlai'g- 
ed,  their  prejudices  began  to  wear  off,  and  new  ideas  crowd- 
ed into  their  minds.  In  consequence  of  these  circumstances, 
we  discover  soon  after  the  commencement  of  the  croisades 
greater  splendour  in  courts,  greater  pomp  in  public  ceremo- 
nies, greater  magnificence  in  buildings,  a  more  refined  taste 
in  pleasure  and  amusements,  a  greater  elegance  in  manners, 
and  a  more  romantic  spirit  of  enterprise  spreading  gradually 
over  Europe.  This  change  first  made  its  appearance  in  Italy, 
M'here  the  cities  were  greatly  enriched  by  equipping  the  ad- 
venturers, supplying  them  with  shipping,  &c.  From  Italy  it 
soon  passed  into  France,  from  whence  it  was  introduced  into 
England,  chiefly  in  the  reign  of  Henry  II.  whose  possessions 
in  the  former  kingdom  occasioned  a  continual  intercourse  be- 
tween the  two  countries. 

But  the  wealth  and  magnificence  of  Europe,  and  particu- 
larly of  England  in  the  twelfth  century,  would  appear  con- 
temptible, if  estimated  by  the  standard  of  modern  ideas.  The 
nobles  aft'ected  to  make  a  splendid  appearance,  and  the  gentry 
Tvere  as  magnificent  in  their  dress  as  their  fortunes  would 
alloAv.^:  But  their  houses  were  far  from  corresponding  with 
the  splendour  of  their  apparel ;  and  except  the  churches,  the 
great  monasteries,  and  the  palaces  of  the  nobility,  the  buil- 
dings, not  only  in  England,  but  in  most  parts  of  Europe,  were 

*  The  astonishment  which  the  croisaders  expressed  on  beholding  the 
wealth  and  magnificence  of  Constantinople,  may  he  f  cen  in  Willelm.  Tyr. 
p.pud.  Bong-,  vol.  2.  p.  657,  &c.  Gunth.  Hist.  Constant,  apiid.  Canisii.  Lect. 
antiq.  vol.  4.  p.  14.  Vilhard.  Hist,  de  la.  Conq.  dc  Constantinople,  p. 
49.  &c. 

f  A  French  historian  remarks  the  superiority  of  the  Italians  over  the 
western  nations  of  Europe,  in  the  science  of  civil  government,  at  the 
lime  of  the  croisades.    Gest.  Dei.  per  Francos,  vol.  2.  p-  1085. 

i  Henry  II.  introduced  the  short  Angevin  mantle  or  cloak  into  fashiori' 
:^rompt.  p.  1150. 


HENRY   II,  165 

exceedingly  mean.  In  London  and  the  snburbs,  most  of  the 
great  barons  and  bishops  had  houses  built  of  stone,  of  mag^ 
nificent  architecture,  according  to  the  taste  of  that  age  ;  but 
those  of  the  citizens  were  constructed  of  wood,  and  covered 
with  thatch,  with  lattice  or  paper  windows.  Although  the 
art  of  making  glass  had  long  before  been  invented,  the  use  of 
it  for  windows  in  private  houses  having  passed  from  Italy 
into  France,  was  not  generally  introduced  into  London  till 
about  A.  D.  1180,  only  nine  years  before  the  death  of  Henry 
II.*  Before  that  time  glass  windows  were  regarded  as  a  mark 
of  extraordinary  magnificence. t  London,  at  that  period,  was 
supposed  to  contain  about  forty  thousand  inhabitants  ;  but 
none  of  the  streets  m  eve  paved. :j: 

The  military  regulations,  so  different  from  those  of  modern 
times,  are  worthy  of  attention  ;  and  the  orders  issued  by  Hen- 
ry II.  A.  D.  1180,  for  arming  his  subjects,  serve  to  give  aii 
idea  of  the  mode  of  equipping,  as  well  as  of  levying,  soldiers. 
Every  one  who  held  a  knight's  fee,  and  every  free  layman 
possessing  goods  or  rents  to  a  certain  amount,  was  to  have  a 
coat  of  mail,  a  helmet,  a  shield,  and  a  lance :  every  free 
layman,  whose  goods  or  rent  was  of  a  less  value,  was  to  have 
an  iron  cap,  a  gorget,  and  a  lance :  every  burgess,  and  every 
freeman  of  the  lowest  rank,  Mas  to  have  a  horseman's  coat, 
an  iron  cap,  and  a  lance  :  and  all  these  accoutrements  were  to 
be  provided  by  each  individual  at  his  own  expense. §  The 
number  of  knight's  fees  into  which  the  great  baronial  estates 
were  distributed,  amounted  to  60,216/.  Many  of  these  were 
again  subdivided  without  altering  the  nature  of  the  tenure; 
and  every  one  who  held  the  twentieth  part  of  a  knight's  fee, 
was  regarded  as   a  liber  homo,  a  freeman,  or  gentleman,  and 

*  M.  Le  Pres.  Henaiilt  observes,  that  about  this  time  the  fine  arts 
began  to  appeal'  in  France.  The  cathedral  of  Notre  Dame,  at  Paris, 
was  built  about  the  same  period,  the  great  altar  piece  being  finished 
A.  D  1182. 

f  For  an  account  of  the  dress,  buildings,  &c.  of  the  English  at  thai 
time,  vide  Lyttleton's  Hist,  of  Henry  II.  ubi  supra. 

+  This  appears  to  have  been  the  case  in  that  age  in  all  the  cities  of 
Europe,  except  Constantinople,  Rome,  and  J5ome  Others  of  Italy,  and  the 
Eastern  Empire. 

§  Vide  Hoveglon,  p.  614; 


166  HISTORY  OF  EXGLAND. 

was  liable  (o  bear  arms.*  In  the  space  of  a  hundred  and 
twenty-three  years,  which  had  elapsed  from  tlic  conquest  lo 
the  death  of  Henry  II.  the  nobles  had  obtained  many  privi- 
leges:  but  the  great  mass  of  the  people  still  remained  in  a 
state  of  slavery.  They  might,  indeed,  experience  an  increase 
of  private  happiness  in  the  midst  of  the  public  tranquillity, 
and  they  must  have  derived  some  benefit  from  the  introduc- 
tion of  more  humane  and  polished  manners  among  their 
superiors ;  but,  in  other  respects,  their  ejondition  was  very 
little  ameliorated. 

•  Vide  Camp.  Polit.  Survey,  vol.  2.  p.  381, 


l67 


RICHARD  I. 


As  soon  as  Henry  was  laid  in  his  grave,  Richard  went  to 
Rouen,  and  received  from  the  hands  of  the  archbishop,  the 
ducal  crown  of  Normandy.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  his  ad- 
ministration was  the  release  of  the  queen,  his  mother,  whom 
the  king,  his  father,  had  kept  sixteen  years  in  prison.  Rich- 
ard not  only  restored  her  to  liberty,  but  also  intrusted  her 
with  the  government  of  that  duchy,  with  very  extensive  pow- 
ers and  privileges.  He  afterwards  went  and  did  homage  to 
Philip  Augustus  ;  but  he  thought  no  more  of  fulfilling  his 
contract  of  marriage  with  the  princess  Alice,  although  the 
suspension  of  that  affair  had  served  him  as  a  pretext  for  so 
many  complaints  and  revolts.  The  interview  between  the  two 
mouarchs,  however,  was  friendly,  and  terminated  to  the-ir 
mutual  satisfaction.  Richard  having  settled  his  affairs  on 
the  continent,  came  to  London,  and  was  crowned 
A  D  1189  ^y  ^'"^  archbishop  of  Canterbury.  But  the  cere- 
mony of  the  coronation  was  disturbed  by  a  popular 
tumult,  which  was  attended  by  some  disastrous  consequences. 
At  a  time  when  the  spirit  of  croisading  pervaded  all  ranks, 
and  the  recent  loss  of  Jerusalem  had  increased  the  fury  of 
fanatical  zeal,  the  people  seized,  with  transport,  any  occasion 
of  shewing  their  rancour  against  the  enemies  of  Christ.  It 
was,  perliaps,  with  a  view  of  preventing  any  disturbance  that 
the  Jews  had  been  forbidden  to  be  present  at  the  coronation. 
Some  of  them,  however,  coming  to  bring  presents  to  the  king, 
or  impelled  by  curiosity,  pressed  eagerly  into  the  church,  and 
were  massacred  by  the  populace.  But  the  authors  of  this 
barbarity  did  not  go  unpunished.  By  the  command  of  the 
king,  a  strict  inquisition  was  made,  and  the  ringleaders  wer*' 
condemned  to  death. 


468  HISTORY  Of  ENGLAND. 

But  this  necessary  severity  did  not  prevent  the  rcpetitio'rt 
of  similar  enormities.  In  the  ensuing  year  the  rabble  of 
Norwich,  Stamford,  St.  Edmandsbury,  Lincoln,  and  Lynn, 
rose  upon  the  Jews,  and  destroyed  great  numbers  of  those 
unfortunate  people.  But  the  rage  of  the  populace  was  exerted 
against  them  with  the  most  savage  cruelty  at  York.  About 
£ve  hundred  men,  besides  women  and  children,  in  order  to 
avoid  the  fury  of  a  fanatical  mob,  prevailed  on  the  govern- 
ment to  let  them  enter  the  castle.  But  the  sherift'  summoned 
them  to  deliver  it  up,  and  on  their  refusal,  the  castle  was 
attacked  by  the  people.  The  .Tews  finding  it  impossible  long 
to  resist  so  numerous  a  host  of  assailants,  offered  a  large  sum 
of  money  for  permission  to  retire ;  but  the  ferocious  rabble, 
thirsting  for  the  blood  of  the  enemies  of  their  faith,  refused 
to  give  any  quarter.  In  this  situation  the  unhappy  Israelites, 
rather  than  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enraged  and  sanguinary 
christians,  resolved  on  the  desperate  measure  of  self-destruc- 
tion. The  proposal  was  made  by  an  ancient  Rabbi,  and  was 
received  with  unanimous  approbation.  Every  master  of  a 
family  first  cut  the  throats  of  his  wives  and  children,  then 
dispatched  his  servants,  and  lastly  butchered  himself.*  Such 
was  the  tragical  fate  of  these  unfortunate  victims  of  an  in- 
furiate zeal. 

From  the  moment  of  his  accession,  the  views  of  Richard 
were  turned  towards  Palestine,  the  theatre  on  which  the 
warriors  of  Christendom  expected,  by  martial  exploits,  to  ac- 
quire immortal  fame  and  eternal  salvation.  Before  his 
departure  from  France,  he  had  concluded  a  treaty  with  Philip 
Augustus,  by  which  the  two  monarchs  agreed  to  unite  their 
forces,  and  march  at  their  head,  in  order  to  recover  Jerusalem 
from  the  Mahommedans.  He  had  scarcely  ascended  the  throne 
fcefore  Philip,  eager  for  the  enterprise,  sent  an  ambassador 
to  remind  him  of  his  engagement.  This,  however,  was  wholly 
unnecessary.  Animated  by  religious  zeal  and  martial  ardour, 
Richard  was  far  from  seeking  excuses  or  making  needless 
delays.  On  the  contrary,  he  urged  by  every  possible  means 
his  preparations.     Ashe  intended  to  lead  a  powerful  army 

*  Brotnpt.p.nri  and  1172. 


RICHARD   I.  169 

into  Palestine,  it  was  requisite  to  raise  large  SHins  of  money 
for  its  maintenance.  The  late  king  had  left  in  his  coifers 
900,000^.  besides  jewels  and  other  valuables ;  and  Richard 
levied  new  sums  by  every  means  that  policy  could  divise.  He 
sold  almost  all  the  crown  lands,  a  measure  which  greatly 
tended  to  increase  the  already  exorbitant  influence  of  the 
clergy  ;  for  the  bishops  and  abbots  being  the  men  who,  in 
that  age,  had  the  most  ready  money,  they  were  the  chief  pur- 
chasers, and  made  very  advantageous  bargains.  The  king 
of  Scotland  also  improved  the  opportunity.  In  consideration 
of  ten  thousand  marks,  Richard  discharged  the  Scottish 
monarch  from  the  homage  to  which  he  had  been  subjected  by 
Henry  !!•  and  restored  to  him  the  fortresses  of  Berwick  and 
Roxborough.  There  were  not  wanting  persons  who  murmured 
agaiiLst  these  alienations,  and  pointed  out  their  dangerous 
consequences.  But  so  greatly  was  Richard  inspired  with 
religious  zeal,  or  the  desire  of  martial  fame,  that  he  mado 
onlv  this  answer  to  their  remonstrances  :  "  I  would  sell  Lon- 
"  don  itself  if  I  could  find  a  person  able  to  purchase  it." 

The  money  amassed  by  these  extraordinary  means  being 
still  inadequate  to  the  greatness  of  his  designs,  he  devised  a 
number  of  other  exiK'dients.  As  great  numbers  of  persons 
had  inconsiderately  engaged  in  the  croisade,  he  obtained  from 
the  Pope  a  power  to  release,  for  a  pecuniary  consideration, 
such  as  repented  of  their  vow.  He  also  extorted  considerable 
sums  from  the  most  opulent  of  his  subjects.  From  some  he 
borrowed  money  :  from  others  whose  conduct  had  excited  any 
suspicion,  he  extorted  presents  by  threatening  to  call  them  to 
a  strict  account :  in  fine,  he  left  no  means  untried  to  raise 
funds  suflicient  for  carrying  into  execution  the  vast  projects 
which  he  had  formed.  The  clergy,  at  the  same  time,  dis- 
played their  zeal,  and  exerted  all  their  influence  in  procuring 
him  soldiers  :  all  the  pulpits  resounded  with  the  merit  of 
serving  in  the  holy  war;  the  confessors  enjoined  no  penances, 
hut  such  as  tended  to  promote  the  grand  enterprise  of  recov- 
ering Jerusalem  from  the  infidels.  In  a  word,  all  the  springs 
of  princely  policy  and  priestly  legerdemain  were  put  in  motion, 
in  order  to  raise  men  and  money  for  the  pious  expedition. 
While  Ihe  preparations  were  going  rapidly  forward,  Rich- 
z 


170  HISTOltY   OF    ENGLAND. 

jwd  took  precautiona  for  the  tranquillity  of  the  kingdom 
during  his  absence.  His  greatest  apprelieusions  arose  from 
his  knowledge  of  the  ambition  of  his  brother  John,  who  might 
seize  so  favourable  an  opportunity  for  seating  himself  on  the 
throne.  He  would  gladly  have  taken  that  prince  with  him 
to  Palestine,  but  observing  his  reluctance  to  the  voyage,  in- 
stead of  compelling  him  to  make  an  involuntary  vow,  he 
endeavoured,  by  an  accumulation  of  favours,  to  secure  him  in 
his  allegiance.  But  although  no  ill  consequences  ensued  from 
leaving  John  in  England,  the  generosity  of  Richard  on  this 
occasion  is  more  to  be  admired  than  his  policy.  To  his  fa- 
vourite, Longchamp,  bishop  of  Ely,  and  the  bishop  of  Durham, 
he  committed  the  regency  5  he  also  renewed  his  treaty  of 
iaUiancc  with  the  king  of  Scotland  ;  and  all  his  preparations 
being  completed,  he  had  no  further  need  to  delay  his  voyage. 

On  the  11th  December,  1190,  Richard,  with  all  his  forces, 
sailed  from  Dover,  and  soon  after  his  arrival  in  France  had  an 
interview  with  Philip  Augustus.*  The  two  monarchs  having 
settled  every  thing  relative  to  their  voyage,  the  combined  ar- 
mies of  England  and  France  joined  at  Verelai,  and  marched 
together  to  Lyons,  where  they  parted,  Philip  proceeding 
to  Genoa,  and  Richard  to  Marseilles.  The  English  fleet,  in 
the  meanwhile,  had  been  dispersed  by  a  storm,  which  had 
prevented  it  from  arriving  at  Marseilles  so  soon  as  the  king 
expected.  Impatient  at  this  delay,  Richard  hired  some 
vessels,  and  embarking  part  of  his  troops,  set  sail  for  Mes- 
sina, the  general  rendezvous.  But  before  he  reached  the 
coast  of  Sicily,  he  was  joined  by  his  fleet,  with  the  rest  of 
his  troops,  and  the  whole  armament  arrived  safe  at  Mes- 
sina.f 

During  their  stay  at  this  place  of  rendezvous,  circumstances 
occurred  which  proved  ultimately  fatal  to  the  success  of  the 
enterprise.  At  the  time  of  their  arrival,  Tancred  swayed 
the  scepter  of  Sicily.  The  Pope,  who  claimed  the  disposal  of 
that  kingdom  as  a  fief  of  the  holy  see,  had,  on  the  death  of 
William  the  Good,  without  issue,  given  the  crown  to  Henry 
VI.  emperor  of  Germany.    But  Tancred,  who  was  a  natural 

•  At  Val  Remi.    Brompt.  p.  1170. 

t  Vide  Brompt.  p.  1173—1179 ;  and  Hoved.  p.  667-672. 


RICHARD  I.  i^i 

«on  of  king  Roger,  the  father  of  William,  had  been  elected 
by  the  8icilian  nobles,  and  found  means  to  maintain  himself 
on  the  throne.  At  his  accession  he  had  imprisoned  the  do\va> 
ger  queen  who  was  sister  to  the  king  of  England;  but  the 
arrival  of  that  prince  at  Messina  procured  her  liberation. 
Richard,  liowever,  was  not  contented  m  ith  this  satisfaction  ; 
and  he  demanded  for  the  queen,  his  sister,  the  dower  assigned 
her  by  the  late  king  William,  her  husband.  The  delays  of 
Tancred  to  comply  with  this  requisition,  together  with  a  riot 
of  the  Messiniaus,  who  rose  against  the  English,  so  exaspera- 
ted Richard  that  he  attacked  the  city,  and  having  carried  it 
by  assault,  displayed  his  banners  from  the  walls,  even  in  that 
part  where  the  French  had  their  quarters.  Philip  complained 
of  the  insult,  and  the  great  men  on  both  sides  were  obliged  to 
use  their  utmost  influence  to  prevent  a  rupture.  Richard, 
however,  protesting  that  he  had  never  intended  any  insult  to 
Philip,  look  down  his  standard,  and  the  two  monarchs  ap- 
peared  to  be  perfectly  reconciled.  At  the  same  time  Tancre4 
complied  with  the  requisitions  of  the  English  monarch,  and 
agreed  to  give  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  Arthur,  duke  of 
Bretagne,  the  nephew  of  Richard,  as  m'cII  as  to  furnish  si^ 
large  ships  and  ten  gallies  for  the  service  of  the  croisade. 
A  perfect  reconciliation  now  seemed  to  have  taken  place 
between  all  the  parties.  But  the  Sicilian  prince  was  inwardly 
dissatisfied  with  a  treaty,  which  nothing  but  force  could  have 
compelled  him  to  sign.  He  endeavoured  to  engage  the  king 
of  France  in  his  quarrel,  and  to  form  an  alliance  with  him 
against  Richard ;  but  Philip  rejected  the  proposal.  Tancred, 
therefore,  in  order  to  revenge  the  inconveniences  and  insults 
which  he  had  experienced  from  these  unwelcome  visitors,  re- 
.solved,  by  sowing  between  them  the  seeds  of  dissension,  tp 
disappoint,  if  possible,  their  hopes  of  success  in  their  future 
snterprises.  He  privately  warned  Richard,  that  Philip  had 
formed  ill  designs  against  him,  and  corroborated  his  asserr 
tions  by  shewing  him  a  letter,  written,  as  he  said,  by  the  duke 
of  Burgundy.  Richard,  on  receiving  this  information,  ex- 
postulated Avith  Philip,  who  denied  the  charge,  and  accused 
him  of  seeking  a  pretence  for  dissolving  the  confederacy. 
The  quarrel  was  carried  almost  to  an  open  rupture.     Phijip 


i7^  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

informed  Richard,  that  unless  lie  consummated  his  marriage 
with  Alice,  he  should  regard  him  as  his  enemy.  Richard  per- 
emptorily declared  that  he  could  not  marry  a  princess  who 
had  borne  a  child  to  his  father,  and  offered  to  prove  the  fact. 
Philip  perceiving  that  his  sister's  honour  must  suffer  by  the 
investigation,  desisted  from  his  demand.  After  several  con- 
ferences, the  two  Princes  were  apparently  reconciled,  and 
agreed  to  proceed  in  their  enterprise ;  but  from  (hat  period 
they  were  never  sincerely  friends,  nor  ever  acted  with  that 
mutual  confidence  which  was  necessary  to  ensure  success. 

The  two  monarchs  having  spent  the  M'inter  at  Messina, 
made  ready  to  pursue  their  voyage  in  the  spring.  Philip 
sailed  first,  and  Richard  bavins'  waited  the  arrival 
A  dTiqI  ^^  ^^^  mother  Eleanor,  and  his  bride  Cerenguelhi, 
of  Navarre,  followed  him  in  the  course  of  a  few 
days.  When  preparing  for  his  departure  from  Messina, 
Richard  is  said  to  have  confessed  his  sins  to  the  prelates  who 
accompanied  the  expedition,  and  to  have  received  the  disci- 
pline at  their  hands.*  After  this  expurgation,  he  put  to  sea 
with  a  fleet  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  sail,  fifty-two  gallies, 
ten  large  ships  laden  w  ith  provisions,  and  a  considerable 
number  of  small  vessels  ;  but  the  number  of  troops  embarked 
is  not  ascertained  by  historians.  The  fleet  being  arrived  off 
Cyprus,  was  dispersed  by  a  violent  tempest,  and  several  of 
the  vessels  were  wrecked  on  the  coasts.  Isaac  Comnenus, 
king  of  that  island,  instead  of  giving  any  assistance  to  the 
English  who  escaped  the  dangers  of  the  sea,  caused  them  to 
he  imprisoned,  and  seized  their  effects.  Richard  demanded 
their  restitution,  and  on  receiving  a  refusal,  attacked  the  isl- 
and, defeated  the  king,  and  made  him  prisoner.  The  people, 
•who  had  been  grievously  oppressed  by  the  tyranny  of  Isaac, 
regarded  the  English  as  deliverers  rather  than  invaders  ;  and 
Richard  completed,  without  opposition,  the  conquest  of  the 
island. 

From  Cyprus,  Richard  immediately  proceeded  to  the  coast 
of  Syria,  where  he  found  Philip  Augustus  already  engaged  in 
the   siege  of  Acre.     Before  the   arrival  of  the  two  kings, 

•  Brompt.  p.  1190. 


RICHARD  I.  173 

Guy  de  Lusignan,  Courad,  Marquis  of  IVroiitsenal,  and  other 
christian  princes  and  lords  of  Syria,  with  an  army  composed 
of  Germans,  Flemings,  and  Italians,  had  commenced  the  siege 
of  that  place.  Philip  had  joined  them  with  his  whole  force, 
and  Richard  landing  with  the  English  troops,  the  combined 
armies  of  the  christians  pushed  the  siege  with  such  vigour, 

that  Acre  was  at  length  obliged  to  surrender. 
a"d  ngi  P'»»''P  ''^J   '^''^  before  the  town  since  the  21st  of 

March,  and  Richard  from  the  8th  of  June  ;*  hut 
the  siege  had,  from  its  commencement,  continued  more  than 
two  years,  and  the  number  of  croisaders  who  perished  by  the 
sword  or  by  sickness  before  its  fatal  walls,  is  said  to  have 
been  not  less  than  three  hundred  thousand,  among  whom  were 
the  duke  of  Servia,  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  many 
other  persons  of  an  elevated  rank  from  the  different  countries 
of  Europe,  but  chiefly  from  France  and  England. 

A  conquest  which  had  cost  so  prodigious  a  number  of  hu- 
man lives,  ought  to  have  produced  the  most  decisive  and  bril- 
liant effects.  But  no  sooner  were  the  banners  of  the  chris- 
tians displayed  from  the  walls  of  Acre,  than  the  success  of 
their  arms  seemed  only  to  have  revived  the  dissentions  of 
their  leaders.  The  distinguished  valour  of  the  king  of  Eng- 
land had  greatly  contributed  to  the  reduction  of  the  place, 
and  gained  him  universal  esteem  in  the  army.  This  disposi- 
tion of  the  troops  excited  the  jealousy  of  Philip,  who  beheld, 
with  a  malevolent  eye,  the  glory  of  an  ally  whom  he  regard- 
ed as  a  rival.  The  jealousy  of  the  two  monarchs,  indeed, 
was  mutual,  and  every  day  produced  some  cause  of  distrust, 
or  some  pretext  for  dissention.  Before  the  arrival  of  the  two 
kings,  the  christians  of  Palestine  were  divided  into  factions. 
Guy  de  Lusignan  had  swayed  the  sceptre  of  Jerusalem  till 
the  time  of  its  capture  by  Saladin  ;  but  the  Marquis  of  Mont- 
serrat  had  pretensions  to  that  kingdom,  and  several  of  the 
christian  barons  were  disposed  to  favour  his  claim.  Yet  this 
dispute  Mas  only  for  an  empty  title,  as  the  greatest  part  of 
the  country  was  in  the  possession  of  Saladin  ;  and  it  was 
only  from  the  expected  success  of  the  arms  of  the  croises^ 
that  either  of  their  claims  could  derive  any  importance.  The 

•  M.  Paris,  p.  :^.63. 


i74l  lllSTOUY  OF  ENGLAND. 

question,  however,  was  made  a  new  source  of  dlscerd  between 
the  two  monarchs.  Philip  openly  declared  in  favour  of  the  mar- 
quis ;  and  Richard  espoused  the  party  of  Guy.  Amidst  these  con- 
tentions whicli  greatly  ol)structed  the  progress  of  the  christians, 
the  two  kings  fell  sick  of  the  same  distemper.  Their  lives  >vere, 
for  some  time,  in  great  danger;  bnt  both  of  them  recovered.* 
Philip  lindins  bis  constitution  greatly  impaired  by  his  sickness, 
resolved  to  irt urn  to  Franco,  llicbard  being  apprised  of  his 
intention,  apprehended  that  Philip  might,  in  his  absence,  at- 
tack his  dominions,  and  at  first  insisted  on  their  agreement, 
that  neither  of  them  should  abandon  the  enterprise  without 
the  other's  consent.  But  as  he  could  not  constrain  him  to  stay, 
he  released  him  from  that  part  of  the  contract ;  and  Philip 
having  bound  himself  by  an  oath  not  to  attempt  any  thing 
against  the  dominions  of  Richard  during  his  ab- 
A  1)^1192  ''^"^^'  ^^^^  Palestine,  and  passing  through  Italy,  re- 
turned to  France.  At  the  time  of  his  departure,  he 
left  ten  thousand  men  under  the  command  of  the  duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, to  whom  he  gave  public  orders  to  pay  the  same  obe- 
dience to  the  king  of  England  as  to  himself.  But  his  future 
conduct  gives  reason  to  suspect  that  he  had  received  private 
instructions  of  a  different  tendency. 

Soon  after  the  departure  of  the  French  monarch,  Richard 
and  Saladin  exhibited  to  their  armies  a  spectacle  of  horror 
in  njassaering  the  prisoners  whom  each  had  in  his  power.  It 
isdifticultto  determine  on  which  of  the  two  princes  history 
ought  to  fiv:  the  stigma  of  this  barbarous  deed.f  But  the  most 
probable  opinion  is,  that  Saladin  having  refused  to  pay  the 
ransom  of  the  Turkish  prisoners,  as  stipulated  by  the  capitu- 
lation of  Acre,  Richard  began  the  massacre  by  beheading  be- 
tween two  and  three  thousand,  or  according  to  others,  five 
thousand  of  his  prisoners  ;  and  that  Saladin  retaliated  by  the 
slaughter  of  his  christian  captives.  But  whatever  ai)ology 
may  be  made  for  the  law  of  retaliation  in  war,  it  is  generally" 
the  innocent  who  suffer  for  the  crimes  of  their  superiors. 

*  Rapiu  says  that  bolli  of  them  lost  their  liair.  His.  Eng.  1.  p.  250. 
Henault  says  that  Thiliplosthis  hair  and  his  nails.  Abreg.  Chron.  An.  1 191. 

f  Vide  Rapin,  vol.  1.  p.  251,  and  Tindal's  notes,  ihid.  The  duke  of  Bur- 
gundy followed  the  example  of  the  Icing  of  England. 


RICHARD    I.  473 

After  this  horrible  scene  was  closed,  the  christians  held  n 
council  of  war,  and  the  siege  of  Asealon  was  resolved  on  by 
the  commanders.  The  army  marclied  along  the  coast,  at- 
tended by  the  fleet  to  supply  it  with  necessaries.  Saladiii 
having  intelligence  of  their  design,  advanced  with  an  army 
of  three  hundred  thousand  men,  and  took  an  advantageous 
position  in  their  front,  iu  order  to  cover  x\scalon.  AVhatever 
niiglit  bo  tlic  disparity  of  numbers,  Richard  resolved  to  haz- 
ard a  battle,  and  undauntcdiy  approached  the  enemy.*  The 
right  wing  of  the  christian  army  was  commanded  by  Janres 
D'Avesnes,  the  left  by  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  and  the  king 
of  England  led  <he  main  body.  Saladin  having  concealed  a 
part  of  his  army  behind  some  hills  ihat  \v"ere  near  his  camp, 
waited  their  approach,  without  stirring  from  his  position— 
The  right  Aving  of  the  christians  began  the  engagement :  the 
Saracens  received  their  charge  with  a  resolution,  which  being 
supported  by  numbers,  threw  them  into  disorder ;  and  James 
D'Avesnes  was  slain  in  endeavouring  to  rally  his  retiring 
troops.  At  the  same  time  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  made  a 
rigorous  attack  on  the  right  of  the  Saracens,  which,  pursu- 
ant to  the  orders  of  Saladin,  retreated  in  fighting,  and  caused 
the  duke  to  advance  to  a  considerable  distance  from  the  main 
body  of  the  army.  The  stratagem  having  so  far  succeeded,  Sa- 
ladin  ordered  the  troops  that  were  posted  behind  the  hills  to 
move  forM'ard.  By  this  manccuvre,  the  duke  was  surrounded, 
a  terrible  slaughter  was  made  of  his  troops,  and  the  whole 
wing  that  was  under  his  command  was  in  danger  of  being 
annihilated.  At  this  critical  juncture,  Richard,  who  had 
been  successful  in  the  centre,  was  informed  of  the  situation  of 
the  duke  of  Burgundy,  and  marching  instantly  to  his  relief, 
wrested  from  the  troops  of  Saladin,  a  victory  of  which  they 
thought  themselves  certain.  On  this  memorable  occasion, 
Richard  performed  such  prodigies  of  valour,  as  excited  the 
admiration  even  of  his  enemies.  It  was  some  time,  however, 
before  the  contest  was  decided.  But  after  a  variety  of  nia- 
ncenvres,  victory  at  last  declared  for  the  christians.    In  si)i<r« 

•  The  strength  of  Richard's  army  is  not  ascertained  by  any  Mstorian  ; 
but  it  must  have  been  greatly  infericr  to  tliat  t^f  Suladir 


1*^  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

of  all  the  efforts  of  Saladiii,  his  troops  were  thrown  into  eon- 
fusion.  The  christians  taking  advantage  of  their  disorder, 
pressed  them  so  vigorously  that  tlie  route  beeame  general.— 
Thus  the  vast  army  of  Saladin  was  totally  defeated  ;  and 
forty  tliousand  infidels  left  dead  on  the  field  of  battle,  attest- 
ed the  victory  of  the  christians. 

After  defeating  this  multitudinous  host  of  enemies,  Richard 
took  possession  of  the  maritime  cities  of  Ascalon,  Joppa.  and 
Cjesarea,  which  Saladin  had  abandoned,  after  demolishing 
their  walls.  The  christians  considered  it  as  a  matter  of  im- 
portance to  repair  the  fortifications  of  these  cities,  and  to  es- 
tablish magazines  for  the  army  before  they  advanced  into  the 
interior.  This  caused  a  considerable  delay  in  their  opera- 
tions, and  the  Englisli  monarch  lias  been  accused  of  losing  the 
fruits  of  his  victory,  by  not  marching  directly  against  Jerusa- 
lem, as  Hannibal  has  been  blamed  for  not  assaulting  Rome 
immediately  after  the  battle  of  Cannx ;  but  in  one  case,  as 
well  as  the  other,  it  is  difficult  to  form  a  just  judgment  amidst 
a  complexity  of  circumstances,  with  which  historians  are  in 
all  probability  but  partially  acquainted.*  After  the  fortifi- 
cations of  the  maritime  cities  were  repaired,  Richard  at 
length  began  his  march  to  Jerusalem.  In  his  route  he  had 
the  good  fortune  to  meet  with  a  caravan,  which  was  carrying 
to  that  city  a  supply  of  provisions,  and  a  large  quantity  of 
merchandise. t   The  caravan  was  guarded  by  a  body  of  eleven 

*  During  Richard's  stay  at  Joppa,  a  cuiuoiis  incident  happened.  Having 
been  hunting  in  the  country  with  only  six  attendants,  he  fell  into  an  am- 
buscade of  the  Saracens,  and  would  have  been  taken  prisoner,  had  not 
William  Despreaus,  by  calling  out,  "  I  am  the  king  of  England,"  drawn 
all  their  attention  to  himself,  and  given  to  Richard  an  opportunity  of  mak- 
ing his  escape.  Despreaux  being  taken  and  carried  to  Saladin,  ingenu- 
ously confessed  the  device  he  had  used  to  save  his  master.  The  sultaa 
applauded  his  fidelity,  and  caused  him  to  be  honourably  treated.  He  was 
afterwards  exchanged  for  ten  emirs,  or  Saracen  princes.  Rapin,  vol.  1. 
p.  2.  251. 

t  Rapin  calls  this  the  Babylon  caravan  ;  but  Babylon  was  at  that  time 
become  a  place  of  no  consequence.  It  might  have  been  the  Bagdad  cara- 
van ;  but  how  in  its  road  from  either  Babylon  or  Bagdad  to  Jerusalem,  it 
could  fall  in  with  the  christians  in  their  march  from  the  coast,  is  some- 
what difficult  to  explain,  and  requires  a  more  circumstantial  account  thaa 
historians  have  given. 


RICHARD  I.  lyy 

Oiousand  horse,  who  finding  themselves  near  the  christian 
army,  attempted  to  retreat.  But  the  king  by  a  sudden  and 
vigorous  attack  put  them  to  flight,  and  took  three  thousand 
loaded  camels,  and  four  thousand  horses  and  mules,  with  an 
immense  booty,  which  he  immediately  distributed  among  his 
troops.  Richard  then  continuing  his  march,  ascended  a  hill, 
from  whence  he  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  Jerusalem,  the 
grand  objiect  of  his  expedition.  But  a  distant  view  of  that 
famous  city  was  all  that  he  obtained.  The  country  being  des- 
titute of  forage,  and  the  season  far  advanced,  he  was  obliged 
to  defer  the  siege  until  spring.  In  the  meanwhile,  the  dis- 
sensions among  the  christians  revived.  The  duke  of  Austria 
abandoned  Richard :  his  example  was  followed  by  the  duke 
of  Burgundy ;  and  the  marquis  of  Montserrat,  who  com- 
manded the  Italian  troops,  and  laid  claim  to  the  crown  of 
Jerusalem,  refused  to  assist  in  conquering  a  kingdom  which 
was  designed  for  his  rival.  The  defection  of  the  Germans, 
French,  and  Italians,  rendered  it  impossiUYe  that  the  king  of 
England  should,  with  the  troops  that  remained,  accomplish 
so  diflicult  an  enterprise  as  the  reduction  of  Jerusalem,  which 
contained  a  garrison  almost  as  numerous  as  his  army,  and  was 
plentifully  stored  with  provisions.  These  circumstances,  to- 
gether with  the  intelligence  m  hich  he  received  relating  to  the 
state  of  affairs  in  England,  and  bis  apprehensions  that  Philip 
Augustus  might  take  advantage  of  his  absence  to  invade  his 
dominions,  obliged  him  to  abandon  all  his  views  of  further 
conquests  in  the  east ;  and  Saladin  being  desirous  of  ridding 
himself  of  so  formidable  an  enemy,  a  truce  for  three  years 
was  readily  concluded.  The  king  of  England  being  now 
about  to  depart,  the  christian  troops  that  were  to  be  left  in 
Palestine  elected  the  marquis  of  Montserrat  for  their  com- 
mander. Richard,  who  had  openly  opposed  the  pretensions 
of  the  marquis,  was  displeased  at  a  choice  so  contrary  to  his 
intention ;  but  he  gave  to  Guy  de  Lusignan  the  kingdom  of 
Cyprus,  which  was  an  ample  compensation  for  the  loss  of  an 
empty  title  to  the  crown  of  Jerusalem.* 

•  Previous  to  Richard's  departure,  the  marquis  of  Montserrat  Was  stab- 
bed in  the  streets  of  Tyre  by  two  assassins  sent  for  that  purpose,  by  the 
Old  Man  of  the  Mountain,  a  Saracen  chief>  who  was  staled  the  Prince  df 

A  a 


i78  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

Tlius  tennlnatcd  this  famous  croisadc,  which  drained  borft 
France  and  Euglaud  of  nieu  and  money,  but  totally  failed 
in  regard  to  its  object.  The  fatal  rendezvous  at  Messina  may- 
be considered  as  the  source  of  the  misfortunes,  or  misconduct 
jif  these  romantic  adventurers.  How  far  the  insinuations  of 
Ttmered  might  be  consistent  with  truth,  it  is  impossible  to 
determine  ;  for  whatever  historians  may  pretend  to  know,  and 
presume  to  relate,  concerning  the  secret  views  of  princes  and 
Ihe  intrigup§  of  courts,  the  complex  machinery  of  polities  i» 
generally  enveloped  in  mysterious  obscurity.  This,  however, 
i^  certain,  that  the  Sicilian  prince,  by  exciting  dissensions 
i)et\veen  Philip  and  Richard,  blasted  all  their  hopes  of  success ; 
and  that  these  two  mouarehs  in  attending  to  their  personal 
quarrels,  lost  sight  of  the  object  of  their  enterprise,  and 
rendered  ineifectual  their  formidable  armament,  which  might 
have  recovered  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem,  and  even  have 
overturned  the  throne  of  Saladin. 

Although  the  oiferations  of  the  croisade  were  terminated, 
both  Richard  and  his  kingdom  had  yet  to  experience  its  dis- 
astrous consequences.  Aftairs  being  settled  in  the 
A  X»  1192  ^*s^»  ^^^  k^"o  of  England  embarked  at  Acre,  and 
sailed  to  the  Isle  of  Corfu.  From  thence  he  pro- 
ceeded up  the  Adriatic,  and  meeting  with  a  violent  tempest^ 
was  wrecked  between  Aquileia  and  Venice.  Either  through 
ignorance  of  the  country,  or  for  some  other  reason  which  has 
liever  been  explained,  he  entered  the  territories  of  the  duke  of 
Austria,  whom  he  knew  to  be  his  mortal  enemy,  and  took  the 
road  to  Vienna.*     This  part  of  Richard's  history,  although 

tbe  Assassins.  He  had  alv/ays  in  his  service  a  number  of  desperadoes, 
ready  to  go  to  any  part  of  the  country,  and  assassinate  any  person  that 
he  wished  to  sacrifice  to  his  policy  or  his  vengeance ;  and  from  these 
people  some  have  .supposed  the  word  assassin  to  be  derived. — As  Rich- 
ard had  always  been  hostile  to  the  views  of  the  marquis,  he  was,  at  first, 
suspected  of  being  accessary  to  the  murder ;  but  the  discovery  of  the 
real  authors  of  the  crime  cleared  his  reputation  of  that  blemish. 

•  At  the  siege  of  Acre  the  duke  of  Austi-ia  having  erected  his  banner 
on  a  tower  which  he  had  carried  by  assault,  Richard  considered  this 
action  as  an  insult  to  himself  and  Philip,  who  were  the  commanders  in 
(Mci,  and  sent  some  of  his  men  to  pull  it  down,  and  trample  it  undc 


RICHARD   I.  lYO 

«lrlctly  true,  is  extremely  mysterious.  It  might  naturally  be 
supposed  that  he  would  have  sailed  to  Marseilles,  fronr 
whence  he  might,  either  publicly  or  privately,  have  readily 
passed  to  Guienne,  or  some  other  part  of  his  own  continental 
dominions.  Some  say  that  he  was  driven  up  the  Adriatic  by 
contrary  winds  ;  but  if  this  was  not  the  case,  and  if  he  in- 
tended to  proceed  over  land  from  Venice,  or  some  place 
at  the  bottom  of  the  gulph,  Vienna  was  certainly  not  in  his 
road  to  England ;  nor  can  any  good  reason  be  assigned  for 
his  entering  the  territory  of  a  prince  from  whose  enmity  he 
had  every  thing  to  dread.  Indeed  it  appears  that  he  was 
fully  sensible  of  the  danger  to  which  he  was  exposed,  as  he 
travelled  in  the  disguise  of  a  pilgrim.  At  first  he  had  six 
attendants,  all  of  whom  had  long  beards  like  pilgrims  ;  but 
he  afterwards  dismissed  all  of  them,  except  one  single  servant. 
Some  indiscretion  on  his  part,  or  on  the  part  of  his  attend- 
ants, had  discovered  him  to  be  a  person  of  very  high  rank  and 
distinction,  and  various  circumstances  excited  a  conjecture 
that  this  remarkable  pilgrim  was  no  other  than  the  king  of 
England.  The  rumour  coming  to  the  ears  of  the  duke  of 
Austria,  he  ordered  a  diligent  search  to  be  made,  and  Richard 
was  seized  in  a  village  near  Vienna.*  The  duke  afterwards 
resigned  his  royal  prisoner  to  tlie  emperor,  Henry  VI.  on  con- 
dition of  receiving  a  large  share  of  his  ransom. 

The  news  of  this  event  flying  rapidly  over  Europe,  soon 
reached  England,  Mhere  it  excited  great  consternation. 
Ever  since  the  departure  of  Richard  for  Palestine,  his  brothei* 
John  had  been  endeavouring  to  set  aside  the  rights  of  his 
nephew  Arthur,  duke  of  Bretagne,  and  to  secure  to  himself 
the  succession,  in  case  that  the  king  should  perish  in  the  ex- 
pedition. The  bishop  of  Ely,  to  whom  in  conjunction  with 
the  bishop  of  Durham,  Richard  had  committed  the  regency^ 
had  excluded  liis  colleague  from  tlie  administration,  and  so 
greatly  abused  his  power  as  to  excite  against  him  a  confed- 
eracy of  the  lords,  who  placed  prince  John  at  their  head. 

foot.    The  duke  had  it  not  in  his  po\ver  at  that  time  to  revenge   this 
afii'ont ;  but  he  ever  after  entertained  an  implicablQ  enmity  against  the 
iung  of  England.     Vide  Ilapin,  vol.  1.  p.  250. 
*  Vide  ;m.  Pr-ris,  p,  IT*?;  and  Iloreden  p.  Tir. 


180  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

The  result  was  that  the  regent  was  deposed,  and  compelled, 
to  fly  into  Normandy,  and  the  archbishop  of  Rouen,  was  by 
the  unanimous  consent  of  the  barons  appointed  to  the  regency. 
These  circumstances  having  procured  for  John  a  greater 
share  in  the  administration  than  the  king  had  intended,  he 
made  use  of  his  influence  to  acquire  popularity,  and  even 
prevailed  so  far  on  the  citizens  of  London,  as  to  obtain  from 
them  a  promise  that  they  would  acknowledge  him  as  their 
sovereign,  in  case  Richard  should  die  without  issue.  The 
imprisonment  of  the  king  contributed  to  strengthen  his  hopes, 
and  he  began  to  take  measures  for  obstructing  his  return,  and 
for  ascending  the  throne.  He  attempted,  but  without  success, 
to  seduce  the  barons  of  England  and  Normandy ;  and  finding 
their  allegiance  not  to  be  shaken,  he  repaired  to  Paris,  and 
entered  into  an  alliance  with  Philip  Augustus,  who,  in  direct 
violation  of  his  oath,  immediately  invaded  Normandy.  The 
dowager  queen,  in  the  meanwhile,  used  every  means  to  repress 
the  ambition  of  her  younger  son,  and  strongly  solicited  the 
Pope  to  interpose  with  the  emperor  for  the  release  of  the 
king ;  but  all  her  endeavours  were  inefl^ectual,  as  his  Holiness, 
through  fear  of  offending  the  French  monarch,  refused  to 
have  any  concern  in  the  affair. 

While  the  queen  ineffectually  laboured  to  procure  the  ex- 
ertion of  the  papal  authority,  in  favour  of  the  captive  mon- 
arch, the  emperor,  in  order  to  cover  his  injustice  with  legal 
forms,  ordered  Richard  to  be  brought  to  trial  before  the  diet 
of  the  empire.  The  deputies  sent  by  the  queen  and  council 
to  inform  him  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  England,  met  on  the 
road  their  nnfortunate  king,  Avho  was  conducted  like  a  crim- 
inal, a  sight  which  drew  tears  from  their  eyes.  Being  brought 
to  Haguenau  before  the  assembly  of  the  German  princes,  the 
emperor  preferred  against  him  a  charge  consisting  of  six 
articles.  1st.  He  accused  him  of  joining  in  a  league  with 
Tancred,  who  had  usurped  the  kingdom  of  Sicily.  2d.  He 
alleged  that  by  his  quarrels  with  Philip  Augustus,  he  had 
prevented  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem.  3d.  That  he  had 
unjustly  invaded  the  kingdom  of  Cyprus,  and  employed  the 
arms  of  the  croises  to  dethrone  a  christian  prince.  4th » 
That  he  had  affi-onted  the  duke  of  Austria  at  the  siege  of 


RICHARD    I. 

Acre.  6th.  That  he  had  been  concerned  in  the  assasination 
of  the  marquis  of  Montserrat ;  and  6th.  That  he  had  con- 
cluded a  truce  with  Saladin,  greatly  to  the  detriment  of  the 
christian  cause. 

It  is  certain  that  neither  the  emperor,  nor  the  princes  of 
Germany,  had  any  right  to  bring  the  king  of  England  to  be 
judged  at  their  tribunal.  Richard,  however,  being  informed 
of  the  machinations  of  his  brother  John,  and  of  his  confede- 
racy with  Philip,  was  sensible  of  the  necessity  of  a  speedy 
return  to  England,  and  apprehensive  of  the  danger  of  giving 
occasion  to  delay,  M'hich  must  have  been  the  case  had  he 
refused  to  stand  a  trial  before  Ihe  diet.  He  therefore  briefly 
observed,  that  although  he  did  not  consider  himself  accounta- 
ble to  any  power  upon  earth  for  his  actions,  yet,  for  the  sake 
of  his  honour,  he  was  willing  to  vindicate  himself  before  that 
illustrious  assembly  of  princes.  He  then  proceeded  to  make 
his  defence  against  the  charges  brought  forward  by  the  em- 
peror, and  replied  distinctly  to  every  article  with  such  co- 
gency of  reasoning  as  convinced  the  diet  of  his  innocence, 
except  in  regard  to  the  affront  of  the  duke  of  Austria,  which 
Richard  could  not  deny,  but  only  observed,  that  it  was  already 
sufficiently  revenged.  The  sordid  emperor,  however,  could 
not,  by  any  means,  be  induced  to  release  his  prisoner  without 
an  exorbitant  ransom,  especially  as  the  king  of  France  had 
offered  him  a  large  sum  to  keep  him  in  perpetual  confinement. 
The  captive  monarch,  therefore,  in  order  to  obtain  his  liberly, 
was  forced  to  promise  the  payment  of  a  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  marks,  of  which  the  duke  of  Austria  was  to  have 
one-third  for  his  share ;  and  also  to  give  his  niece,  Eleanor 
of  Bretagne,  in  marriage  to  the  eldest  son  of  that  prince. 

The  treaty  being  signed  and  sent  to  England,  every  means 
was  used  to  raise  the  sum  stipulated  for  the  king's  ransom. 
This  was  foimd  to  be  a  matter  of  extreme  difticully.  No 
more  than  a  hundred  thousand  marks  cauld  be  raised  by  taxes 
by  borrowing  one  year's  wool  of  (he  religions  houses,  and  by 
taking  the  plate  belonging  to  the  churches. 

While  the  English  were  actively  employed  in  raising  mo- 
ney for  the  ransom  of  their  king,  his  ungenerous  brother,  and 
the  French  monarch,  tried  every  means  to  induce  the  emperor 


18B  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

to  violate  Ins  a^ecmcnt,  and  detain  him  in  prison.    Tliey  of- 
J'crcd  him  ciglify  thousand  n)ai'ks  to  keep  him  a  prisoner  till 
JMichaolmasj  and  al'fcr  that  time,  atlionsand  pounds  sterling 
per  month  as  Ion:;  as  he  should  liold   him  in   con(incnient. 
They  even  proposed  (o  pay  the  whole  ransom  of  a  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  marks,  provided  that  he  would  deliver 
Richard  into  their  hands.     In  fine,  if  the   emperor  refused 
this  proposal,  their  ambassador,  the  hishop  of  Beauvais,  was 
instructed  to  ofter  him  the  same   sum,   on  condition   that  he 
should  detain  him  one  year.     These  offers  had  such  an  effect 
on  the  sordid  emperor,  that  he  deferred  the  liberation  of  hi*» 
prisoner  till  the  next  diet.      It  is  easier  to  conceive  than  ex- 
press the  anxiety  of  mind  under  which  the  king  must  have 
laboured  while  in  this  distressing  situation.  He  saw  fraternal 
and  foreign  injustice  and  perfidy  combined  for  his  ruin  j  and 
was  too   well   acrpiainted  with  the  intriguing  ambition   of 
Philip  and  John,  and  the  sordid  disposition  of  the  emperor, 
to  indulge  the  hope  of  ever  returning  to  his  dominions.     The 
diet  at  length  being  assembled  at  Spires,   the  em- 
e  riiai  y ,  pgj,Qj.  intimated  his  intention  of  breaking  his  agree- 
ment w  ith  the  king  of  England.     But  the  German 
princes  expressing  their  astonishment  at  such  a  proceeding, 
declared  that  their  honour  being  engaged  for  the  execution  of 
the  treaty,  they  could  not  suffer  it  to  be  violated  with  impu- 
nity.    So  strong  a  remonstrance  was  not  without  its  effect : 
the  emperor  consented  to  liberate  his  prisoner  on  receiving  a 
hundred  thousand  marks,  w  ith  hostages  for  the  fifty  thousand 
that  remained  unpaid. 

Richard  was  no  sooner  sot  at  liberty  than  he  set  out  on  hisf 
journey  towards  England,  and  travelled  with  all  possible  ex- 
pedition.    As  soon  as  he  reached  Antwerp,  he  embarked  for 
England,  and  arrived  at  Sandwich,  after  an  ab, 

A^D  1194  '  ^^^^^  ^^  ^""*"  y^'^^Sj  ^^  which  he  had  passed  fif- 
teon  mouths  in  the  prisons  of  Germany.  But  the 
demonstrations  of  joy  with  which  he  was  received  by  liis  sub- 
jects, were  sufficient  to  make  him  forget  the  hardships  of  his 
captivity.  His  first  care  was  to  discharge  the  vow  which  he 
had  made  to  offer  to  God  the  magnificent  standard  of  Cyprus, 
m  the  church  of  St.  Bdmond.  He  then  set  out  to  reduce  som? 


RICHARD  I.  48$ 

castles  which  were  yet  in  the  power  of  his  brother.  Of  these 
Nottingham  castle  stood  a  siege  of  some  days,  but  the  others 
were  surrendered  without  resistance.  John  having  taken  re- 
fuge in  France,  was  summoned  to  appear  within  forty  days,  to 
answer  the  charges  exliibited  against  him.  The  prince  not  ap- 
pearing within  the  limited  time,  the  king  confiscated  his 
estates,  and  declared  him  incapable  of  succeeding  lo  tlie 
crowo. 

Philip  Augustus,  in  the  meanwhile,  having  taken  possessioa 
of  some  places  in  NormamJy,  Richard  immediately  prepared 
to  contend  in  the  field  with  an  antagonist,  from  whose  ambi- 
tion and  perfidy  he  had  experienced  such  disastrous  cficcts. 
But  England  was  so  drained  of  money,  that  it  was  extremely 
difficult  to  raise  funds  for  (he  war,  and  every  mode  of  exac- 
tion was  adopted,  in  order  to  defray  the  expenses  of  equips 
ping  and  maintaining  an  army.  His  preparations  being  at 
length  with  difficulty  completed,  Richard  passed  over  into 
Normandy,  where  the  mediation  of  the  dowager  queen  ef- 
fected a  reconciliation  between  him  and  his  brother.  John, 
throwing  himself  at  his  feet,  expressed  his  repentance,  and 
craved  forgiveness.  The  king,  in  deference  to  his  mother, 
granted  his  request.  "  I  forgive  you,"  said  he,  "  and  wish 
*'  I  could  as  easily  forget  your  offences  as  you  will  my  par- 
don :'' — an  expression  which  plainly  intimated  what  opinion 
lie  entertained  of  John's  sincerity. 

The  wars  which  ensued  between  Richard  and  Philip,  al- 
though they  were  prosecuted  with  vigour,  and  displayed,  on 
both  sides,  many  instances  of  military  heroism,  were  pro- 
ductive of  no  events  of  national  importance.  The  capture 
and  recapture  of  a  few  insignificant  towns  and  fortresses,  are 
such  common  occurrences  as  scarcely  merit  the  attention  of 
the  reader ;  and  the  balance  of  strength  between  the  two  na- 
tions, as  well  as  of  personal  abilities  between  the  two  mon- 
archs,  was  too  equal  to  admit  of  any  decided  prepoudcrancy. 
But  \vhile  Richard  was  employed  on  the  continent,  an  event 
took  place  at  London,  which  ought  to  be  noticed  by  those  who 
investigate  the  history  of  nations,  as  well  as  that  of  courtiers 
and  kings.  A  new  tax  being  imposed,  the  burden  of  which  was 
to  fall  chiefly  on  the  lower  classes,  the  populace  flow  to  armj*. 


184  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND; 

The  insurrection  was  headed  by  AVilliara  Fitz-Osborn,  com- 
monly called  Longbeard,  a  man  of  a  bold  and  enterprising 
spirit,  who  had  always  professed  himself  the  advocate  of  the 
people,  and  was  held  by  the  poor  in  extreme  veneration.  In 
order  to  quell  the  tumult,  Hubert,  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
who  was,  at  that  time,  the  justiciary,  mustered  in  arms  the 
principal  citizens.  Longbeard  was  unable,  with  his  disorderly 
bands,  to  maintain  the  contest,  and  finding  himself  overpow- 
ered, took  refuge  in  one  of  the  cl^jirehes.  No  sanctuary,  how- 
ever, could  screen  him  from  punishment.  He  was  dragged 
from  his  sacred  asylum ;  and  afterwards  hanged  in  chains, 
with  nine  of  his  accomplices.  This  is  the  first  instance,  in 
English  history,  of  the  people  making  any  struggle  against 
the  power  of  the  barons  and  clergy.* 

A  war  of  four  years  between  England  and 
AD  1199*^  France,  was  terminated  by  a  truce.  But  the 
reign  of  Richard  was  drawing  to  its  close.  A 
gentleman,  of  Limosin,  liaving  found  on  his  estate  some 
treasure  which  had  been  buried,  the  king  claimed  it  as  his 
right  in  quality  of  sovereign  of  the  country.  This  created  a 
dispute;  and  the  owner  of  the  treasure  sheltered  himself  in 
the  castle  of  Chaluz.  Richard  soon  appeared  before  the 
place;  and  during  the  siege  was  mortally  wounded  by  an 

arrow  from  the  walls.  After  languishing  eleven 
AD  1199'  ^^^^  ^^^  expired,  having  nearly  completed  the  tenth 

year  of  his  reign.  His  nephew,  Arthur,  duke  of 
Bretagne,  had,  by  hereditary  right,  the  best  claim  to  the 
crown ;  but  Richard,  by  his  last  will,  appointed  John  to  be 
his  successor.  His  desire  of  preventing  a  civil  war  in  the 
kingdom,  must  have  been  the  only  reason  for  which  he  set 
aside  the  claims  of  his  nephew  to  gratify  the  ambition  of  a 
brother,  from  whom  he  had  received  the  most  ungenerous 
treatment.f 

•  In  this  reign  lived  the  fitmous  Robin  Hood,  whose  origin  is  so  difli- 
cult  to  trace,  but  whose  popular  story  is  so  universally  known.  Vide  Tin- 
dal's  Notes,  2.  p.  256. 

■j-  It  is  said,  that  the  place  having  surrendered  before  the  kinfr  expired, 
he  ordered  the  person  who  gave  him  the  wound  to  be  brought  before  him  ; 
and  asked  the  reason  why  he  had  marked  him  out  as  Lis  victim ;  and  that 


SICHARD   1,  185 

Richard  I.  was  in  person  tall,  and  well  proportioned.  His 
«ye9  wee  blue  and  sparkling ;  and  his  hair  of  a  bright  yellow^ 
luclining  to  red.  His  character  was  of  a  romantic  cast,  dis- 
playing an  extravagant  ardour  for  martial  enterprises,  and 
wild  adventures.  His  most  commendable  qualities  were  his 
magnanimity  and  dauntless  courage,  which  procured  him  the* 
surname  of  Cceur  de  Lion  or  Lion-heart.  His  principal  vices 
were  an  unbounded  ambilion,  and  an  unbridled  lust.  To 
these  some  have  addt'd  an  inordinate  love  of  money ;  but 
when  we  consider  that  his  vast  projects  required  an  extra- 
ordinary expenditure,  we  shsill  be  ready  to  suppose  that  his 
avariee  was  entirely  subservient  to  his  ambition;  and,  indeed, 
the  whole  tenor  of  his  conduct  sheWs  that  he  was  rather  pro- 
fuse than  parsimonious. 

His  adventures,  like  his  character,  were  romaiitic  and  ex-* 
iraordinary.  At  one  time  we  view  him  at  the  head  of  the 
cotiibined  armias  of  Christendom,  displaying  his  banners  in 
Palestine,  and  triumphing  over  Saladin,  the  most  potent  and 
warlike  monarch  of  Asia:  at  another  time  we  see  him  wan- 
dering in  the  disguise  of  a  pilgrim,  the  next  moment  lan- 
guishing in  the  prisons  of  Germany,  and  afterwards  standing 
as  a  criminal  before  a  foreign  tribunal.  Even  after  his  re- 
turn to  his  kingdom,  which  had  seemed  to  promise  him  lasting 
felicity,  his  restless  disposition,  and  the  hostility  of  Philip 
Augustus,  left  him  scarcely  a  moment  of  repose,  till,  at  last, 
he  closed  a  turbuleiit  life  by  a  premature  and  tragical  death. 

His  reign  of  nearly  ten  years,  of  which  not  more  thaJi 
eight  months  were  spent  in  England,  was  extremely  oppres- 

tl»p  man  l)oUlly  replied,  "It  was  to  reveng'e  the  death  of  my  father  and 
"  my  brother,  hotli  of  whom  fell  by  your  liand;  and  1  am  ready  to  snfTei' 
"  wiiatever  tortures  you  may  chuse  to  inflict,  since  I  have  the  satisfaction 
"  of  ridtliiig  tlie  world  of  a  tyrant."  It  is  added,  tliat  the  kintj  generously 
forgave  liini;  hut  that  the  general  of  the  Flemisli  troops,  who  took  the 
command  after  his  death,  caiised  him  to  be  flayed  alive.  It  is  somewhat* 
txtraordinary,  that,  although  historians  agree  tliat  Richard  died  of  a 
wound,  they  greatly  difl'er  concerning  both  the  name  of  the  person  who 
wounded  him,  and  the  place  where  it  happened.  The  generally  received 
©pinion  is,  that  it  was  at  Chaluz.  Compare  Hemingf  p.  5.W,  Grev.  p.  1638, 
aptul  TUhI.  Rromn.  1277,  Hen.  Ab.CIiron.  An.  1199,  Rapin,  Sic- 

B  b 


i86  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

sire  to  his  subjects.  They  were  loaded  with  excessive  taxes 
p.nd  extraordinary  impositions,  which  exhausted  and  impov- 
erished the  kingdom;  but  the  fame  of  his  martial  exploits 
secured  their  fidelity  to  the  monarch,  even  in  the  worst  of 
|iis  circumstances.  No  benefit  accrued  to  the  people  from 
^lis  splendid  achievements ;  but  they  were  satisfied  with  the 
glory  of  their  king,  which  they  considered  as  that  of  the 
jiation ;  aiid  this  was  their  only  compensation  which  they  re- 
ceived for  the  vast  sums  that  were  lavished  in  support  of  his 
extravagant  enterprises.  At  no  period  since  the  Danish  in- 
vasions had  the  wealth  of  England  been  so  greatly  exhausted. 
In  setting  out  for  the  Holy  Land,  the  king,  and  the  great 
barons  engaged  in  the  expedition,  almost  drained  the  king- 
dom of  its  coin  to  defray  the  multifarious  expenses  of  a  dis- 
tant w  ar ;  and  the  payment  of  his  ransom,  with  the  expenses 
of  the  succeeding  war  with  France,  completed  the  exhaus- 
tion. A  modern  reader  can  scarcely  form  any  idea  of  the 
scarcity  of  cash,  at  that  time,  in  England ;  and  accustomed 
to  calculate  taxes  and  loans  by  millions,  he  will  be  astonished 
that,  of  three  hundred  thousand  pounds,  the  sum  stipulated 
for  Richard's  ransom,  no  more  than  two  hundred  thousand 
could  be  raised  in  the  kingdom  by  excessive  taxation,  by 
loans  of  wool,  and  by  borrowing  the  plate,  &c.  of  churches, 
^i)d  by  every  other  expedient  that  policy  could  devise.* — 
The  one  hundred  thousand  pounds  that  remained  were  never 
paid.  The  duke  of  Austria  dying  soon  after,  acknowledged 
the  injustice  of  his  conduct;  and  on  his  death-bed  forgave 
liis  share  of  the  debt,  and  released  the  hostages.  And  the 
emperor  being  engaged  in  a  quarrel  with  Philip  Augustus, 
while  he  meditated  a  war  against  France,  his  desire  of  a 
reconciliation  with  Richard,  induced  him  to  relinquish  his 
remaining  claims. f  England  was  thus  exonerated  of  a  debt, 
the  payment  of  which  must  have  been  the  work  of  several 
years.  Amidst  the  multiplied  exactions  of  this  reign,  some 
events,  favourable  to  liberty,  took  place.     In  the  reign  of 

•  N.  B.  150,000  marks  were,  at  that  time,  equal  to  300,000/.  sterling  of 
modern  money, 
j  Uapin,  1.  p.  255, 


RICHARD    I.  187 

Henry  II.  the  city  of  London  was  made  a  corporation,  and 
had  obtained  a  charter;  but  soon  after  the  accession  of 
Richard,  its  government  assumed  a  new  aspect  by  being 
placed  in  the  hands  of  sherifts  and  mayors.*  In  regard  to 
the  relations  between  the  king  and  the  subjects,  but  little 
alterations  appears  to  have  taken  place  during  this  reign. 
While  Richard  could  be  supplied  with  money  for  romantic 
wars,  and  the  people  were  da/zled  by  liis  martial  glory, 
neither  the  king  nor  the  subjects  appear  to  have  been  in- 
clined to  dispute  about  prerogatives  and  privileges. 

»  Stow.  2.  p.  100. 


18S 


JOHN. 


In  those  ages  the  laws  of  succession  were  not  so  accurately 
defined  as  in  modern  times.  Richard  had  as.'sumed  the  right 
of  disposing  of  the  crown  to  the  prejudice  of  his  nephew, 
Arthur,  duke  of  Bretagne,  the  son  of  his  elder  brother;  and 
John,  founding  his  claim  on  the  will  of  his  predecessor,  met 
with  little  opposition  in  ascending  the  throne  of  England. 
The  French  provinces,  however,  resolved  to  acknowledge 
Arthur;  and  the  claims  of  that  prince  were  supported  by 
Philip  Augustus.  John  was  no  sooner  crowned  at 
A  Di  1199  London,  than  he  heard  of  the  progress  of  Philip, 
who,  under  pretence  of  acting  for  Arthur,  was 
rapidly  reducing  his  continental  dominions.  This  intelli- 
gence obliged  him  to  change  the  repose  of  a  court  for  the 
bustle  of  a  campaign.  Within  the  short  space  of  a  month 
lie  departed  with  a  powerful  army.  A  minute  detail  of  the 
war  would,  at  this  day,  be  little  interesting.  It  suffices  to 
say,  that,  after  a  few  military  operations  of  no  great  im- 
portance, a  peace  was  concluded  on  terms  sufficient- 
'  "*  ■  ly  advantageous  to  John,  but  fatal  to  the  interests 
of  Arthur,  who,  being  deprived  of  the  assistance  of  France, 
•was  soon  forced  to  yield  up  all  his  provinces,  except  the  duchy 
of  Bretagne. 

This  season  of  tranquillity  scarcely  continued  two  years. 
A  revolt  of  the  Poitevins  against  John,  furnished  Philip  with 
a  favourable  opportunity  of  recommencing  the  war ;  and  that 
prince,  whose  great  object  was  to  wrest  from  the  crown  of 
England  its  possessions  on  the  continent,  demanded,  for  Ar- 
thur, all  the  ^^rench  provinces.    Arthur  having  placed  hiin^ 


JOHN.  189 

self  at  the  head  of  the  Poitevins,  bcsiea;ed  his  grandmother, 
queen  Eleanor,  in  the  castle  of  Mirabel.  This  enterprise  prov- 
ed fatal  to  his  hopes.  John,  marching  to  the  relief  of  his 
mother,  defeated  Artlinr,  and  made  him  prisoner.  M.  Paris 
affirms,  that  most  of  the  nobility  of  Poitou  and  Anjou,  Mere 
talicu  prisoners  in  this  battle  ;  and  some  say,  that  twenty-two 
of  (hem  being  sent  lo  the  caslle  of  Corfo,  were  starved  to 
deatli.*  The  princess  Eleanor  of  B  "etagne,  sister  to  Arthnr, 
failin:^  also  inln  the  hands  of  the  king,  was  sent  inlo  Eng- 
land, and  confined  in  Bristol  castle  for  the  space  of  forty 
years.  The  unlordinate  duke  being  imprisoned  in  a  tower  at 
Ronen,  disappeared  in  such  a  manner  as  left  no  room  to  doubt 
of  his  murder.  The  king's  friends  caused  a  report  to  be  cir- 
culated that  he  was  drowned  in  (he  Seine,  in  attempting  to 
make  his  escape.  A  French  historian  asserts  that  Johm  mur- 
dered his  unfortunate  nephew  Avith  his  own  hands,  and  even 
pretends  to  relate  the  particulars.!  But  as  it  is  difficult  to 
conceive  how  these  could  come  to  his  knowledge,  no  great 
degree  of  credit  can  be  given  to  his  account.  The  cotempora- 
ries  of  John  were  fully  persuaded  of  his  guilt,  and  posterity 
will  never  regard  him  as  innocent.  The  Britons  openly  ac- 
cussed  him  of  the  crime,  and  Philip  Augustus,  resolving  to' 
profit  by  the  juncture,  summoned  .lohn  as  his  vassal  to  ap- 
pear before  him  and  the  barons  of  France.  The  king  of 
England  offered  to  appear  before  (hat  tribunal,  on  condition 
of  a  safe  conduct ;  but  when  that  was  demanded,  Philip  only 
replied  that  the  safety  of  his  return  depended  on  the  sentence 
that  should  be  passed  upon  him.  The  ambassadors  of  John 
represented  that  their  master  was  king  of  England,  as  well 
as  duke  of  Normandy,  and  that  the  barons  of  his  realm  would 
never  consent  that  he  should  expose  his  person  to  such  a  dan- 
ger, unless  an  assurance  were  given  of  his  safety.  To  this 
Philip  answered,  "  Is  not  (he  duke  of  Normandy  my  vassal  ? 
"  if  he  has  acquired  a  higher  title,  what  is  that  to  me  :  ought 
"I  therefore  to  lose  my  right  of  sovereignty  P^  The  ambassa- 
dors on  receiving  this  answer,  clearly  perceived  that  Philip 

•  M. Paris,  p.  173.     Tindal's  notes  on  Rapin,  1.  p.  264. 
I  Vide  D'Argentrfc  Hist,  de  Bretagnc,  chap.  78,  p.  310,  &c. 


190  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND, 

was^  resolved  to  push  the  afTair,  and  immediately  reinrned  ia 
England.  The  lime  appointed  in  the  summons  >vas  no  sooner 
elapsed,  than  Philip  caused  John  to  be  condemned  lor  non- 
appearance, and  pronounced  sentence  against  him,  declaring 
the  forfeiture  of  all  the  dominions  which  he  held  by  homage 
of  the  crown  of  France.* 

While  Philip  was  preparing  to  carry  the  sentence  into  exe- 
cution, the  king  of  England,  who  absurdly  regarded  it  as  a 
vain  bravado,  neglected  every  means  of  defence.  The  French 
monarch,  therefore,  at  the  head  of  a  powerful  army,  soon  re- 
duced the  greatest  part  of  Normandy.  On  this  occasion  the 
apathy  of  John  appears  inexplicable.  Without  attempting 
to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  French  arms,  he  retired  to  Eng- 
land,  and  Philip  re-annexed  Normandy  to  the  crown 
"of  France  three  hundred  and  eighty  one  years  af- 
ter its  separation.!  After  this  success,  he  invaded  the  rest 
of  the  English  provinces,  which  readily  submitted  to  the  con- 
queror, and  of  all  the  extensive  territories  which  Henry  II. 
and  Richard  I.  possessed  in  France,  John  had  nothing  left  but 
Guieuue. 

So  many  and  such  great  losses,  at  length  roused  the  king 
of  England  from  his  lethargy.  He  mustered  a  formidable 
army;  but  instead  of  embarking  in  person  for  France,  he 
contented  himself  with  sending  a  small  force  under  the  com- 
mand of  the  earl  of  Salisbury.  With  so  feeble  an  armament 
as  that  nobleman  commanded,  nothing  could  be  done,  and  a 
truce  for  two  years  was  concluded.  The  king  laid  the  blame 
of  all  his  losses  on  the  barons,  whom  he  accused  of  back- 
wardness to  follow  him  into  Normandy,  and  under  that  pre* 
teuce  extorted  from  many  of  them  considerable  sums.     To 

*  The  sentence  Is  recorded  verbatim,    Paul.  iEmil.  Vita,  riiilippi. 

\  There  is  some  chronological  obscurity  in  this  calculation.  Rapin  says 
that  Normandy  had  been  tiiree  hundred  years  in  a  state  of  separation 
iiom  France.  Ilist.  Eng.  vol.  1.  p.  266.  Tindal,  in  his  notes,  extends  this 
period  to  three  hundred  and  twenty  years.  M.  Lc  Presid.  Henault  is  not 
I  Icar  on  the  subject ;  but  from  his  chronology  it  appears  to  have  been 
three  hundred  und  eighty-one,  or  three  hundred  and  eighty-two  years. 
Ab.  Chron.  ad  An.  912,  kc.  and  1203.  Tlie  French  historians  seem  at  a 
fess  tf)  fix  the  date  of  theestaJ)Ushment  of  RoUo  in  Normandy, 


JOHN.  19i 

begia  preparations  for  enterprises,  which  he  never  executed, 
appears  to  have  been  one  of  his  favourite  maxims  of  policy, 
as  it  aflbrded  him  an  opportunity  of  obtaining  money  by  par- 
liamentary grants,  or  arbitrary  exactions. 

Hitherto  the  troubles  of  John  had  originated  from  his  own 
misconduct,  and  the  ambition  of  Philip  Augustus.  But  for- 
eign wars  were  succeeded  by  civil  dissentions,  which  were 
ultimately  productive  of  more  fatal  effects,  and  involved  John 
in  a  quarrel  with  t!ie  Pope,  more  embarrassing  than  the  dis- 
pute between  Henry  II.  and  Becket.  This  disastrous  contest 
arose  from  a  common  occurrence,  the  death  of  Hubert,  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury.  The  election  of  the  archbishops  had, 
for  some  time,  been  a  subject  of  dispute  between  the  suffragan 
bishops  and  the  monks  of  St.  Augustine.  Immediately  after 
the  death  of  Hubert,  a  cabal  of  these  monks  met  at  midnight 
in  the  cathedral,  and  without  consulting  the  fraternity,  elected 
the  sub-prior  of  their  monastery.  This  irregular  election  was 
conducted  with  all  possible  secrecy.  The  other  monks  had 
not  the  least  suspicion  of  the  transaction  ;  and  the  sub-prior, 
attended  by  some  of  his  partisans,  immediately  set  out  for 
Rome,  in  order  to  obtain  the  papal  approbation.  But  on  his 
arrival  in  Flanders,  his  indiscretion  divulged  the  secret.  The 
whole  fraternity  of  monks,  incensed  at  the  conduct  of  the 
cabal,  proceeded  to  a  new  election  ;  and  the  bishop  of  Nor- 
wich, being  recommended  by  the  king,  was  unanimously  chosen, 
and  invested  with  the  temporalities.  Fourteen  monks  were 
sent  to  the  Pope  to  demand  the  confirmation  of  the  new  arch- 
bishop;  and,  at  the  same  time,  the  suffragan  bishops  sent  a 
deputation  to  Rome  to  complain  of  the  arrogance  of  the  monks 
in  assuming  the  right  of  election.  The  three  different  par- 
ties pleaded  their  cause  before  Innocent  III.  who  resolving 
to  take  this  opportunity  of  establisliing  a  precedent  of  pon- 
tifical authority,  annulled  both  the  elections ;  and  ordered  the 
monks  to  elect  Cardinal  Stephen  Langton,  an  Englishman  who 
Avas  then  at  the  court  of  Rome.  Surprised  at  this  unprece- 
dented injunction,  the  deputies  alleged  that  they  were  not  em- 
powered by  their  monastery  to  elect  an  archbishop  ;  besides 
that  the  king's  consent  was  necessary.  These  reasons  did 
not  a('cord  with  the  views  of  the  pontiff.     Jnnoceni  Til.  w!u» 


f9S  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

ascended  the  papal  throne  at  the  vigorous  age  of  thirty-^ve, 
was  a  man  of  a  hold  and  daring  spirit,  and  had  formed  the 
resolution  of  establishing  his  despotic  authority  over  the  chris- 
tian WO' Id.  He  told  tlic  monks  that,  as  deputies,  they  repre- 
sented the  whole  monastery  ;  and  that  the  consent  of  kings 
was  not  necessary  to  elections  made  in  his  presence.  With- 
out allowing  them  time  to  reply,  he  commanded  thoni,  under 
pain  of  excommunication,  to  elect  Cardinal  Langton  for  their 
archbishop ;  and  the  monks  overawed  by  the  presence,  and 
terrified  by  the  menaces  of  the  Pope,  reluctantly  complied 
with  his  injunctions. 

The  king  was  no  sooner  informed  of  this  transaction,  thail 
he  accused  the  monks  of  St.  Augustin  of  having  deceived 
him,  and  not  only  expelled  them  from  their  monastery,  but 
also  banished  them  from  the  kingdom.  He  then  wrote  a 
threatening  letter  to  Innocent;  but  the  pontiff'  was  not  to  bo 
terrified  by  menaces.  After  expostulating  with  John,  and  find 
ing  him  inflexible,  he  laid  the  kingdom  under  an  interdict,  a 
measure  of  papal  policy  calculated  to  strike  the  people  with 
terror,  and  induce  them  to  consider  the  king  as  the  sole  cause 
of  their  misfortunes.  Divine  service  immediately  ceased  in 
all  the  churches,  the  sacraments  were  no  longer  adminis- 
tered, except  baptism  to  infants,  and  the  eueharest  to  dying 
persons.  The  church-yards  were  shut  up,  and  the  bodies  of 
the  dead  were  thrown  into  ditches  like  dogs.  The  interdict, 
although  it  had  no  effect  on  the  king,  had  an  awful  influence 
on  the  minds  of  the  people.  The  kingdom,  indeed,  was  in  a 
horrible  state :  the  king  issued  an  edict  of  confiscation,  and  ban- 
ishment against  the  ecclesiastics  who  obeyed  the  interdict ;  but 
the  sheritts  were  unable  to  carry  the  order  into  execution  ; 
and  many  went  out  of  the  kingdom  who  preferred  a  voluntary 
exile  to  the  danger  of  being  exposed  to  the  royal  indignation. 
Some  ecclesiastics  persisted,  in  spite  of  the  interdict,  to  cele- 
brate mass  and  administer  the  sacraments ;  but  they  were 
incessantly  exposed  to  th©  insults  of  the  zealots ;  and  the 
Pope  thundered  against  them  the  sentence  of  excommunica- 
tion. Thus  the  clergy  and  people  of  England  were  exposed 
to  persecution  on  every  side,  while  neither  the  king  nor  the 
Pope  were  moved  by  their  calauiities. 


JOHN.  193 

While  the  kingdom  was  thus  groaning  under  regal  and 
papal  tyranny,  John  was  not  without  some  uneasiness.  How- 
ever he  might  disregard  the  spiritual  thunders  of  Rome,  he 
could  not,  without  some  degree  of  dread,  see  the  generality  of 
Jiis  subjects  inclining  to  the  party  of  the  Pope.  Considering 
a  strong  military  force  as  the  best  safeguard  against  his  ene- 
mies, he  raised  an  army  under  pretence  of  a  war  with  Scot- 
land. He  marched  into  the  North;  but  on  receiving  eleven 
thousand  marks  from  the  Scottish  monarch,  he  desisted  from 
the  enterprise.  Some  commotions  in  Ireland  also  furnished 
the  king  with  a  pretext  for  equipping  another  large  armament 
at  the  expense  of  the  Jews,  from  whom  he  extorted  sixty 
thousand  marks,  by  causing  them  to  be  seized  throughout  the 
kingdom  and  cruelly  treated,  until  they  consented  to  ransom 
themselves  by  the  payment  of  such  sums  of  money  as  were 
required.  Having  restored  tranquillity  in  Ireland  by  defeat- 
ing and  taking  prisoner  the  king  of  Connaught,  whose  revolt 
had  caused  the  disturbances,  and  received  the  homage  of  the 
other  Irish  princes,  he  returned  to  England,  and  imposed^ 
without  the  authority  of  parliament,  a  tax  of  a  hundred  thou- 
sand pounds  on  the  ecclesiastics,  for  the  maintenance  of  his 
army.* 

The  Pope,  although  he  saw  John  inflexible,  and  endeav- 
ouring to  render  himself  formidable,  resolved  to  push  the 
affair  to  extremity.  He  knew  that  the  king  had,  by  his  ty- 
rannical conduct,  lost  the  affections  of  his  subjects  ;  and  he 
rightly  judged  that  to  alienate  them  wholly  from  his  inter- 
est, nothing  more  was  necessary  than  to  break  the  only  bond 
by  which  they  were  still  attached  to  their  sovereign.  Per- 
ceiving him  not  to  be  moved  by  the  interdict  of  the  kingdom, 
Innocent  thundered  against  him  the  sentence  of  excommuni- 
cation, and  absolved  his  subjects  from  their  oath  of  allegiance. 
This  sentence  was  followed  by  another,  which  declared  that 
John,  being  convicted  of  rebellion  against  the  holy  see,  had 
forfeited  the  crown.  Nor  did  the  papal  thunders  consist  of 
empty  menaces.  The  Pope  committed  the  execution  of  his 
decrees  to  Philip  Augustus,  king  of  France,  and  promised  him 

»  M.  Paris,  p.  230,  Rapin  says  a  hundred  thousand  marks. 
C  C 


194}  HISTORY  or  ENGLAND. 

as  Ins  reward  the  remission  of  all  his  sins,  together  Avith  th^ 
kingdom  of  England  to  him  and  his  posterity.  He  also  pnb- 
lislied  a  croisade  against  John,  exhorting  all  christiun  princes 
to  direct  their  arms  against  the  enemy  of  the  church,  and 
sent  letters  to  the  principal  nobles,  and  the  most  distinguished 
knights  and  warriors  of  difterent  nations,  promising  to  those 
who  should  either  by  money  or  personal  service  contribute  to 
the  success  of  the  expedition,  the  same  privileges  as  were 
granted  to  persons,  who  visited  the  holy  sepulchre.* 

Philip  readily  accepted  the  commission  given  him  by  the 
Pope ;  and  the  magnitude  of  his  preparations  demonstrated 
Lis  ardent  desire  of  carrying  it  into  execution.  His  numerous 
fleet,  collected  from  all  quarters,  assembled  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Seine,  while  the  princes,  his  vassals,  and  the  great  men 
of  his  realm,  repaired  with  their  forces  to  Rouen,  the  general 
rendezvous  of  the  army.  John,  in  the  meanwhile,  exerted 
the  remains  of  his  power  in  preparing  to  oppose  the  threatened 
invasion.  He  summoned  all  his  barons  to  meet  him  at  Dover 
with  their  troops,  under  the  penalty  of  exemplary  punishment 
in  their  persons,  besides  the  confiscation  of  their  estates,  and 
issued  orders  in  the  same  menacing  stile,  that  all  the  ships 
belonging  to  his  subjects  should  immediately  repair  to  that 
place.  If  John  did  not  possess  the  art  of  gaining  the  affec- 
tions of  his  subjects,  he  knew  how  to  inspire  them  with  fear. 
Almost  all  of  them  were  disaftected,  but  as  they  had  not  yet 
formed  any  confederacy,  each  one  was  intimidated  into  a 
compliance  with  the  royal  requisition,  and  besides  a  great 
number  of  ships,  an  army  ^of  sixty  thousand  men  was  col- 
lected. 

The  two  monarchs  having  nearly  completed  their  prepara- 
tions for  attack  and  defence,  both  sides  of  the  channel  were 
overspread  with  their  troops  ;  and  the  decisive  blow  was  daily 
expected.  But  the  Pope  proved  too  refined  a  politician  for 
both  :  in  all  probability  he  had  never  intended  that  England 
should  fall  under  the  power  of  the  king  of  France ;  and  he 
took  for  himself  what  he  pretended  to  design  for  Philip  Au- 
gustus.    He  sent  Pandulphus,  his  legate,  to  John,  in  order  to 

*  Rapin,  1.  p.  271 ;  and  M.  Paris,  in  Tindal's  notes,  iblcL 


JOHN,  195 

eomplete  the  execution  of  the  pr«ject  whicli  he  had  formed. 
The  legate  passed  through  Frauee,  wliere  he  beheld  Philip's 
formidable  armament,  and  highly  applauded  his  zeal  and 
diligenee.  He  then  went  over  to  England,  under  pretence  of 
negociating  with  the  barons  in  favour  of  the  French  monarch, 
and  had  a  coiiferrence  with  Jolin  soon  after  his  arrival.  At 
this  interview^  he  represented  to  the  king  of  England  the  su- 
perior strength  of  his  enemy,  and  the  disaftection  of  his  own 
sulyeets,  and  informed  him  that  Philip  had  received  private 
assurances  from  most  of  the  English  barons,  that  instead  of 
opposing  his  arms,  they  were  ready  to  assist  him  to  the  utmost 
of  their  power.  He  intimated  that  there  remained  only  one 
way  to  secure  himself  from  the  impending  danger,  which  was 
to  put  himself  under  the  protection  of  the  Pope,  who,  in  imi- 
tation of  him  whose  representative  he  was  on  earth,  desired 
not  the  death  of  a  sinner,  but  like  a  kind  and  merciful  father, 
was  still  willing  to  receive  with  open  arms  his  peuitent  son. 

Historians  have  universally  condemned  the  pusillanimity 
shewed  by  John  in  this  singular  negociation  ;  but  the  impar- 
tial politician  must  confess  that  his  circumstances  were  pecu- 
liarly distressing.  Standing  on  the  brink  of  two  precipices 
equally  dangerous,  he  could  not  avoid  casting  himself  down 
one  or  the  other,  without  time  to  consider  which  was  the  most 
eligible.  While  Pandulph  pressed  him  incessantly  to  submit 
to  the  Pope  as  the  only  means  of  safety,  Philip  Augustus, 
ready  to  embark,  aftbrded  him  no  leisure  for  deliberation. 
But  that  which  perplexed  him  the  most  was  his  distrust  of 
his  army,  and  his  dread  of  a  treachery,  the  consequences  of 
which  could  not  fail  of  being  fatal.  On  which  side  soever 
he  turned,  he  could  see  no  alternative  but  either  to  fall  into 
the  hands  of  Philip,  or  to  throw  himself  on  the  mercy  of 
the  Pope.  He  therefore  consented  to  the  proposal  of  the  le- 
gate, and  bound  himself  by  a  solemn  oath  to  perform  whatever 
his  Holinegg  should  require.  Having  so  far  succeeded,  the 
artful  Italian  so  well  managed  the  barons,  and  intimidated 
the  king,  that  in  the  presence  of  his  astonished  subjects  he 
Said  his  crown  and  other  ensigns  of  royalty  at  the  feet  of  the 
legate,  and  solemnly  resigned  the  kingdoms  of  England  and 
Ireland  to  Pope  Innocent  III.  and  his  snccessors.    The  rcsig- 


496  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

nation  was  confirmed  and  witnesed  by  a  charter  signed  by  the 
king,  in  which  he  acknowledged  himself  a  vassal  of  the  holy 
see,  and  engaged  to  pay  an  annual  rent  of  a  thousand  marks, 
seven  hundred  for  England  and  three  hundred  for  Ireland,  and 
also  agreed  that  if  he  or  any  of  his  successors  should  refuse 
the  submission  due  to  the  Pope,  such  disobedience  should  in- 
volve a  forfeiture  of  the  crown.*  This  disgraceful  transaction 

took  place  in  the  church  of  Dover,  and  John  soon 
A  D   1211  . 

*    *        '  after  received  absolution.     In  the  following  year, 

the  king,  in  the  presence  of  all  the  barons  convened  at  West- 
minister, repeated  the  same  ceremony,  and  signed  another 
charter  which  was  scaled  with  gold,  the  other  being  »ealed 
only  with  wax,  after  which   the  kingdom  was  relieved  from 

the  interdict  under  which  it  had  groaned  for  the 
A  D  1214.  SP''*^^^  *^f  si^  years.     Cardinal  Langton  protested 

against  this  vassalage  of  England  to  Rome,  and 
laid  his  protestation  on  the  altar.  The  Pope  was  highly  in- 
censed at  a  conduct  so  hostile  to  the  interests  of  the  holy  see ; 
but  he  did  not  at  that  juncture  deem  it  expedient  to  indulge 
his  resentment.  He  took  care,  however,  to  mortify  the  car- 
dinal archbishop,  as  well  as  to  establish  his  sovereignty 
over  England,  by  commissioning  his  legate  to  fill  all  the  va- 
cant benefices,  which  were  invariably  conferred  on  Italians. 

The  reconciliation  which  had  taken  place  between  the  king 
of  England  and  the  Roman  see,  placed  Philip  Augustus  in  a 
situation  singularly  embarrassing.  All  his  preparations  were 
completed :  his  numerous  fleet  was  in  readiness  to  transport 
liis  armies  across  the  channel ;  and  his  imagination  had 
already  placed  him  on  the  throne  of  England.  But  at  the 
very  moment  in  which  he  expected  to  execute  his  grand  pro- 
ject, and  realize  his  magnificent  speculations,  he  was  informed 
by  Pandulph,  tlie  legate,  that  the  king  of  England  being 
become  an  obedient  son  of  the  church,  the  cause  of  the  arma- 
ment had  ceased,  and  the  sentence  issued  against  him  was 
revoked.  It  is  easier  to  conceive  than  express  the  astonish- 
ment and  indignation  of  the  French  monarch  on  seeing  himself 
50  egregiously  duped.     He  declared,  that,  as  he  had  made 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  235,  236,  &c.  where  see  the  charter  at  larg«. 


JOHN.  197 

these  preparations  against  England  at  the  pressing  instance 
of  the  Pope,  no  contrary  orders  should  induce,  nor  any  power 
on  ea:  til  compel  him  to  desist  from  his  design.  He  tlien  con- 
Tcned  a  general  assembly  of  the  vassal  princes  of  France,  to 
whom  he  painted  the  conduct  of  Innocent  HI.  in  the  hlackest 
colours.  His  aim  was  to  assure  himself  of  the  support  of 
his  vassals  in  spite  of  the  papal  censures.  All  of  them  seemed 
inclined  to  comply  with  his  intentions,  except  the  carl  of 
Flanders,  who  opposed  the  expedition  against  England,  and 
reprobated  the  ambition  and  injustice  of  Philip,  not  only 
respecting  that  enterprise,  hut  also  in  regard  to  the  conquest 
of  Normandy,  and  the  other  provinces  of  which  John  had 
been  deprived  by  his  arms.  This  opposition  from  the  earl 
furnished  Philip  with  a  pretext  for  marching  his  army  into 
Flandors.  His  progress,  at  first,  was  extremely  rapid,  and 
the  ruin  of  the  earl  would,  in  all  probability,  have  been  im- 
mediately completed,  had  not  the  English  fleet  engaged  and 
entirely  defeated  that  of  France.  Some  of  the  French  his- 
torians say,  that  the  fleet  of  Philip  consisted  of  seventeen 
hundred  ships ;  but  M.  Le  President  Henault  considers  the 
statement  as  exaggerated.*  That  author  relates,  that  the  En- 
glish fleet  amounted  to  five  hundred  sail.  Rapin  does  not 
mention  the  number  of  ships  on  either  side  ;  but  only  says, 
that  the  Englisli  took  three  hundred,  and  sunk  one  hundred. 
Henault  says,  that  the  French  fleet  was  entirely  destroyed.! 
After  John  had  placed  himself  under  the  protection  of  the 
Pope,  he  hoped  to  experience  more  obedience  from  his  subjects 
than  he  could  have  expected  while  under  the  sentence  of  ex- 
communication. Philip  Augustus  being  engaged  in  an  important 
Mar  with  (he  emperor  Otho,  who  had  joined  his  forces  to  those 
of  the  earl  of  Flanders,  John  considered  the  juncture  as  af- 
fording a  favourable  opportunity  for  recovering  his  former 
possessions  in  France.  After  making  the  preparations  ne- 
cessary for  so  important  an  enterprise,  he  sailed  to  Rochelle 
with  a  numerous  array,  and  entering  Poitou,  quickly  reduced 

•  Hen.  Ab.  Chron.  An.  1213.  It  is  improbable  that  these  cuxumstances 
should  be  accurately  known, 
t  Rapin  1,  p.  273.    Henault  Ab.  Chron.  ubi  supra. 


198  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

that  province  to  his  obedience.  He  then  proceeded  int© 
Anjou,  where  a  success  nearly  simular  at  first  attended  his 
arms.  Philip  bein^  absent  in  Flanders,  could  not  leave  that 
country  to  oppose  this  sudden  attack ;  but  his  son,  prince 
Louis,  haviu!^  raised  an  army,  marched  against  the  English, 
and  either  defeated  them  or  at  least  compelled  them  to  retreat. 
Notwithstanding  this  check,  John  had  forces  sufficient  to 
carry  on  the  war  with  the  prospect  of  a  favourable  issue  ;  but 

the  victory  which  Philip   Augustus  gained  at  Bo- 
A'D   l^H  ^''"^s  ^^'^^'  t'^^  emperor  Otho,  totally  extinguished 

his  hopes.  In  this  famous  battle,  the  army  of 
the  emperor  and  his  allies,  the  earl  of  Flanders,  and  the 
dukes  of  Louvain  and  Brabant,  is  said,  by  some  historians,  to 
have  consisted  of  a  hundred  and  twenty,  and,  by  others,  of  a 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men  ;  while  that  of  the  king  of 
France  was  greatly  inferior  in  number.*  Philip,  although 
thrown  from  his  horse,  and  trodden  under  foot,  was  so  fortu- 
nate as  to  gain  the  most  decisive  victory  that  had  crowned 
the  French  arms  since  the  days  of  Charlemagne.  A  dreadful 
slaughter  Avas  made  of  the  allies;  and  the  earl  of  Flanders 
and  Boulogne,  with  three  other  earls,  were  made  prisoners.f 
After  this  battle,  no  prince  of  Europe  dared  to  contend  in 
arms  with  Philip  Augustus.  The  king  of  England  made  a 
precipitate  retreat  from  France  ;  and  through  the  interference 
of  the  Pope,  a  truce  was  agreed  on  between  the  two  monarchs. 
After  so  many  troubles,  John  might  have  hoped  to  spend  the 
remnant  of  his  days  in  tranquillity,  in  the  degraded  state  of 
vassalage  and  under  the  shelter  of  papal  protection.  But 
a  storm,  not  less  dreadful  than  those  to  which  he  had  al- 
ready been  exposed,  had  long  been  gathering,  and  his 
duplicity  at  length  rendered  it  fatal.  His  past  conduct, 
which  had  been  a  compound  of  cruelty,  imprudence,  indo- 
lence, and  capricious  tyranny,  had  long  since  alienated  the 
affections  of  his  subjects.     As  soon  as  he  returned  from  his 

•  Henault  stales  the  army  of  the  emperor  at  150,000 ;  and  that  of  the 
king  of  France  at  only  50,000.  Ab.  Chron.  An.  1214. — Tintlal  estimates 
Otho's  army  at  120,000.    Vide  Note  on  Rapin,  vol.  1.  p.  274. 

I  Tindal's  Notes,  ibid.  Henault  mentions  only  the  earls  of  Flanders 
and  Boulogne.    Ab.  chron.  An.  1214. 


JOHN.  199 

French  expedition,  the  barons,  who  had  long  had  their  oliject  in 
view,  resolved  to  demand,  in  a  body,  the  re-establishment  of 
what  they  considered  as  their  privileges.  At  the  time  of  the 
eonquest,  the  Normans  and  other  foreigners  were  enriched  by 
the  spoils  of  the  English,  who  in  vain  alleged  their  privileges. 
The  Normans  did  not  object  against  the  despotic  authority  of 
the  king,  so  long  as  it  was  exercised  for  their  advantage.  But 
when  they  saw  themselves  firmly  settled  in  their  new  acquisi- 
tions, they  began  to  perceive  the  danger  of  their  situation 
under  an  arbitrary  power,  which  might  deprive  them  of  what 
the  Conqueror  had  given  to  their  ancestors.*  By  degrees  they 
became  anglicised:  they  imbibed  the  English  genius:  and 
desired  the  re-establishment  of  the  Saxon  laws  of  the  time 
6f  Edward  the  Confessor.  For  this  purpose,  they  availed 
themselves  of  the  circumstances  of  William  II.  Henry  I.  and 
Stephen,  at  their  accession.  As  these  princes  had  not  a  legi- 
timate right  to  the  crown,  they  were  obliged  to  be  indulgent 
to  those  who  placed  it  on  their  heads,  and  to  promise  them 
the  revival  of  the  Saxon  laws  :  Henry  II.  in  order  to  secure 
the  aftectious  of  his  subjects,  made  pretences  to  the  same  ef- 
fect. But  not  one  of  these  kings  adhered  to  their  solemn  en- 
gagements. Although  reasons  of  policy  induced  them  to 
promise  what  they  never  intended  to  perform,  they  knew  that 
the  Normans  had  no  right  to  demand  the  restoration  of  the 
Saxon  laws,  without  the  abolition  of  which,  they  could  not 
have  been  settled  in  their  English  estates.  Ever  since  the 
accession  of  William  Ilufus,  this  contest  between  prerogative 
and  privilege,  had  been  in  a  fluctuating  state ;  and  the  bal- 
ance had  inclined  to  one  side  or  the  other,  as  the  power  of  the 
king  or  the  barons  happened  to  preponderate. 

The  period  now  under  consideration  was  extremely  favoura- 
ble to  the  baronial  pretensions.  John  was  hated  and  despised 
by  the  whole  nation  :  Philip  Augustus  was  his  enemy;  and 
as  to  the  assistance  which  he  might  expect  from  the  Pope,  it 
could  consist  only  of  spiritual  arms — weapons  which  have  no 
edge,  except  what  they  derive  from  fear,  or  from  the  cireum- 

*  The  absolute  autbority  of  William  in  England  was  the  effect  of  the 
conquest,  lu  Norniandy  his  po\\ei'  was  very  limited.  ViJe  Tyrrel  Bib- 
lioth  polit.  10. 


200  HISTORY    OF    ENGLANDr 

stances  of  tlic  limes.  Besides  these  considerations,  the  king 
having  lost  his  French  provinces,  could  draw  no  support  from 
that  quarter. 

The  barons,  emboldened  by  this  favourable  concurrence  of 
circumstances,  presented  a  petition  to  the  king,  demanding,  in 
the  most  respectful  language,  but  in  plain  and  express  terms, 
the  re-establishmeut  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  laws.  John,  alarmed 
at  a  demand  which  he  was  unwilling  to  grant,  but  dared  not 
openly  reject,  desired  them  to  wait  for  an  answer  till  Easter  j 
and  tlie  barons,  although  they  plainly  perceived  that  his 
design  Avas  only  to  amuse  them,  thought  fit  to  accede  to  the 
proposal,  in  order  to  avoid  the  imputation  of  precipitancy.* 

The  term  being  expired,  most  of  the  principal  lords  of  the 
kingdom  assembled  at  Stamford,  and  were  attended  by  two 
thousand  knights  and  their  followers,  composing,  altogether, 
a  formidable  army.  The  king  sent  the  earl  of  Pembroke, 
and  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  to  receive  their  memorial ; 
but  as  soon  as  he  saw  its  contents,  he  fell  into  a  violent  pas- 
sion, and  uttering  the  most  dreadful  imprecations,  said,  that 
the  barons  intended  to  deprive  him  of  the  government  of  the 
kingdom.  The  confederate  lords  being  convinced  that  their 
demands  were  to  be  obtained  only  by  force,  chose  Robert  Fitz- 
Walter  for  their  general,  with  the  imposing  title  of  "mares- 
"  chal  of  the  army  of  God  and  of  the  holy  church."  They 
commenced  their  military  operations  by  the  siege  of  the  cas- 
tle of  Northampton,  which  they  afterwards  raised,  and  made 
themselves  masters  of  Bedford.  At  the  same  time  tliey  had 
secretly  entered  into  a  treaty  with  some  of  the  principal  citi- 
zens of  London,  who  agreed  to  deliver  to  them  one  of  the 
gates  of  the  city.  On  being  informed  of  the  successful  issue 
of  the  negociation,  they  advanced  with  the  greatest  expedition 
to  London,  and  coming  to  x\ldgate,  which  was  opened  to  them, 
they  entered  the  city  before  the  king,  who  was  in  the  Tower, 
had  notice  of  their  approach.  Having  thus  become  mas- 
ters of  the  city,  they  immediately  laid  siege  to  the  Tower,  and 
dispatched  circular  letters  to  the  lords  of  the  royal  party,  as 
well  as  to  those  who  stood  neuter,  informing  them  t!\at  their 

•  The  names  of  the  confedevate  barons  are  given  by  INI.  Pans,p.254. 


JOHN.  SOi 

estates  would  be  plundered  and  their  houses  demolished,  if 
they  did  not  immediately  join  them  in  supporting  the  common 
cause.  These  menaces  had  their  desired  effect :  many  lords, 
on  whom  the  king  most  relied,  were  impelled  by  fear  to  join 
the  baronial  standard  ;  and  John  being  apprised  of  the  gene- 
ral defection,  took  the  only  measure  that  in  his  situation  was 
practicable.  He  informed  the  barons  that  he  was  ready  to 
grant  (heir  demands  ;  and  a  plain  called  Runnemede,*  which? 
according  to  Matthew  of  Westminster,  signifies  in  the  Saxon 
language  the  meadow  of  council,  from  its  having  been  ancient- 
ly used  for  the  meeting  of  national  assemblies,  was  appointed 
as  a  place  of  interview  for  the  final  adjustment  of  the  affair. 
In  this  place,  so  memorable  in  English  history,  the  king  ac- 
ceded to  all  tlie  baronial  demands  which  were  contained  in 
the  two  charters,  one  called  Magna  Charta,  or  the  great  char- 
ter, and  the  other  the  charter  of  the  forests.  These  two  fa- 
mous charters  were  signed  by  the  king,  and  by  all  the  lords 
spiritual  and  temporal.  They  were  also  confirmed  by  the 
king's  solemn  oath,  and  strengthenedby  every  precaution  that 
could  be  devised  for  their  observance. 

In  this  accommodation  with  the  barons,  the  king  had  pre- 
tended voluntarily  to  grant  what  was,  in  reality,  extoited  by 
force,  and  he  resolved,  as  soon  as  possible,  to  free  himself 
from  the  restraints  imposed  on  his  authority.  The  foreigners 
whom  he  entertained  near  his  person,  were  sensible  that  the 
diminution  of  the  regal  power  would  be  fatal  to  their  own  in- 
fluence ;  and  they  incessantly  urged  him  to  shake  off  the  yoke. 
The  measure  was  perfectly  agreeable  to  his  own  inclination, 
but  the  execution  involved  formidable  difficulties,  as  he  knew 
not  where  to  procure  either  men  or  money,  to  enable  him  to 
contend  with  a  whole  nation  in  arms.  Despair,  however,  sug- 
gested an  expedient.  Recollecting  the  example  of  William 
the  Conqueror,  he  dispatched  his  agents  into  France,  Flan- 
ders, and  Germany,  with  orders  to  promise  to  those  that 
would  enter  his  service,  the  confiscated  estaies  of  the  English 
barons,  and  authority  to  sign  the  specific  grants  in  his  name. 
By  similar  engagements  William  had  raised  an  army,  which 

*'■  Rrtwcen  Westminster  and  Staines. 


S02  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

had  made  him  master  of  England,  while  his  followers  lituS^ 
acquired  immense  possessions ;  and  the  remembrance  of  their 
success  excited  an  incredible  number  of  daring  adventurers  to 
enter  the  service  of  John,  in  hopes  of  the  same  ad\  antages. 
While  his  agents  were  actively  employed  in  levying  troops, 
tlie  English  monarch  was  securing  the  support  which  might 
be  derived  from  the  papal  authority.  Convinced  by  fatal  ex- 
perience, how  greatl}'^  that  formidable  power  might  either  pro- 
mote or  impede  the  execution  of  his  plans,  he  solicited  the  as- 
sistance of  his  Holiness,  representing,  that  as  a  vassal  of  the 
holy  sec,  he  had  protested  against  the  charters  which  contain- 
ed so  many  encroachments  on  the  regal  power,  and  conse- 
quently on  that  of  the  Pope,  the  paramount  sovereign.  Inno- 
cent III.  being  thus  flattered  in  the  most  sensible  part,  annull- 
ed the  charters,  and  commanded  the  barons  to  renounce  their 
"pretensions,  under  pain  of  excommunication.  The  court  of 
'Rome  had  now  entirely  changed  its  language.  John,  so  lately 
the  enemy  of  the  church,  and  the  object  of  a  croisade,  was, 
since  his  submission  to  the  Pope,  cried  up  as  the  most  pious 
of  princes,  and  proposed  as  a  model  to  christian  monarchs. 
while  the  barons  were  stigmatised  as  rebels  and  apostates. 

While  these  things  were  transacting  with  all  possible  se~ 
creey,  the  king,  in  order  to  elude  suspicion,  seemed  totally 
negligent  of  every  concern^  and'choosing  the  Isle  of  Wight 
for  his  residence,  passed  his  time  in  conversing  with  sailors 
and  fishermen.  The  people,  in  the  meanwhile,  were  forming 
various  conjectures  concerning  the  causes  of  his  retirement, 
and  the  barons  were  amusing  themselves  with  jocularly  ob- 
serving, that  he  was  about  to  turn  either  fisherman,  merchant, 
or  pirate.  But  they  had  little  apprehension  of  the  storm  tJiat 
was  about  to  burst  on  their  heads.  The  king's  affairs  were 
transacted  with  a  secrecy  that  appears  almost  incredible ;  but 
in  those  ages  the  channels  of  intercourse  between  different 
countries  were  not  so  numerous  and  open,  nor  the  communica- 
tion of  intelligence  so  easy  and  rapid  as  in  modern  times.* 
During  the  space  of  three  montlis,  John  remained  in  his  se- 

*  Vide  Bouquet  Rec.  iles  Hist.  vol.  7.  p.  6T5,  and  vol.  10  p.  351 ;  and 

Rohci'tsnii's  Hist.  Cliarles  V^  vol.  I.  note  29. 


JOHX.  SOS 

^uestered  recess,  waiting  in  anxious  suspense  the  return  of 
Lis  agents,  and  the  arrival  of  his  foreign  troops.  At  lengtjU 
having  received  advice  of  their  readiness  for  embarkation,  he 
left  his  retreat  and  repaired  to  Dover,  where  he  soon  had  the 
satisfaction  of  seeing  the  arrival  of  vast  numbers  of  adven- 
turers from  France,  Flanders,  and  Brabant,  all  soldiers  of  for- 
tune, and  willing  to  hazard  their  lives  to  obtain  an  estate. 
With  these  forces,  John  prepared  to  treat  the  posterity  of  the 
Norman  conquerors  as  they  had  formerly  treated  the  English. 
He  commenced  his  operations  by  the  siege  of  Rochester, 
>yhich  he  captured,  and  put  most  of  the  garrison  to  death. 
After  this  success,  he  proceeded  to  ravage  the  estates  of  the 
barons,  Avho  hnding  themselves  unable  to  keep  the  field, 
took  refuge  in  London.  Dividing  his  army  into  two  bodies, 
Le  gave  one  to  his  natural  brother  the  earl  of  Salisbury,  m  itU 
orders  to  ravage  the  southern  counties,  while  he  himself,  with 
the  other,  marched  towards  the  northern  parts.  Having  cross- 
ed the  Thames,  the  king  advanced  through  St.  Alban's  to 
Dunstable,  Northampton,  and  Nottingham,  demolishing  the 
houses  of  the  nobles,  and  devastating  their  estates.  The  earl 
of  Salisbury  at  the  same  time  desolated  Essex,  Hertford, 
Middlesex,  Cambridgeshire,  and  Huntingdonshire.*  But 
during  the  absence  of  these  two  armies,  a  numerous  body  of 
the  barons  and  their  followers  took  the  field,  and  traversing 
Norfolk,  Suffolk,  and  some  parts  of  the  neighbouring  coun- 
ties, they  demolished  the  houses,  and  laid  >vaste  the  estates  of 
the  king's  adherents.  Never  did  England  exhibit  a  more 
melancholy  picture.  The  Pope  fulminated  the  sentence  of 
excommunication  against  the  revolted  barons,  and  laid  the 
city  of  London  under  an  interdict  for  having  espoused  their 
cause.  The  spiritual  weapons  of  the  Pope,  however,  could 
only  inspire  imaginary  terrors,  but  the  temporal  arms  of  the 
king  were  productive  of  dreadful  realities.  He  displayed, 
with  unfeeling  barbarity,  the  direful  effects  of  his  vengeance  ; 
and  the  whole  kingdom  was  given  as  a  prey  to  foreign  des- 
peradoes, who  set  no  bounds  to  their  rapacity.  It  is  easy  to 
conceive  tlKJ  outrages  to  which  the  people  must  have  been  ex- 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  274,  &c« 


g04i  HISTORY  OP  ENGLAND. 

posed  amidst  those  anarchical  scenes  of  military  licenee  an(l 
universal  pillage. 

The  confederate  lords  were  now  in  a  most  deplorable  con- 
dition :  instead  of  recovering  their  privileges,  they  were  be- 
reaved of  their  property :  they  saw  tlieir  estates  given  by 
the  king  to  foreigners,  and  their  souls  consigned  to  Satan  by 
the  papal  anathema.  This  desj)erate  situation  impelled  them 
to  take  a  desperate  course.  They  resolved  to  call  iu  the  aid 
of  Philip  Augustus,  whose  power,  though  unable  to  deliver 
them  from  the  gripe  of  the  devil,  might  support  them  against 
the  tyranny  of  the  king  ;  and  they  offered  the  crown  to  his  son 
Prince  Louis,  on  condition  that  he  should  bring  into  England 
an  army  sufficiently  strong  to  wrest  it  from  their  oppressor. 
The  French  monarch,  without  hesitation,  accepted  the  offer : 
he  had  before  meditated  the  conquest  of  England ;  but  the 
destruction  of  his  fleet,  rather  than  the  menaces  of  the  Pope, 
had  obliged  him  to  desist  from  the  enterprise  ;  and  he  con- 
sidered the  juncture  as  extremely  favourable  to  its  renew- 
al. A  treaty  was  therefore  soon  concluded  ;  and  a  body  of 
troops  was  immediately  sent  to  the  aid  of  the  barons,  with 
assurances  that  the  prince  should  soon  follow  with  a  power- 
ful army. 

Innocent  III.  was  no  sooner  apprized  of  these  transactions 
than  he  dispatched  his  legate  to  France,  in  order  to  put  a 
stop  to  the  preparations.  The  legate,  in  the  name  of  the 
Pope,  forbad  Philip  to  carry  his  arms  into  England,  as  being 
a  part  of  St.  Peter's  patrimony,  and  denounced  the  penalty 
of  excommunication  against  any  person  that  should  directly, 
or  indirectly,  assist  the  English  barons.  The  French  mon- 
arch, regardless  of  these  menaces,  replied,  that  England  was 
no  part  of  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  as  it  was  evident  that 
neither  John  nor  any  other  prince  could  subject  his  kingdom 
to  the  Pope,  without  the  consent  of  the  states.  Yet,  as  Rapin 
observes,  this  was  "  the  same  Philip  who,  three  years  before,  by 
"  the  sole  authority  of  a  papal  commission,  considered  him- 
"  self  as  entitled  to  the  crown  of  England.  The  same  bar- 
"  ons  also  who  scrupled  to  obey  John,  when  under  the  sen- 
"  tence  of  excommunication,  disregarded  the  anathemas  of 
,"  Rome  when  directed  against  themselves,  so  readily  can  meu 


JOHN.  205 

"  make  their  religious  principles  correspond  u  ith  their  in- 
"  terests." 

The  papal  prohibition  did  not  interrupt  the  preparations  of 
PhiHp  Augustus  ;  and  his  son  Louis  was  soon  ready  to  sail 
with  a  fleet  of  six  luindred  ships,  and  fourteen  small  vessels.* 
The  king  of  England  not  thinking  himself  able  to  prevent 
his  landing,  retired  to  Winchester,  and  the  French  prince 
arriving  at  Sandwich,  disembarked  his  army  with- 
\.  D*1216  owt  opposition.  He  commenced  his  operations  by 
an  attack  on  Rochester,  whifli  surrendered  after  a 
feeble  resistance :  and  the  capture  of  that  city  Mas  followed 
by  the  submission  of  the  whole  county  of  Kent,  except  Dover 
castle,  where  John  had  placed  a  strong  garrison. 

The  Pope  having  been  unable  to  prevent  the  French  expe- 
dition, had  commissioned  the  abbot  of  St.  Augustine's,  to  de- 
clare prince  Louis  excommunicated  the  moment  that  he  should 
set  foot  upon  English  ground.  In  consequence  of  these  or- 
ders, the  abbot  fulminated  the  sentence  of  excommunication 
against  Louis  and  all  his  adherents.  The  thunders  of  the 
church,  however,  did  not  impede  the  progress  of  the  French 
prince.  From  Rochester  he  advanced  to  London,  where  the 
citizens  and  barons  swore  fealty  to  him,  and  he  pledged  him- 
self by  a  solemn  oath  to  reinstate  them  in  their  possessions, 
aud  restore  their  privileges.  From  that  period  Louis  acted 
as  king  of  England,  and  having  appointed  for  his  chancellor 
Simon  Langton,  whose  election  to  the  archbishopric  of  York 
had  been  annulled  by  the  Pope,  that  prelate  persuaded  the 
barons  and  the  Londoners  to  despise  the  censures  of  Rome. 
Mass  was  therefore  celebrated,  and  the  sacraments  adminis- 
tered as  usual,  notwithstanding  the  interdict. 

Louis  having  soon  become  master  of  most  of  the  southern 
counties,  proceeded  into  the  eastern  parts,  and  reduced  Essex, 
Suffolk,  Norfolk,  and  Lincolnshire.  His  adherents  also  took 
York,  and  Alexander  I  king  of  Scotland,  who  came  to  do 
him  homage,  subdued  for  him  the  county  of  Northumberland. 
Louis  was  already  preparing  to  complete  the  conquest  of  the 
fiiortli  of  England,  when  he  received  a  letter  from  his  father, 

•  M.  Paris,  p.  282.    Rapiu  says  seven  hundred. 


S06  HISTORY  OP  ENGLAND. 

eontaiuing  a  reproof  for  leaving  behind  biiu  the  castles  of 
Dover  and  Windsor,  uhich  Pliilip  deemed  of  greater  im- 
portaoce  than  the  northern  parts  of  the  kingdom.  In  conse- 
quence of  this  reprimand,  Louis  marched  back  and  laid  siege 
lo  Dover,  while  Windsor  was  invested  by  the  English  barous. 
About  this  time  John  had  the  mortification  of  seeing  himself 
deserted  by  his  Flemish  and  Poitevin  troops,  >vhom  Louis 
found  means  to  entice  away  from  his  service. 

The  French  and  baronial  troops  being  occupied  in  the 
sieges  of  Dover  and  Windsor,  John,  who  till  then  had  thought 
himself  too  weak  to  take  the  field,  left  Winchester,  and 
marched  into  Suifolk  and  Norfolk,  where  he  again  devastate^ 
the  estates  of  several  of  the  barons.*  From  thence  he  pro- 
ceeded to  Stamford,  and  afterwards  to  the  confines  of  AVales, 
where  he  demolished  (lie  castles  of  the  lords  who  had  espous- 
ed the  party  of  Louis. t  The  unhappy  monarch  was  now 
continually  in  motion,  carefully  avoiding  a  battle,  as  he  could 
place  little  confidence  in  his  troops,  and  apprehended  that  his 
officers,  most  of  whom  were  French,  might  consult  their  own 
interests,  by  betraying  a  master  whose  cause  began  to  seem 
desperate.  He  retired  to  Lynn  with  his  treasures,  his  crown, 
and  (he  other  regalia;  but  on  the  approach  of  the  barons,  he 
thought  it  expedient  to  remove  to  some  place  of  greater  se- 
curity.:}: Li  this  view,  he  commenced  his  retreat  into  Lin- 
colnshire; but  in  crossing  the  wash  which  separates  that 
county  from  Norfolk,  some  misinformation  respecting  the  flow 
of  the  tide,  or  more  probably  some  unforeseen  and  unavoid- 
able impediment  to  his  inarch,  exposed  him  to  a  fatal  dis- 
aster.§  Before  the  passage  could  be  completely  effected,  he 
was  overtaken  by  the  tide,  and  all  his  baggage  was  swept 
aM'ay  by  the  waters.  He  arrived  thai  night  at  the  abbey  of 
Swineshead,  where  he  took  up  his  lodging.     Excessive  grief 

•  M.  Paris,  p.  286. 

t  Id.  p.  287. 

T  in  acknowledgment  of  the  loyalty  wlilch  the  town  of  Lynn  liad  inva. 
riably  shewn,  John,  among  other  great  prh  ileges  and  iionours,  erected  it 
into  a  maj'oralt}',  and  presented  the  first  mayor  wil'h  his  own  sword. 

§  Tiiis  marsh,  or  shallow,  which  is  regula;ly  overfiovicd  by  the  tide,  is 
vccW  known  by  the  name  of  Cross  Keys  Wasi:. 


JOHN.  207 

for  his  loss,  which  in  his  circumstances  was  irreparable,  in 
concurrence  with  the  effects  of  continual  fatigue  and  disap- 
pointment, threw  him  into  a  fever,  accompanied  with  a  dys- 
■entery.  Tne  next  morning,  being  unable  to  ride,  he  was  car- 
ried in  a  litter  to  Sleaford,  and  the  day  after  to  Newark, 
where,  after  making  his  will,  by  which  he  appointed  his  son 
Henry,  then  only  ten  years  of  age,  his  successor,  he  expired 

in  the  lifty-first  year  of  his  age,  and  eighteenth  of 
AD  1216  ^^  ^^'S"»  which  had  been  as  unhappy  as  any  that 

is  recorded  in  history.* 
The  character  of  John,  as  depicted  by  the  generality  of 
historians,  appears  a  compound  of  all  the  vices  that  can  de- 
grade humanity.  Some  allowances,  however,  must  be  made 
for  popular  prejudices,  and  the  exaggerations  of  writers,  as 
■well  as  for  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  monarch.  The 
ravages  of  his  foreign  army  caused  him  to  be  regarded  as 
the  destroyer  of  his  country  :  he  died  under  the  curse  of  pub- 
lic resentment ;  and  it  is  therefore  no  wonder  that  those  who 
were  so  hostile  to  his  government,  should  endeavour  (o  black- 
en his  memory.  Although  his  indolence,  while  Philip  Au- 
g^istus  was  conquering  his  dominions  in  France,  has  branded 
his  character  with  cowardice,  yet,  from  a  general  view  of  his 
conduct,  he  seems  to  have  possessed  a  considerable  degree  of 
courage.  His  base  resignation  of  his  crown  to  the  Pope  may 
he  ascribed  to  the  terrible  circumstances  in  which  he  was 
placed.  His  perfidy  to  his  barons,  and  his  introduction  of 
foreign  troops  to  oppress  his  own  subjects,  resulted  from  his 
love  of  arbitrary  power.  The  example,  however,  Avas  fol- 
lowed by  the  barons  themselves.  If  the  king,  when  his  af- 
fairs seemed  desperate,  subjected  his  kingdom  to  the  Pope, 
the  Barons,  in  a  similar  moment  of  distress,  gave  it  to  the 
son  of  the  French  monarch,  the  avowed  enemy  of  England, 
who  ravaged  the  country  with  an  army  of  foreigners.  Im- 
partial history  must  therefore  allow,  that,  on  both  sides,  im- 
perious circumstances  dictated  these  desperate  measures.  I» 
*  John  reigned  seventeen  years,  seven  months,  and  ten  days.  Some  wri- 
ters pretend  that  he  was  poisoncil ;  but  besides  tiie  circumstance  not  be- 
ing mentioned  by  any  historian  tiiat  lived  within  sixty  years  cf  the  time, 
the  talc  itself  appears  too  romantic  to  merit  attention.  See  RapJn  anti 
Tindal's  notes,  2.  p.  279. 


SOS  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

his  contest  with  the  Pope,  tlie  cause  of  the  king  was  jusf^ 
although  unsuccessful.  In  the  dispute  with  the  barons,  jus- 
tice was  on  their  side  :  they  contended  for  their  own  liberties: 
he  laboured  to  preserve  that  system  of  arbitrary  power  which 
none  of  his  predecessors  had  ever  been  willing  to  relinquish. 
But  when  the  character  of  John  is  viewed  in  the  most  fav- 
ourable light,  it  appears,  from  the  plain  evidence  of  facts, 
that  his  disposition  was  cruel,  and  his  administration  tyran- 
nical. The  number  of  his  natural  children  are  also  convinc- 
ing proofs  that,  in  his  private,  as  well  as  his  public  life,  he 
paid  little  regard  to  moral  restraints ;  and  no  eminent  quali- 
fication can  be  found  in  his  character  to  balance  his  numerous 
vices.*  But  the  judicious  observer  will  perceive,  that,  had 
it  not  been  his  misfortune  to  be  placed  in  contact  with  the 
superior  genius  of  Philip  Augustus,  the  enterprising  ambition 
of  Innocent  III.  and  the  turbulence  of  powerful  harous,  his 
reign  might  have  presented  a  very  different  aspect ;  and  as 
mankind  commonly  estimate  the  measures  of  princes  by  their 
success,  historians  would  probably  have  exhibited  his  charac- 
ter in  less  disgusting  colours.  Perhaps  no  mortal  was  ever 
more  desirous  of  obtaining  a  crown  than  John,  and  no  one 
ever  experienced  more  fully  its  troubles  and  cares. 

The  reign  of  this  prince  is  celebrated  in  history  as  the  aera 
of  the  first  dawn  of  English  liberty.  The  royal  authority, 
indeed,  was  confined  within  fixed  limits  ;  and  the  privileges 
of  the  nobility  and  clergy  were  accurately  defined  by  the 
Magna  Cliarta.  But  amidst  all  the  struggles  between  the 
crown  and  the  barons,  no  regard  was  paid  to  the  rights  of 
the  people.  The  great  mass  of  the  peasantry  remained  in  a 
state  of  feudal  bondage,  attached  to  the  soil,  and  considered 
as  the  property  of  their  lords,  like  the  sheep  and  oxen  upon 
their  estates. t  Notwithstanding  what  historians  relate  con- 
cerning the  struggles  for  freedom,  both  the  barons  and  the 

•  Tindal,  in  his  notes  on  Rapin,  vol.  1.  p.  280,  gives  the  names  of  eight 
©f  his  natural  children,  viz.  six  sons  and  two  daughters. 

f  Those  who  had  the  guardianship  of  an  heii*  were  to  preserve  the 
lands  entire,  without  destruction  or  waste  of  the  men  or  ih'ngs  upon 
the  estate.  '•  Sine  destrucdone  et  vasto  hominum  vel  rerum."  Ma^na 
Charta,  cap.  5. 


JOHN.  S09 

iilergy  were  the  decided  enemies  of  public  liberty,  and  their 
parties  must  be  considered  as  factions  in  the  state  subversive 
of  the  common  rights  of  mankind.  In  the  feudal  ages,  kings 
were  the  chief  and  almost  the  only  friends  of  real  freedom. 
Their  interest  prompted  them  to  balance  the  power  of  the 
barons,  by  exalting  the  great  body  of  the  people  ;  and  even 
John,  whom  historians  depict  as  one  of  the  greatest  of  ty- 
rants, was,  perhaps,  more  a  friend  to  general  liberty  than  his 
turbulent  barons,  who  contended  so  strenuously  for  their  own 
privileges.  This  monarch  erected  several  corporations  or 
frecboroughs,  aud  first  gave  to  the  city  of  London  its  excel- 
lent civic  constitution  by  granting  to  the  citizens  authority  to 
elect,  annually,  their  mayor,  whose  office,  before,  was  for  life, 
as  also  to  cliuse  their  sheriffs,  and  common  council.*  These 
were  the  first  steps  toward  popular  freedom  ;  sind  from  that 
period  the  city  of  London  began  to  hold  the  balance  between 
the  crown  and  the  aristocracy. 

•  These  important  privileges  were  granted  to  the  city  of  London 
A.  T).  1208.  See  the  account  of  the  transaction  in  Stowe's  Surv.  b.  5. 
p.  101. 


F.  C 


SIO 


HENRY  in. 


Menry  III.  as  already  observed,  was  only  ten  years  of  age 
>vlien  the  death  of  his  father  devolved  upon  him  the  precari- 
ous succession  to  a  disputed  throne.  An  infant  king  appeared 
unlikely  to  contend  against  the  formidable  power  of  France, 
and  most  of  the  barons  of  England ;  and  a  few  lords,  who 
had  firmly  adhered  to  the  king,  his  father,  with  a  foreign 
army  of  doubtful  fidelity,  were  the  only  instruments  that  he 
could  employ  in  support  of  his  right.  In  the  earl  of  Pem- 
broke, however,  young  Henry  found  a  subject  equally  loyal, 
courageous,  and  politic  ; — equally  capable  of  projecting  and 
executing  the  greatest  designs.  This  nobleman  assembled  the 
few  lords  who  adhered  to  his  party,  and  addressing  them  with 
all  the  force  of  eloquence  and  argument,  prevailed  on  them 

to  recognize  Henry  as  their  king.  A  day  was  ap- 
A*D  1216  pointed  for  his  coronation,  which  was  solemnized 

at  Gloucester,  in  presence  of  ihe  pope's  legate,  and 
of  an  inconsiderable  number  of  spiritual  and  temporal  peers. 
As  things  were  circumstanced,  the  ceremony  could  not  be  per- 
formed with  great  pomp.  The  crown  being  lost  in  John's 
disastrous  passage  over  Cross  Keys  Wash,  a  plain  circle  or 
ehapletof  gold,  such  as  time  and  circumstances  allowed  them 
to  procure  was  substituted  in  its  place.  After  the  coronation 
was  performed,  the  legate  caused  the  young  king  to  do  homage 
to  the  holy  see ;  a  requisition  with  which  it  would  have  been 
extremely  dangerous  to  refuse  compliance  at  a  moment  when 
the  Pope's  assistance  was  so  greatly  wanted,  and  when  all 


HENRY    III.  Sll 

sorts  of  arms,  both  spiritual  and  temporal,  were  necessary  to 
combat  the  hosts  of  foreign  and  domestic  foes,  by  which  the 
throne  of  the  infant  king  was  surrounded.* 

In  the  mean  while,  the  confederate  barons  were  highly 
dissatisfied  with  Louis,  who  treated  them  with  apparent  dis- 
trust, and  conferred  all  honours  and  rewards  on  the  foreigners 
who  followed  his  standard.  Previous  to  the  death  of  John, 
their  disaffection  to  Louis  began  to  arise,  and  it  was  fomented 
by  an  improbable  report  that  was  artfully  circulated.  It  was 
asserted,  that  Louis  had,  in  a  private  council  of  sixteen  French 
lords,  declared  his  intention  of  banishing  all  the  English 
barons  who  supported  his  cause,  as  traitors  to  tlieir  country ; 
and  the  discovery  was  said  to  rest  on  the  solemn  attestation 
of  the  Visconte  dc  Melun  in  his  expiring  moments.!  It  re- 
quires but  little  knowledge  of  history,  or  of  the  intrigues  of 
political  parties,  to  perceive  that  the  whole  tale  was  only  an 
artful  fiction,  calculated  to  excite  the  jealousy  of  the  barons, 
and  alienate  their  affections  from  the  prince  whom  they  had 
called  to  their  support.  The  report  seems  to  have  gained 
some  credit ;  and  the  barons  had  conceived  so  great  a  suspi- 
cion of  the  French,  tliat  no  less  than  forty  of  them  had 
privately  given  to  John  assurances  of  their  desire  of  return- 
ing to  his  obedience.  The  death  of  that  monarch,  therefore, 
seems  to  have  happened  at  the  moment  when  the  tide  of 
fortune  was  about  to  turn  in  his  favour. 

The  earl  of  Pembroke,  who  was  constituted  regent  of  the 
kingdom  during  the  minority  of  Henry,  M^as  not  ignorant  of 
tlie  dissentions  which  prevailed  among  the  barons,  and  he 
judged  that  despair  of  pardon  was  the  principal  bond  that 
retained  the  majority  of  them  in  their  attachment  to  Louis. 
He  therefore  sent  letters  to  all  the  barons,  slierifts,  wardens 
of  castles,  and  corporations,  throughout  the  kingdom,  prom- 
ising pardon  and  great  rewards  to  those  who  should  return 
to  their  duty.  The  Pope's  legate,  at  the  same  time,  ordered 
the  sentence  of  excommunication  against  the  French  prince, 

•  Vide  Tyrrel,  p.  84^,  &c.  Hemingfield  lib.  3.,  p.  561, >c.  Rapiii  1. 
p.  296. 

t  Seethe  whole  of  this  improbable  story  iu  Rapin,  vol.  1.  p.  279. 


SIS  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAXD. 

and  all  his  adherents,  to  be  read  every  Sunday  in  the  churches. 
These  measures  had  tlie  desired  effect :  and  the  party  of  Louis 
began  gradually  to  decline.  That  prince,  however,  carried  on 
liis  military  operations  with  great  activHy  and  vij^oiir.  though 
not  with  invariable  success.  Being  repulsed  in  all  his  assaults 
on  Dover,  and  finding  that  the  governor,  Hubert  de  Bur^h, 
was  neither  to  be  intimidated  by  threats,  nor  seduced  bv  prom- 
ises, he  raised  the  siege,  and  reduced  tlie  castles  of  Hertford, 
Berkhamstead,  Sleaford, Norwich,  and  Colchester,  with  some 
other  places,  after  which.he  returned  to  London.  On  tlie  ap* 
proach  of  Christmas,  the  two  hostile  parties  agreed  on  a  truce, 
which  lasted  till  a  month  after  Easter.  As  soon  as  the  term 
A  T>  1917  ^^^^  expired,  the  earl  of  Chester  commenced  the 
siege  of  Mount  Sorrel,  in  Leicestershire,  which 
was  held  by  a  French  garrison.  But  on  the  approach  of  the 
count  de  Perche,  mareschal  of  France,  w  ith  an  army  of  twenty 
thousand  men,  he  raised  the  siege  and  retired  to  Nottingham. 
But  Lincoln  was  the  theatre  wliere  the  issue  of  this  impor- 
tant contest  w  as  chiefly  decided.  The  city  had  declared  for 
Louis  and  the  barons  ;  but  the  castle,  although  it  had  been 
long  besieged  by  Gilbert  de  Gaunt,  still  held  out  for  Henry, 
and  baflied  all  the  attempts  of  the  assailants.  The  reduction  of 
Lincoln  castle  was  therefore  the  grand  object  of  the  French 
general,  while  the  regent  was  not  less  anxious  for  its  preser- 
vation. Li  their  march  from  Mount  Sorrel  to  Lincoln,  the 
French  troops  committed  such  horrible  ravages,  that  histori- 
ans have  described  them  as  an  army  of  devils. 

The  castle  of  Lincoln  being  considered  by  both  parties  as 
an  object  of  the  greatest  importance,  the  French  were  no 
sooner  arrived  than  they  renewed  the  siege  with  all  possible 
vigour,  and  incessantly  batterred  its  walls  with  their  engines, 
while  the  earl  of  Pembroke  was  with  equal  ardour  preparing 
to  make  a  grand  effort  for  its  relief.  He  assembled  his  troops, 
and  used  so  great  expedition  in  his  march,  that  he  advanced 
to  Newark  before  the  French  had  determined  whether  they 
should  remain  in  Lincoln,  or  march  out  of  the  city  and  give 
Lim  battle.  Surprised  at  his  sudden  approach,  the  French 
general  called  a  council  of  war  to  decide  on  the  subject.  The 
opinions  were  various.    Some  advised  to  inarch  out  and  meet 


HENRY    III.  S13 

the  enemy,  as  their  principal  strength  consisted  in  cavalry, 
which  migljt  he  advantageously  employed  in  the  field,  hut 
would  be  of  little  use  in  the  city :  and  they  supported  their 
opinion  hy  observing  that  tjje  surrender  of  tlie  castle  would 
he  the  certain  consequence  of  victory.  Others  represented 
that  it  would  be  preferable  to  maintain  their  position  within 
the  city,  as  the  walls  might  he  easily  defended,  until  the  cas- 
tle, which  was  already  reduced  to  extremity,  should  be  com- 
pelled to  surrender,  and  that  they  might  then  sally  out  and 
Mtack  the  regent.  This  opinion  prevailed,  and  every  mea- 
sure was  taken  by  the  French  for  defending  the  city,  while 
they  continued  the  siege  of  the  castle.  In  the  meanwhile,  the 
English  army  approaching  without  opposition,  the  earl  of 
Pembroke  ordered  a  body  of  chosen  troops,  commanded  hy 
Faulk  de  Brent,  to  enter  the  castle  by  a  posfern  gate  which 
opened  into  the  fields,  and  the  blockade  of  which  the  French 
had  unaccountably  neglected.  That  ofiiccr  had  no  sooner 
entered,  than  in  pursuance  of  his  instructions,  he  sallied  out 
on  the  French,  while  the  army  stormed  one  of  the  gafes  of 
the  city.  The  count  de  Perche  perceiving  himself  thus  at- 
tacked from  diflerent  quarters,  made  every  possible  effort  for 
defence,  while  the  royal  army,  encouraged  by  the  presence  of 
the  regent  and  the  papal  indulgences,  which  were  liberally 
hestowed  by  the  legate  on  all  that  should  fall  in  the  conflict, 
kept  lip  an  incessant  assault.  At  length,  notM'ithstanding  a 
most  obstinate  resistance,  the  troops  of  the  regent  entered  the 
city,  while  the  French  being  pressed  on  the  other  side  hy  those 
who  issued  from  the  castle,  and  deprived  of  the  assistance  of 
their  horse  by  the  narrowness  and  precipitous  decli\ity  of  the 
streets,  were  soon  thrown  into  confusion  ;  and  a  dreadful 
slaughter  ensued.  The  French  general  and  almost  his 
whole  army  perished  in  this  terrible  conflict.  The  city  of 
Lincoln,  which  had  constantly  adhered  to  Louis  and 
the  confederate  barons,  was  given  up  (o  a  general  pillage  ; 
and  the  loss  of  which  Geoffrey  de  Drapingcs,  one  of  the 
precentors  of  the  cathedral,  complained  as  amounting  to 
eleven  thousand  marks  for  his  share,*  is  a  proof  both  of 
*  22,000/.  of  modern  money  in  veight ;  and  when  compared  with  the 
rate  of  living  in  that  age,  equal  in  value  to  above  100>000/.  at  liie  present 
day. 


S14  HISTORY  OF  ENGLANB. 

the  riches  of  the  church,  and  of  the  vast  hooty  acquired  by 
the  soldiers.* 

Louis,  ill  tlie  mean  ^hile,  was  again  vigorously  pushing  for- 
ward the  siege  of  Dover ;  but  the  destruction  of  his  army  at 
Lincoln  obliged  him  to  alter  his  measures,  and  make  a  pre- 
cipitate retreat  to  London.  His  first  care  was  to  send  an  ex- 
press to  his  father,  to  inform  him  of  his  situation,  and  to  solicit 
speedy  and  adequate  supplies.  The  Pope,  at  the  same  time, 
threatened  to  excommunicate  the  French  monarch,  and  lay  his 
kingdom  under  an  interdict,  if  he  sent  any  succours  to  his  son. 
Philip  Augustus,  finding  his  circumstances  to  be  such  as  obli- 
ged him  to  avoid  a  rupture  with  the  holy  see,  pretended  that 
he  would  not  any  more  interpose  in  his  son's  concerns ;  but 
the  artful  monarch  so  ordered  matters,  that  Blanch,  his  daugh- 
ter-in-law, got  ready  a  body  of  troops,  with  transports  to 
carry  them  to  England.  Had  this  armament  arrived  in  safety, 
its  operations  might  have  repaired  the  loss  sustained  at  the 
battle  of  Lincoln.  But  the  scale  of  fortune  was  now  turned 
against  Louis.  The  French  fleet  was  attacked  in  the  channel 
by  the  English,  who  captured  or  sunk  the  greatest  part  of  the 
vessels. t  Disaster  thus  succeeding  disaster,  Lowis  had  the 
mortification  of  seeing  himself  deserted  by  many  of  the  bar- 
ons. In  the  hour  of  his  prosperity  they  defied  the  censures 
of  the  Pope ;  but  when  his  fortune  began  to  decline,  they  be- 
gsm  to  feel  or  to  feign  some  scruples  in  following  the  standard 
of  an  excommunicated  prince. 

The  regent  having  now  reduced  almost  the  whole  kingdom, 
advanced  to  the  metropolis,  which  he  immediately  invested. 
The  aftairs  of  Louis  were  now  coming  to  a  crisis.  He  saw 
liimself  closely  besieged  in  London, j;  without  any  hope  of 
succours  from  France,  a  situation  which  convinced  him  that 
it  was  necessary  to  think  of  retiring.  In  this  view  he  made 
proposals  of  peace  to  the  regent,  intimating  that  he  was 
w  illing  to  evacuate  England,  on  the  honourable  conditions  of 
an  unmolested  retreat,  and  assurance  of  a  general  pardon  to 
the  barons  of  his  party  and  to  the  citizens  of  London,  who 
had  invariably  adhered  to  his  interest.     The  earl  of  Pem- 

*  Vide  Rapin,  with  Tindal's  notes,  I.  p.  298. 
t  M.  Paris,  p.  298.  i  M.  Paris,  p.  298. 


HENRY  III.  215 

Lroke  saw  the  expediency  of  getting  rid  of  so  formidable  an 

enemy,  and  instantly  acquiesced  in  his  demands  as  the  only 

means  of  restoring  the  public  tranquillity,  and  of  establishing 

the  young  monarch  on   the   throne.     As   soon  as  the  treaty 

r,'u-   ._«  *  r  „.     ^^'^s  concluded,  Louis  received  absolution  from 
1  his  treaty  was  ' 

concluded  Sept.  the  legate,  and  having  evacuated  London,  em- 
11,  A.  D.  1217.  barked  with  his  army,  and  returned  to  France. 
Thus  ended  a  bloody  and  most  destructive  war,  which 
threatened  to  bring  England  under  the  dominion  of  France, 
and  not  only  shook  the  throne  to  its  foundations,  but  reduced 
the  kingdom  to  a  scene  of  desolation,  and  inflicted  inexpressi- 
ble calamities  on  the  people.  Soon  after  the  departure  of  the 
French  prince,  young  Henry  entered  London,  and  bound  him- 
self by  a  solemn  oath  to  maintain  the  national  privileges. 
The  vanquished  barons,  therefore,  gained  more  by  the  accom- 
modation than  they  could  have  expected  from  a  victory  which 
must  have  brought  them  into  subjection  to  a  foreign  power. 
The  king  of  Scotland,  and  Lewellin,  prince  of  AVales,  both  of 
whom  had  adhered  to  Louis,  were  included  in  the  treaty,  and 
as  well  as  the  English  barons  received  absolution.  But  the 
interests  of  the  clergy  were  no  further  consulted  than  as  they 
reg^-rded  their  lay  fees :  in  their  ecclesiastical  afiairs  they 
were  left  to  the  mercy  of  the  Pope,  whom  they  had  oftended 
in  the  most  sensible  part.  The  regent  deeming  it  highly  im- 
prudent to  quarrel  with  the  holy  see,  in  the  beginning  of  a 
reign  when  the  fidelity  of  the  subjects  was  wavering,  and  the 
king  a  minor,  abandoned  the  ecclesiastics  to  the  papal  resent- 
ment ;  and  the  legate  instituted  a  rigorous  inquiry  relative  t» 
those  who  had  contemned  the  interdict.  All  that  Avere  fount! 
guilty  were  immediately  suspended,  and  reduced  to  the  alter- 
native of  being  deprived  of  their  benefices,  or  repairing  their 
fault  by  the  payment  of  considerable  sums  of  money.  The 
bishop  of  Lincoln  paid  a  thousand  marks  to  the  Pope,  and  a 
Iiundred  to  the  legate,  and  many  other  ecclesiastics  being 
compelled  to  make  similar  sacrifices,  his  Holiness  reaped  ai 
plentiful  harvest.*  In  all  the  contests  of  those  ages,  the 
Popes  were    generally    concerned,  and   whoever  were  th<'. 

*  M.  Paris,  n,  299. 


216  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

losers,  they  managed  so  well  their  affairs  that  they  were  al-» 
most  invariably  gainers.* 

This  memorable  contest  affords  the  philosophical  reader 
of  history,  an  opportunity  of  observing  a  most  striking  and 
complicated  mixture  of  political  and  religious  machination. 
John  ottends  the  Pope,  and  is  excommunicated.  His  barons 
make  a  scruple  of  conscience  to  obey  an  excommunicated 
prince.  The  Pope  gives  the  kingdom  of  England  to  Philip 
Augustus.  Philip  makes  ready  to  execute  the  papal  commis- 
sion ;  but  John  humbles  himself  and  consents  to  hold  his  king- 
dom as  a  vassal  of  Uome.  His  Holiness  then  forbids  Philip 
to  attempt  any  thing  against  England.  Philip,  who  was  so 
ready  to  comply  with  the  pontifical  mandate  while  it  gave  him 
a  kingdom,  refused  his  obedience  when  it  forbad  him  to  invade 
his  neighbour's  dominions.  After  this  the  English  barons 
quarrel  with  their  sovereign,  and  in  their  turn  are  excommuni- 
cated. But  they  who  revered  the  censure  when  fulminated 
against  their  monarch,  disregard  it  when  lanced  against  them- 
selves, and  militating  against  their  interests.  They  offer  the 
crown  of  England  to  the  son  of  Philip  Augustus  5  and  Louis, 
on  going  to  take  possession  of  his  new  kingdom,  incurs  the 
sentence  of  excommunication.  The  French  prince,  however, 
contemns  the  fulmiiiations  of  the  holy  see ;  and  so  long  as 
his  arms  are  successful,  his  adherents  disregard  tlie  papal 
anathema;  but  when  his  fortune  had  changed  and  his  affairss 
seemed  desperate,  scruples  of  conscience  began  to  arise  in 
their  breasts,  and  the  thunders  of  Rome  sounded  in  their  ears 
like  a  celestial  decree,  which  reprobated  the  cause  in  which 
they  were  engaged.  All  history  shews  that  the  actors  on  the 
political  theatre  are  endowed  with  a  pliant  flexibility  of 
conscience ;  and  new  circumstances  never  fail  to  replenish 
their  minds  with  new  lights.  Amidst  these  fluctuating  scenes 
of  politico-religious  intrigue,  this  play  of  excommunications 
and  anathemas,  it  seems  that  the  papal  authority,  how  vene- 
rable soever  it  might  appear  in  the  eyes  of  the  vulgar,  was 

•  Innnocent  III.  died  A.  D,  1217,  after  Ills  ambition  liad,  dining' the 
space  of  nineteen  years,  convulsed  all  Europe.  The  Prcsid.  tlenault 
places  lils  death  in  1216.     Ab.  Chron. 


HENRY    III.  217 

considered  by  statesmen  chiefly  as  an  engine  from  whicli  they 
might  derive  some  advantage,  or  receive  some  annoyance; 
and  by  a  judicious  management  of  the  fears  and  interests  of 
mankind,  it  acquired  its  awful  ascendency. 

The  political  abilities  of  the  regent  had  established  the 
king  on  his  throne,  and  his  continued  exertions  preserved  the 
tranquillity  of  the  kingdom.  His  first  care  was  to  provide  for 
the  fulfilment  of  the  royal  promises,  in  regard  to  the  exact 
observance  of  the  great  charter.  But  within  the  space  of 
little  more  than  a  year,  this  great  man,  who  was  equall;^ 
qualified  for  peace  or  for  war,  died  universally  lamented  by 
the  whole  kingdom,  which  his  valour  and  prudence  had  pre- 
served from  a  foreign  domination.*  Had  those  who  suc- 
eeeded  to  his  office  and  influence  possessed  the  same  talents 
and  integrity,  and  inbued  the  mind  of  the  young  monarch 
■with  the  same  maxims,  the  reign  of  Henry  would  not  have 
been  marked  by  so  many  and  so  violent  convulsions.  From 
this  period  the  reign  of  Henry  III.  presents  a  perplexed  se- 
ries of  events  w  hich  have  little  connexion  with  each  other, 
and  appear  but  little  interesting  to  a  modern  reader  Its 
whole  history  consists  of  the  tyrannical  and  perfidious  meas- 
sures  of  the  king,  supported  by  the  Pope,  the  discontents  of 
the  barons  and  clergy,  ill-projected  and  unsuccessful  wars 
with  France,  disadvantageous  treaties,  and  all  the  mismaU' 
agement  t'nat  can  disgrace  a  weak  monarch  and  a  corrupt  ad- 
ministration. A  circumstantial  detail  of  the  cabals  of  so 
long  a  period  as  almost  forty  years,  consumed  amidst  regal 
oppression  and  national  discontent,  without  any  brilliant  trans- 
action or  splendid  event  to  diversify  such  a  scene  of  dull  uni- 
formity and  to  embellish  the  narrative,  would  lead  to  a  ted- 
ious prolixity,  equally  incompatible  with  the  plan  of  this 
compendium,  and  tiresome  to  the  reader.  But  however  un- 
interesting the  particulars  may  seem,  the  result  is  of  the  ut- 
most importance.  The  continual  jarrings  of  different  par- 
ties laid  the  foundation  of  public  freedom,  and  by  a  remarka- 
ble combination  of  circumstances,  this  reign,  although  one  of 

•  The   retycnt,  William   Marshal,  earl  of  Pembroke,  died  in  March, 
1219.    M.  Paris,  p.  304.  M.  West,  p.  279.  Tind.  notes  on  Rap.  1.  p.  299. 
Ff 


^18  HISTORY  OF  Els  GLAND. 

the  most  oppressive  that  England  lias  seen,  is  distinguished 
as  tlie  era  from  which  the  English  people  must  date  the 
foundation  of  their  political  constitution. 

The  first  part  of  the  reign  of  Henry  was  disturbed  by  the 
revolt  of  some  of  his  turbulent  barons,  a  circumstance  of  so 
frequent  recurrence  in  the  feudal  ages,  as  scarcely  to  be 
worthy  of  modern  attention.  The  king  being  declared  by 
the  parliament  of  full  age  to  assume  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment, the  first  act  of  his  administration  indicated 
A.  D.  1226.  ,,  •.        n  1  •     T         •.•  „     • 

the  rapacity  oi  Jus  disposition.     Having  recently 

obtained  considerable  sums  from  the  parliament,  he  durst 
not  solicit  new  aids.  But  he  betliought  himself  of  an  expe- 
dient which  had  been  used  by  Richard  I.  when  preparing  for 
his  memorable  croisade,  without  considering  that  he  possessed 
none  of  those  brilliant  qu:ilities  by  which  that  monarch  was 
distinguished,  and  his  influence  established.  In  imitation  oC 
his  predecessor,  he  issued  aii  order  for  the  renewal  of  all 
charters,  for  which  a  certain  sum  was  to  be  paid.  By  this 
means  he  for  once  filled  his  coffers  ;  but  he  lost  the  affections 
of  a  great  number  of  his  subjects,  and  gave  to  the  rest  suf- 
ficient cause  of  alarm. 

As  the  king  advanced  in  age,  he  discovered  qualities  wholly 
inconsistent  with  the  character  of  a  great  prince  :  his  ava- 
rice, his  unsteadiness  and  caprice,  his  propensity  to  be  gov- 
erned by  favourites,  and,  above  all,  his  love  of  arbitrary 
power,  afforded  no  flattering  prospect  to  his  subjects.  His 
principal  minister,  Hubert  de  Burgh,  the  justiciary,  who  had 
signalized  himseli^  by  his  gallant  defence  of  Dover,  tvas 
rather  a  military  than  a  political  genius,  and  promoted  the 
arbitrary  measures  of  the  monarch ;  but  he  appears  not  to 
have,  been  able  to  inspire  him  with  the  love  of  arms.  The 
disorders  which  took  place  in  France  during  the  regency  of 
Blanch,  the  mother  of  St.  Louis,  afforded  him  a  favourable 
opportunity  of  recovering  the  provinces  which  the  English 
had  formerly  possessed  in  that  country.  The  pressing  invi- 
tations of  the  arclibishop  of  Bourdeaux,  however,  could  not 
rouse  him  to  make  the  attempt.  But  by  a  strange  absurdity 
of  conduct,  after  most  of  the   revolted  barons   of 

A     T\    loop  _ 

•  ~-«0'  j'raj^ce  -jy^j-g  reduced  to  obedience,  and  the  count  of 


HENRY    III.  ^19 

Bretagne  only  remained  in  arms,  Henry  hegan  to  make  vast 
preparations  for  an  expedition,  which,  had  it  been  undcrtakexi 
nine  months  sooner,  could  scarcely  have  failed  of  success. 
Having  summoned  all  the  vassals  of  the  crown  to  meet  him 
at  Portsmouth,  he  assembled  one  of  the  finest  armies  that 
had  ever  been  raised  in  England.  But  through  the  negli- 
gence or  treachery  of  his  minister,  Hubert  de  Burgh,  a  suf- 
ficient number  of  transports  was  not  provided,*  The  king 
accused  him  of  treason,  and  would  have  run  him  through  with 
his  sword,  had  not  the  earl  of  Chester  interposed.  But  not- 
withstanding this  positive  charge,  the  capricious  monarch  took 
the  justiciary  again  into  favour.  The  season  for  action  was 
lost,  and  the  embarkation  of  the  troops  could  not  take  place 
till  spring. 

Henry  took  care  to  convert  the  delay  of  his  expedition  to 
his  pecuniary  advantage.  He  procured  a  considerable  present 
from  the  clergy,  exacted  a  large  sum  from  the  city  of  London, 
and  compelled  the  jews,  who  were  then  very  numerous  in 
England,  to  give  him  one-third  of  their  property.  This  mon- 
ey was  lavished  by  the  king  in  idle  expenses.  He  passed  over 
into  France,  but  his  conduct  shewed  his  unfitness 
A  D  1229.  ^'"'' ^^*'"*  After  taking  a  castle  in  Poitou,  he  re- 
tired into  Bretagne,  where  he  squandered  his 
money  in  entertainments  and  diversions.  All  discipline  wag 
laid  aside  in  the  army  :  the  earls  and  barons  consumed  their 
whole  time  in  feasting  and  carousing,  and  the  soldiers  sold 
their  horses  and  arms  in  order  to  procure  money  to  spend. t 
Henry  and  his  troops  were  thus  ingloriously  employed,  v,  hen  in- 
telligence arrived  that  the  army  of  (he  queen  regent  of  France 
Avas  approaching.  Nothing  more  was  requisite  to  determine 
his  measures.  Leaving  a  part  of  his  army  under  the  com- 
mand of  the  earls  of  Chester  and  Pembroke,  to  support  the 
Count  de  Bretagne,  he  retired  to  England,  and  lauded  at 

•  The  justiciar}'  was  said  to  have  received  from  the  queen  regent  of 
France  a  bribe  of  5,000  marks.  M.  Paris,  p.  363-  The  Frencli  historians 
call  him  Robert  de  Burgh;  and  the  Fresid.  Hcnault  says,  that  he 
was  reported  to  have  been  bribed  by  the  I'lccn  regent.  .AJb,  Cliron.  ad 
An.  1228. 

t  M.  Paris  p.  36r. 


1835  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

Portsmouth  on  the  36th  October,  after  an  inactive  but  most 
expensive  campaign. 

Although  the  king  had  thus  lavished  the  money  which  had 
been  granted  for  carrying  on  tlie  war,  he  made  this  disgrace- 
ful expedition  a  pretext  for  demanding  fresh  supplies ;  and 
the  parliament,  with  great  reluctance,  complied  with  his  re- 
quisition. After  this,  he  marched  against  Llewellin,  prince 
of  North  Wales,  but  performed  no  more  than  in  his 
'  expedition  to  France,  in  the  course  of  tlje  fol- 
lowing year,  Hubert  de  Burgh  was  disgraced  in  consequence 
of  the  suggestion  of  the  bishop  of  Winchester,  who  accused 
him  of  henious  crimes  against  the  state.  The  justiciary  was 
summoned  to  trial  beford  his  peers;  but  conscious  of  guilt,  or 
knowing  that  many  of  his  judges  were  his  professed  enemies, 
instead  of  appearing  he  took  sanctuary  in  the  priory  of  Mer- 
ton.  On  leaving  this  sacred  asylum,  he  was  pursued  and 
again  took  refuge  in  a  small  chapel,  from  whence  he  was 
dragged  and  conducted  in  chains  to  the  Tower  of  London. 
All  churches,  with  whatever  appertained  to  them,  being  in 
that  age  regarded  as  sanctuaries,  this  violation  alarmed  the 
whole  body  of  the  clergy  ;  and  the  bishop  of  London  declared 
to  the  king  his  resolution  of  excommunicating  all  persons  who 
were  concerned  in  this  sacrilegious  transaction.  The  king 
being  terrified  with  those  threats,  ordered  Hubert  to  be  re- 
conducted to  his  sanctuary,  but  to  be  so  strictly  guarded  as  to 
render  it  impossible  that  he  should  either  escape  or  receive 
any  victuals.  This  desperate  situation  obliged  the  justiciary 
to  surrender  himself  to  the  sherift's,  who  carried  him  to  the 
Tower,  loaded  with  chains,  amidst  the  shouts  and  insults  of 
the  populace.  But  the  fickleness  and  avarice  of  Flenry  dis- 
appointed the  expectation  of  the  numerous  enemies  of  the 
fallen  minister.  A  large  sum  of  money  which  Hubert  put 
into  his  hands,  moderated  his  anger ;  and  he  not  only  ceased 
from  any  further  prosecution,  but  permitted  him  to  retain  a 
great  part  of  his  estates. 

The  Bishop  of  Winchester  succeeded  to  the  administration, 
and  it  might  have  been  expected  that  the  downfall  of  Hubert 
would  have  been  to  him  an  awful  memento,  and  have  operated 
as  a  check  on  his  conduct.     The  effect,  however,  was  pre- 


HENRY    III.  %2>l 

cisely  the  contrary.  He  aimed  directly  at  arbitrary  power  j 
and  representing  to  the  king  that  the  greatest  part  of  the 
barons  were  disaffected  to  his  government,  and  aspiring  to 
independence,  he  easily  persuaded  him  to  invite  over  a  number 
of  foreigners,  on  whose  assistance  he  might  at  all  times  rely. 
This  council  was  immediately  put  in  practice,  and  in  a  little 
time  two  thousand  knights  arrived  from  Gascony  and  Poitou. 
These  strangers  were  not  only  promoted  to  the  most  consid- 
erable offices,  but  had  also  the  wardships  of  the  yonng  nobility, 
by  which  means  they  procured  for  one  another  the  most  ad- 
vantageous matches.  The  tendency  of  these  proceedings,  to 
bring  all  the  principal  estates  of  the  kingdom  into  the  hands 
of  foreigners,  was  too  evident  not  to  be  perceived  by  the  bar- 
ons ;  and  the  earl  of  Pembroke,  in  the  name  of  the  whole 
body,  presented  a  remonstrance  to  the  king,  declaring  that  if 
he  continued  to  give  this  decided  preference  to  foreigners,  they 
should  be  obliged  to  seek  means  to  expel  them  from  the  king- 
dom. The  bishop  of  AVinchester  did  not  give  the  king  time 
to  reply,  but  told  the  earl  that  his  insolence  merited  correction, 
and  that  if  the  foreigners  already  in  the  country  were  not 
sufficient  to  overawe  the  turbulent  barons,  a  still  greater  num- 
ber should  be  intoduccd  from  France.  From  this  period  the 
barons  began  to  M-ithdraw  from  court,  and  to  form  a  confed- 
eracy against  the  despotism  which  the  king  and  his  minister 
•were  seeking  to  establish.  But  the  want  of  union  disconcerted 
their  plans,  and  left  the  most  active  leaders  exposed  to  royal 
and  ministerial  vengeance.  Of  these  the  earl  of  Pembroke 
was  the  most  obnoxious,  and  was  accordingly  made  the  first 
victim.  His  houses  and  parks  were  destroyed,  and  his  estates 
were  pillaged.  Several  others  were  treated  in  a  similar 
manner;  and  the  spoils  were  distributed  among  the  Poitevins 
and  Gascons.  The  earl  retired  into  North  Wales,  where  he 
obtained  assistance  from  Llewellin,  the  prince  of  that  coun- 
try, and  for  some  time  carried  on  a  desultory  war,  in  which  ho 
and  his  adherents,  among  whom  was  the  famous  Hubert  de 
Burgh,  made  it  a  rule  to  pillage  no  estates  but  those  of  the 
king's  counsellors.  At  length  being  obliged  to  pass  over  into 
Ireland  to  oppose  the  ravages  which  the  bishop  of  Winchester 
had  ordered  to  be  made  on  his  estates,  he  was  treacherously 


S2S  HISTORY  OP  ENGLAND. 

slain  in  a  battle  by  his  pretended  friends,  in  consequence  ol'  a 
deep  laid  sclieme  of  that  prelate. 

Soon  after  this  event  an  important  revolution  took  place  ia 
the  court.  The  archhisliop  of  Canterbury  had  long  solicited 
the  king  to  dismiss  his  foreign  ministers.  He  represented,  in 
so  forcible  a  manner,  the  pernicious  consequences  that  must 
certainly  ensue  from  persisting  in  such  measures  as  alienated 
the  affections  of  his  subjects,  that  he  succeeded  at  length  in 
opening  the  eyes  of  the  monarch,  who  seemed  disposed  to  re- 
form his  conduct.  Tlie  first  eifects  of  this  change  was  the 
dismissal  of  the  ministers,  with  orders  to  give  an  account  of 
their  .idministratiou.  Consciousness  of  tlieir  gnilt  induced 
them  to  take  sanctuary  in  the  churches  :  and  by  a  successful 
application  to  the  avarice  of  Kcnry,  they  were  screened  from 
punishment  on  paying  considerable  sums  of  money. 

Pecuniary  supplies  and  unlimited  power,  indeed,  were  the 
chief,  or  rather  the  only  objects  that  Henry  ever  had  in  his 
view.  By  extravagant  and  useless  expenses,  money  was 
squandered  as  quickly  as  it  was  collected,  and  when  one  means 
of  extorting  it  from  his  subjects  was  exhausted,  another  sup- 
plied its  place.  Conscious  of  the  need  wliieh  he  miglit  have 
of  the  assistance  of  Rome,  he  entered  into  a  close  connexion 
with  the  holy  see;  and  under  the  pious  pretest  of  an  expe- 
dition to  Palestine,  he  demanded  of  the  clergy  one-tenth  of 
their  revenues  for  the  space  of  three  years.  Although  the 
requisition  was  supported  by  an  order  from  the  Pope,  the 
bishops  and  abbots  refused  to  comply,  and  upbraided  him  in 
very  strong  terms  with  his  extortions,  his  tyranny,  and  his 
repeated  violations  of  promises  and  oaths.  The  nobles  were 
not  less  refractory  than  the  clergy ;  and  the  citizens  of  Lon- 
don still  more  than  the  rest  of  the  kingdom,  were  incensed 
against  the  king,  by  reason  of  his  frequent  exactions,  and  vio- 
lations of  their  privileges. 

Henry,  in  the  mean  while,  instead  of  taking  warning  by 
the  fate  of  his  unfortunate  father,  followed  his  example  in 
alienating  the  affections  of  the  barons.  Continually  beset  by 
greedy  foreigners,  he  was  ahvays  poor,  while  his  courtiers 
and  ministers  enriched  themselves  at  his  expense  and  that  of 
his  sul'jccts.    ^Riivuscl,  a  clcrgynuui,  one  of  his  favouriteSj 


HENRY  HI.  SS8 

enjoyed  no  less  than  seven  hundred  ecclesiastical  benefices, 
which  brought  him  an  annual  revenue  of  four  thousand  marks, 
equal  to  eight  thousand  pounds  of  our  present  money  ;  and 
considered  in  proportion  to  relative  value,  worth  above  fifty 
thousand  pounds  in  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century. 
The  bishop  of  Lincoln  caused  an  accurate  account  to  be  taken 
of  the  annual  income  of  all  the  foreigners  in  England,  and  if. 
was  found  to  amount  to  above  seventy  thousand  marks,  wliicli. 

at  that  period,  was  three  times  as  much  as  the  rev- 

A.D.1253.  },  ,, 

enues  ox  the  crown. 

This  attachment  to  foreigners,  and  the  reluctance  with 
•which  the  English  granted  money,  excited  the  greatest  ani- 
mosity between  the  king  and  his  subjects.  The  following: 
year,  however,  he  renewed  his  application  to  parliament,  un- 
der the  old  pretext  of  preparing  for  an  expedition  to  the 
Holy  Land.  Although  the  barons  and  clergy  knew  that 
Henry  had  no  intention  of  leading  an  army  to  Jerusalem, 
yet,  on  certain  conditions,  they  agreed  to  grant  him,  for  three 
years,  tlie  tenths  of  the  ecclesiastical  revenues,  and  three 
marks  for  every  knight's  fee  held  immediately  of  the  crown. 

The  promise  of  the  king  was  confirmed  by  an  oath,  accom- 
panied by  ceremonies  the  most  solemn  and  impressive.  In 
the  great  hall  of  the  palace  of  Westminster,  where  all  the 
lords,  both  spiritual  and  temporal,  were'assembled  with  light  - 
cd  tapers  in  their  hands,  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  stand- 
ing up  before  the  king  and  the  barons,  denounced  a  dreadful 
curse  against  those  Avho,  for  the  future,  should  oppose  the 
observance  of  the  charters,  or  in  any  way  violate  or  alter  the 
lav^  s  and  constitution  of  the  kingdom.  After  this,  the  char- 
ters were  read,  and  the  king,  who,  during  the  ceremony,  held 
his  hand  on  his  breast,  confirmed  them  by  the  following  oath: 
'•  So  may  Cod  help  me  as  I  inviolably  observe  all  these  things 
"  as  I  am  a  man — as  I  am  a  chvislian — as  I  am  a  knight — as 
'•  I  am  a  crowned  and  anointed  king !"  After  Henry  had 
thus  engaged  both  his  honour  and  his  conscience,  every  one 
threw  his  taper  on  the  ground,  saying,  '•  May  tliose  who  vio- 
late the  charters  thus  smoke  in  hell  !"*    To  a  scrupulous  con- 

•  M.  Paris,  p.  S6T. 


SM<  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

science  so  solemn  and  sacred  an  engagement  might  have  heen 
binding  ;  but  tyrants  and  parasites  regard  oalbs  as  mere  tri- 
fles ;  and  Henry,  following  the  pernicious  counsels  of  his 
favourites,  soon  trampled  upon  the  obligations  of  honour  aud 
religion. 

The  money  granted  by  the  parliament  for  the  expedition  to 
the  Holy  Land,  was  found  useful  in  reducing  the  rebels  of 
Guienne,  who  had  been  supported  by  the  king  of  Castile. 
This  war  was  readily  terminated  by  a  marriage  betweea 
prince  Edw  ard,  the  eldest  son  of  Henry,  aud  Eleonora,  sister 
of  Alphonso.  The  usual  prodigality  of  the  king  having 
rendered  tliis  trifling  expedition  astonishingly  expensive,  he 
carefully  concealed  the  treaty  in  order  to  draw  more  money 
from  his  subjects.  But  the  news  of  its  conclusion  soon  reach- 
ed England,  and  the  parliament,  which  had  been  convoked  by 
the  queen,  refused  to  grant  a  fresh  subsidy.  Henry  dared 
not,  at  this  time,  press  the  affair  ;  but  he  extorted  vast  sums 
from  the  Jews,  and  from  the  city  of  London.*  A  new  pre- 
text, however,  was  devised  by  the  Pope  and  the  king,  in  order 
to  drain  England  of  its  money. 

During  the  long  wars  between  the  Popes  and  the  emperors, 
the  kingdom  of  Naples  and  Sicily  had  been  a  grand  object 
of  contest.  After  a  long  dispute,  and  various  revolutions, 
which  have  no  connexion  with  English  history,  Innocent  IV. 
finding  himself  unable  to  make  an  effectual  resistance  against 
the  arms  of  the  emperor  Conrad,  had  offered  the  crown  of 
the  two  Sicilies  to  Richard,  the  brother  of  Henry,  king  of 
England.  But  the  conditions  on  which  Richard  proposed  to 
accept  of  that  kingdom  not  being  agreeable  to  the  Pope,  the 
latter,  after  continuing  tlie  war  for  some  time  at  his  own  ex- 
pense, and  with  little  success,  had  recourse  again  to  the  king 
of  England,  and  offered  to  place  on  the  head  of  Edmund,  his 
second  son,  the  crown  of  Naples  and  Sicily.  Henry  accepted, 
with  thankfulness,  the  imaginary  present ;  and  being  now 
more  closely  than  ever  connected  w  iththe  Pope,  he  supported, 
with  zeal,  all  his  extortions.  He  sent  to  Rome  all  the  money 
that  he  had,  or  that  he  was  able  to  borrow,  besides  vast  suras 

*  M.  Pariu,  p.  913. 


HENRY  III.  •  225 

which  he  extorted  from  the  Jews,  and  his  other  subjects,  by 
means  of  itinerant  commissioners  sent  into  every  county.  He 
also  engaged  to  pay  all  the  money  that  the  Pope  should  b© 
able  to  borrow ;  and  the  discharge  of  these  debts,  real  or  pre- 
tended, obliged  him  to  have  recourse  to  such  exactions  as  ren- 
dered him  daily  more  odious  to  his  subjects.  In  the  mean 
ivhile,  the  old  pretext  of  an  expedition  to  the  Holy  Laud,  was 
used  by  the  Pope  to  grant  Henry  2-tenths  upon  the  income  of 
the  clergy.  Thus  the  Pope  and  the  king  acted  in  concert  to 
exhaust  and  impoverish  the  realm. 

While  these  things  were  transacting  in  England,  Manfred, 
<he  bastard,  defeated  the  papal  army  in  Naples;  and  Inno- 
cent IV.  dying  soon  after,  historians  have  imagined,  that  his 
grief,  on  accoant  of  this  disaster,  was  the  cause  of  his  death. 
His  successor,  Alexander  IV.  resolving  to  prosecute  his  de- 
signs, and  borrowing  money  from  every  quarter  on  the  ac- 
count of  the  king  of  England,  collected  an  army  of  sixty 
thousand  men  to  carry  on  the  war  in  Naples.  This  formida-> 
ble  force  was  totally  defeated  by  Manfred,  who  now  began 
to  diseover  his  designs.  He  had  hitherto  professed  to  act  for 
C'onradin,  son  of  the  late  emperor  Conrad  ;  but,  after  this 
victory,  he  openly  aspired  to  the  crown.  The  papal  forces 
being  obliged  to  abandon  the  country,  Manfred  soon  becamcl 
master  both  of  Naples  and  Sicily,  and  was  crowned  at  Pal- 
ermo. The  Pope,  still  hoping  to  retrieve  his  aflairs  by  the 
dfi^i^tanee  of  England,  sent  to  London  the  bishop  of  Bono-' 
nia,  who,  without  mentioning  the  coronation  of  Manfred, 
amused  Henry  with  the  solemn  farce  of  investing  prince  Ed- 
roHud  with  the  kingdom  of  the  two  Sicilies. 

It  was  now  easy  to  perceive,  that  the  king  was  engaged  in 
an  affair  which  would  require  all  the  money  iji  England  for 
its  accomplishment ;  and  he  could  not  expect  any  liberal  as- 
sistance from  subjects  to  whom  his  government  had  long  been 
io  odioud.  Ilis  former  profusion  to  his  favourites,  and  the 
sums  that  were  borrowed  for  the  affair  of  Sicily,  had  involved 
Henry  so  deeply  in  debt,  that  he  saw  it  impossible  to  satisfy 
his  creditors  ;  and  !iis  repeated  applications  to  parliament  for 
supplies,  were  answered  by  positive  refusals.  Finding  him- 
self unable  to  obtain  money  by  his  own  power  and  credit,  he 


^26  HISTORY   or    ENGLAND. 

had  no  other  resource  than  the  anthority  of  the  Pope,  M'ho' 
ivas  ever  ready  to  lend  him  his  aid.  Alexander  IV.  surpassed 
all  his  predecessors  in  the  arts  of  acrniisition.  He  sent  Rus- 
tand,  his  nuncio,  into  England,  furnished  with  several  bulls, 
one  of  which  absolved  the  king  from  his  vow  of  conducting 
an  army  to  the  Holy  Land,  on  condition  that-  he  should  under- 
take the  conquest  of  Sicily,  which  the  Pope  represented  as 
more  important  to  the  interests  of  Christianity  than  that  of 
Jerusalem ;  and  the  others  empowered  him  to  extort  money 
from  the  clergy,  under  pretence  of  the  necessity  of  carrying, 
forward  that  great  undertaking. 

The  Pope  and  the  king  now  put  in  practice  every  expedient 
that  a  profligate  policy  could  devise  for  draining  the  kingdom 
of  its  money.  But  the  clergy  were,  on  this  occasion,  singled 
out  as  the  principal,  or,  at  least,  the  primary  victims.  It  was 
well  known  that  they  possessed  the  greatest  quantity  of  ready 
cash ;  and  it  was  supposed  that  they  would  be  overawed  by 
the  Pope  more  easily  than  the  barons  could  be  brought  to 
submit  to  the  king.  If  the  means  of  extortion  used  on  this 
occasion  were  not  minutely  detailed  by  a  cotemporary  histo- 
rian of  unquestionable  credit,  and  who  had  every  opportunity 
of  accurate  information,  the  relation  could  not  claim  the  be- 
lief of  posterity.*  Obligatory  notes  were  drawn,  by  which 
each  bishop,  abbot,  and  prior,  acknowledged  to  have  borrowed 
of  some  merchant,  in  Italy,  a  certain  sum  of  money  for  the 
use  of  his  church,  and  bound  himself  to  repay  it  at  a  time 
appointed.  The  particular  sums  were  not  specified ;  but  a 
blank  was  left  for  that  purpose  to  be  filled  up  by  the  Pope  or 
his  legate ;  and  every  endeavour  was  used  to  compel  the  ec- 
clesiastics to  sign  these  obligations.! 

*  Matthew  Paris,  who,  in  the  2(1  vol.  of  his  history  has  given  a  circum- 
stantial account  of  these  transactions,  was  a  Benedictine  monk  of  St.  Al- 
ban's,  and  one  of  the  greatest  ornaments  of  the  13th  century.  His  history 
is  highly  esteemed  for  its  bold  impartiality,  and  tlie  excellence  of  its  Latin 
stile.  He  died  A-  D  1259 ;  but  his  history  was  continued  till  the  death  of 
Henry  III.  by  another  monk  of  the  same  monastery. 

t  M.  Paris  says  the  blanks  were  filled  up  w  ith  the  sums  of  five,  six,  or 
seven  hundred  marks.    P.  910,  &c. 


HENRY  III.  SS7 

In  order  to  carry  into  execution  this  singular  contrivance, 
.Riistand,  the  legate,  convened  the  prelates  and  abbots,  and 
required,  in  the  name  of  the  Pope,  that  each  of  them  should 
sign  one  of  these  notes,  under  pain  of  excommunication — 
They  were  all  astonished  at  this  proposal ;  and  the  bishop  of 
London  declared  that  he  would  lose  his  life  rather  than  sub- 
mit to  so  flagrant  an  oppression.  He  was  seconded  by  the 
bishop  of  Worcester ;  and  the  whole  body  of  the  clergy  de- 
clared that  they  would  not  be  the  slaves  of  the  Pope.  The 
bishop  of  London  was  considered  by  the  legate  as  the  cause 
of  their  disobedience,  and  was  threatened  with  all  the  eflects 
of  papal  and  regal  indignatiou.  To  tliese  menaces  the  pre- 
late boldly  replied,  that  ''he  knew  the  Pope  and  the  king  to 
"  be  more  powerful  than  he,  but  that  if  his  mitre  were  taken 
"  from  him,  a  helmet  should  soon  occupy  its  place."  This 
firmness,  however,  did  not  cause  the  nuncio  to  desist  from  his 
project.  The  attack,  which  had  proved  unsuccessful  against 
the  whole  body,  was  renewed  against  individuals.  Some  oi* 
them  he  caressed :  others  he  frightened :  against  many  he 
brought  charges,  which  he  used  as  a  pretext  for  their  excom- 
munication, and  if  they  did  not,  within  forty  days,  submit  to 
the  will  of  the  Pope,  their  revenues  were  confiscated. 

But  the  sums  which  the  Pope  and  the  king  could  exact  from 
individuals,  were  far  from  being  sufficient  for  the  occasion. 
The  whole  ecclesiastical  body  was,  therefore,  again  convened, 
and  Rustand  insisted  on  the  signature  of  tlie  notes.  The  pre- 
lates  and  abbots  peremptorily  refused  to  comply,  declaring, 
that  the  papal  requisition  was  contrary  both  to  reason  and 
justice.  The  nuncio  asserted  that  there  was  no  injustice  in 
the  ease ;  and  that,  as  all  churches  belonged  to  the  Pope,  he 
might  dispose  of  their  revenues  in  what  manner  he  pleased. 
The  clergy  replied,  that,  although  all  churches  might,  in  one 
sense,  be  said  to  belong  to  the  Pope,  it  was  only  that  he  should 
protect  and  defend  them,  and  not  that  he  should  appropriate 
their  revenues  to  his  own  use  ;  and  they  unanimously  declared 
their  final  resolution,  that,  rather  th.an  submit  to  these  exac- 
tions, they  were  all  ready  to  suffer  death  like  the  blessed  mar- 
tyr, St.  Thomas,  of  Canterbury. 

The  nuncio  finding  that  the  bishops  and  abbots  were  not  t« 


S2S  IIISTOUY  or  ENGI.AND. 

be  intimidated  by  inenaceg*  began  (o  change  the  mode  of  at' 
lack.  Instead  of  pressing  any  further  the  signature  of  the 
notes,  he  demanded  of  tlie  Cistercian  mona!«tcrie»  a  year's 
revenue  of  their  ivool,  to  supply  the  wants  of  the  Pope  and 
the  king.*  But  on  this  subject,  as  mcII  as  on  the  f«)rmer.  he 
met  with  a  positive  refusal.  The  Pope  being  informed  of 
these  transactions,  began  to  proceed  with  a  more  deliberate 
eaution,  and  instead  of  attempting  every  thing  at  once,  sent 
into  England  a  succession  of  bulls,  all  of  which  had  the  same 
tendency  to  drain  the  purses  of  the  clergy.  The  king,  on  his 
side,  was  not  less  active  in  procuring  money.  He  continued 
his  exactions  not  only  on  the  citizens  of  London^  but  also  on 
the  whole  kingdom.! 

In  perusing  the  history  of  this  rapacious  and  blood-sucking 
reign,  posterity  must  be  astonished  that  the  high-spirited  bar- 
ons of  England,  whose  turbulence  had  so  frequently  convulsed 
the  kingdom  and  shaken  the  throne,  should,  during  the  long 
period  of  almost  thirty  years,  have  borne  the  tyranny,  the  per- 
fidy, and  the  caprice,  of  so  weak  and  pusilanimous  a  prince 
as  Henry  III.  Avhose  government  was  so  odious  to  all  classes 
of  his  subjects.  It  is  difficult  to  assign  a  reason  for  this  ext 
traordinary  degree  of  forbearance,  unless  we  suppose  that  the 
melancholy  remembrance  of  the  devastations  caused  by  the 
civil  M'ar  in  the  reign  of  John,  inclined  them  to  submit  to  al- 
most any  oppressions,  rather  than  hazard  the  repetition  of 
such  horrible  scenes.  There  is,  however,  an  ultimate  point 
beyond  which  tyranny  cannot  be  carried  without  meeting  op- 
position. The  patience  of  the  barons,  as  well  as  of  the  clergy, 

*  To  complete  the  impoverlsliment  of  England,  Richard,  the  king's 
ijrother,  was,  by  a  party  of  the  German  princes,  elected  king  of  the  Ro- 
jnans.  This  prince  is  said  to  have  carried  out  of  England  no  less  tlian 
700,000/.  sterling,  from  which  he  derived  no  other  advantage  than  that  of 
being  crowned  at  Aix-la-Cliapelle,  and  afterwards  found  himself  under  the 
necessity  of  leaving  Germany. 

f  The  same  exactions  were  practised  on  the  vassal  princes  of  Wale^, 
until  their  patience  being  wearied  out,  they  flew  to  arms,  and  ravaged  the 
English  borders.  Prince  Edward  being  sent  against  them  was  obliged  to 
retire  with  some  loss,  and  the  king  having  taken  the  command  in  person, 
lost  tlic  greatest  p&rt  of  Iiis  arwjy.    Kapin,  1.  p.  331  and  332. 


HENRY    III.  gg9 

was  at  length  exhausted ;  and  they  formed  a  general  confede^ 
racy  for  the  purpose  of  reformins;  (lie  goverumenl,  and  ex- 
cluding the  foreigners  from  all  public  oJiices,  which  they  had 
for  a  long  time  monopolized. 

The  parliament  hcing  convened,  (lie  kinsr,  as  nsual, 
A,  D.  r''58.  .  -  o 

'    '  "    '  opened  (he  session  by  a  demand  of  money.     I3ut  the 

barons,  instead  of  complying  m  i(h  his  requisition,  vehemently 
upbraided  hiin  wi(h  his  repeated  breaches  of  promise,  and  his 
mal-administra(ion.  The  king,  perceiving  by  (heir  de(er- 
mincd  language  (hat  they  were  not  to  be  dealt  Avith  by  vio- 
lence, liad  recourse  (o  his  former  arts,  and  acknowledging  his 
errors,  promised  to  reform  whatever  was  amiss.  But  he  had 
already  exhausted  their  credulity.  Tlicy  plainly  told  him 
that  they  were  no  longer  to  be  deceived  by  his  assurances, 
and  (hat,  without  leaving  it  to  him,  they  themselves  in(ende(l 
to  reform  the  government  in  such  a  manner  as  no  more  to  fear 
his  perfidy.  The  king  found  himself  unable  to  oppose  their 
unanimous  resolution,  and  reluctandy  signed  a  char(er,  by 
which  he  conscn(ed  (hat  ar(icles  of  reform  should  be  drawn 
up  by  twenty -four  lords,  of  whom  he  shouhl  choose  twelve, 
and  promised  to  observe  whatever  sliould  be  determined  by 
these  commissioners.  The  charter  was  also  signed  by  prince 
Edward,  in  order  to  give  it  an  additional  sanction  ;  and  the 
parliament  being  prorogued,  the  next  session  was  appointed  to 
be  held  a(  the  city  of  Oxford,  where  every  ( hing  was  to  be  ul- 
timately adju«.(od.  The  liarons  Iiaving  been  so  often  deceived 
by  the  king's  protestations,  summoned  all  their  military  ten- 
ants, and  came  to  Oxford  so  well  attoulcd,  as  not  to  fear  any 
violence.  The  first  business  was  the  election  of  the  twenty- 
four  commissioners,  of  whom  twelve  were  chosen  by  (he  king, 
and  the  rest  by  the  barons,  who  appointed  as  president  of  the 
council  Simon  de  Montfort,  earl  of  Leicester,  brolher-in-Iaw 
to  the  king,  a  man  whose  eminent  abilities  and  enterprising 
genius  qualified  him  for  (he  boldest  undertakings.  The 
twenty-four  commissioners  tlien  drew  up  articles  of  reform, 
the  principal  of  M'hieh  were,  that  (he  ehar(ers  should  be  con- 
firmed ;  that  the  officers  of  state  and  public  ministers  should 
be  appointed  by  tlie  twenty-four  commissioners,  who  should 
also  have  the  custody  of  all  the  king's  castles  j  that  the  pen- 


S30  IIISTOKY  OF  ENGLAND. 

alty  of  deatli  should  be  inflicted  on  all  persons,  of  whatever 
rank  they  might  be,  who  should  directly  or  indirectly  oppose 
what  this  supreme  council  should  ordain  ;  and  that  once,  at 
least,  every  year,  the  parliament  should  meet  to  enact  laws  for 
the  welfare  of  the  kingdom.* 

Thus  did  Henry,  by  overstretching  his  power,  find  himself 
at  length  obliged  to  resign  the  government  into  the  hands  of 
his  subjects.  The  regulations  made  on  this  occasion  were 
entitled  the  Provisions  of  Oxford  ;  and  measures  Mere  imme- 
diately taken  for  carrying  them  into  execution.  They  met 
with  great  opposition  from  the  princes  of  the  royal  family 
and  the  foreigners,  but  especially  from  the  relatives  of  the 
qneeii.t  Ilobry,  the  sou  of  Richard,  king  of  the  Romans^ 
protested  against  them  as  being  of  no  force  till  they  had  re- 
eeived  the  approbation  of  his  father,  who  was  then  in  Ger- 
many ;  and  the  bishop  of  Valence,  who  was  a  foreigner, 
positively  refused  to  deliver  up  his  castles.  To  the  former, 
the  earl  of  Leicester  declared  that  if  the  king  of  the  Romans 
would  not  join  with  the  barons,  he  should  not  possess  one  foot 
«f  land  in  England ;  and  to  the  latter,  that  he  should  part 
either  with  his  castles  or  his  head.  The  foreigners,  intimi- 
dated by  this  menace,  instantly  retired  and  shut  themselves 
up  in  Winchester.  They  were  pursued  by  the  barons,  and 
heing  closely  besieged,  were  glad  to  capitulate,  on  conditioQ 
of  being  permitted  to  leave  the  kingdom. 

The  next  step  taken  by  the  barons  was  to  dispatch  letter* 
to  the  Pope,  in  order  to  justify  their  proceedings.  His  Holi- 
ness was  highly  dissatisfied  with  a  revolution  which  tended 
lo  check  the  Jlow  of  English  money  to  Rome.  To  enter  on  a 
contest  wi(!i  a  whole  nation,  however,  required  some  caution. 
The  Pope,  therefore,  conlenlod  himself  with  delaying  to  trans- 
mit an  answer  to  the  barons,  and  with  privately  assuring  the 
ting  of  his  holy  protection.    After  a  series  of  dark  intrigues, 

*  Some  historians  arc  of  opinion  tlial  tlip  commons  were  mimmoned 
to  tills  piirliamcnt;  bul  it  appears  to  be  a  mistake.  Vide  Itapin,  1, 
p,  333. 

f  She  was  the  daughter  of  Raymond,  count  of  Provence,  ajld  was.' 
Kiarrkd  to  Henry  on  the  14th  Jan.  1236.    M.  Paris,  p.  420. 


HEXRY  III.  231 

Henry  resolved  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  the  barons.  The 
Pope  having  absolved  hira  from  his  oath,  he  openly  declared  his 
intentions,  and  retiring  to  the  Tower,  the  governor  of  which 
Le  liad  gained,  he  seized  on  the  treasure  there  deposited,  and 
issued  a  proclamation  for  the  dismissal  of  all  the  officers  and 
magistrates  chosen  by  the  twenty-four,  and  for  appointing 
others  in  their  place.  Both  parties  now  directed  their  views 
towards  prince  Edward,  who  was  then  gone  to  Paris  to  be 
present  at  a  tournament.  The  king  expected  his  sanction  to 
iiis  measures,  and  his  assistance  in  the  execution,  while  the 
barons  hoped  that  the  prudence  of  the  young  prince  would 
have  such  influence  on  his  father,  as  to  prevent  the  evils  with 
which  the  kingdom  was  menaced.  On  his  return,  he  blamed 
the  king  for  violating  his  oath,  and  openly  espoused  the  cause 
of  the  barons.  Henry,  astonished  at  being  abandoned  by  his 
son,  was  willing  to  enter  into  a  negociation;  but  having  unad- 
visedly produced  the  papal  bull  which  absolved  him  from  his 
oath,  the  barons  clearly  peeeived  that  treaties  were  useless 
with  a  prince  who  could  not  be  bound  by  the  most  sacred  en- 
gagements. Resolving,  therefore,  to  lay  asiJe  all  ceremony, 
they  formed  a  plan  for  seizing  the  king,  who  being  apprized 
of  their  design,  again  retired  to  the  Tower,  from  whence  he 
sent  orders  into  the  different  counties  for  the  removal  of  the 
sheriffs  appointed  by  the  baronial  council,  a  measure  which 
threw  the  whole  kingdom  into  confusion.  For  althougli  the 
power  of  the  king  seemed  to  be  annihilated,  yet  tlie  regal 
name,  supported  by  papal  authority,  retained  a  considerable 
influence  over  puplic  opinion. 

Every  tiling  now  seemed  to  threaten  a  civil  war,  and  the 
barons  prevailed  with  the  governors  of  the  cinque  ports  to 
equip  a  fleet,  in  order  to  prevent  the  king  from  receiving  any 
foreign  succours.  The  mutual  fears  of  the  two  parties,  how- 
ever, suspended  (heir  mutual  enmity;  and  through  the  medi- 
ation of  the  king  of  the  Romans,  a  treaty  was  concluded  oa 
terms  which  appeared  so  advantageous  to  Henry,  that  the  earl 
of  Leicester  judged  it  expedient  to  leave  the  kingdom  and 
retire  into  France.  Many  of  the  other  lords,  although  thev 
l»ad  signed  the  treaty,  were  not  less  dissatisfied ;  but  the 
measure  had  been  determined  by  the  majority.    Tlie  aceom- 


233  HISTORY  Ot  ENGLAND. 

modation  therefore  was  only  temporary,  and  the  embers  of 
civil  discord  soon  broke  out  into  an  open  flame. 

Tl>e  kinsr  havinsr  made  a  vovasre  to  Guicnnc,  his 
"  absence  afibrded  to  (he  friends  of  Leicester  an  op- 
portunity of  recruiting  the  baronial  party,  which  had  been 
divided  by  the  late  accommodation.  The  king,  in  the  mean 
while,  resolving  to  break  his  agreement,  had  gained  to  his 
party  his  brother  Richard,  king  of  the  Romans,  as  well  as 
prince  Edward.  On  the  return  of  the  king  the  barons  pre- 
sented an  address,  complaining  of  various  grievances,  and 
were  surprised  at  his  answer,  which  branded  them  with  the 
opprobrious  names  of  traitors  and  rebels.  But  a  body  of  for- 
eigners, which  prince  Edward  had  raised  under  the  pretext  of 
repelling  the  incursions  of  the  Welsh,  inspired  Henry  with 
confidence  thus  openly  to  defy  the  power  of  the  barons.  A 
train  of  negociations  commenced,  but  without  any  pacific 
effects.  The  lords  at  length  resolved  to  try  the  fortune  of 
arms,  and  chose  the  earl  of  Liecester  for  their  general,  who 
plundered  the  houses,  and  desolated  the  estates  of  the  king's 
favourites  and  counsellors.  He  soon  became  master  of  Glou- 
cester, Hereford,  Bridgenorth,  and  AVorcester ;  and  the 
city  of  London  declared  in  his  favour,  while  the  king,  unable 
to  oppose  the  baronial  forces,  remained  shut  up  in  the  Tower, 
expecting  prince  Edward  to  come  to  his  relief.  But  the  bar- 
ons having  taken  such  a  position  as  prevented  the  prince  from 
approaching  the  capital,  Henry  again  had  recourse  to  nego- 
ciation.  Two  successive  treaties  were  concluded,  and  almost 
immediately  violated.  Both  sides  then  prepared  for  war; 
but  the  Londoners  being  greatly  annoyed  by  the  garrison  in 
the  Tower ;  and  the  king  having  a  strong  party  in  the  city, 
the  earl  of  Leicester  resolved,  if  possible,  to  enter  London, 
in  order  to  secure  the  baronial  interest  in  the  metropolis. — 
Marching  through  Surrey,  he  reached  the  banks  of  the 
Thames,  in  hopes  that  Thomas  Fitz -Richard,  the  mayor,  and 
tlie  rest  of  !iis  friends,  wouhl  be  able  to  open  the  bridge  gates. 
In  this  expectation  he  made  a  vigorous  attack  on  the  king, 
who,  being  apprized  of  his  march,  had  left  the  Tower,  and 
posted  himself  in  the  borough  of  Southwark.  But  here  he 
foimd  himself  involved  in  au  unforeseen  difficulty.     Relying 


HENRY    III.  S33 

on  the  aid  of  the  Londoners,  he  had  hrought  only  a  small 
body  of  troops  ;  and  during  the  fight  some  citizens  of  the 
king's  party  locked  up  the  bridge  gates,  and  threw  the  keys 
into  the  river,  x^t  length,  however,  the  Londoners  burst  open 
the  gates,  and  sallying  out  in  great  multitudes,  the  king  was 
forced  to  retire,  and  the  earl  entered  the  city. 

The  advantasje  sained  by  the  barons  was  pro- 
ductive  of  the  usual  eftects.  The  king  made 
proposals  for  an  accommodation ;  and  the  diflFercnces  were 
referred  to  the  ar!)itration  of  the  French  monarch,  St.  Louis, 
whose  reputation  for  justice  and  sanctity  seemed  to  entitle 
him  to  the  confidence  of  both  parties.  In  this  decision,  his 
notions  of  «'quity,  or  his  estimate  of  kingly  authority,  did 
not  coincide  with  those  of  the  English  nobles.  He  gave  sen- 
tence, on  every  contested  point,  entirely  in  favour  of  Henry  : 
the  barons  refused  to  abide  by  his  aAvard  ;  and  hostilities 
were  in  consequence  renewed.  The  king,  at  first,  gained 
several  considerable  advantages.  He  reduced  Oxford,  North- 
ampton, and  Nottingham ;  and  afterwards  returned  into 
Kent,  where  he  forced  the  barons  to  abandon  the  siege  of 
Rochester,  and  to  retreat  to  London.  Flushed  with  these 
successes,  he  marched  directly  to  the  metropolis,  not  doubt- 
ing of  its  ready  submission.  But  the  earl  of  Leicester  had 
gained  such  influence  over  the  citizens,  that,  on  the  approach 
of  the  king,  he  persuaded  them  to  issue  out,  and  ofter  him 
battle.  Henry,  not  expecting  such  a  reception,  and  being  un- 
willing to  hazard  an  engagement  with  the  Londoners  at  their 
own  gates,  immediately  retired,  and  encamped  at  Lewes,  iu 
Sussex. 

The  earl  of  Leicester  having  strengthened  his  army  with 
fifteen  thousand  Londoners,  marched  out  of  the  city,  and  ad- 
vancing towards  Lewes,  encamped  about  six  miles  from  the 
royal  army.  Hei'c  the  confederate  barons,  though,  perhaps, 
with  no  other  design  th.an  to  exculpate  themselves  from  the 
imputation  of  the  war,  made  new  proposals  for  an  accomoda- 
tion. Although  their  letter  to  the  king  was  couched  in  the 
most  respectful  terms,  their  proposals  Avere  rejected;  and  the 
answer  which  thev  received  breathed  nothing  but  threats  and 
nh 


334r  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

defiance.*  It  is  more  than  probable  that  the  barous  were 
pleased  with  so  fair  a  pretext  for  pushing  things  (o  extrem- 
ity ;  and  they  accordingly  renounced  their  fealty,  and  declared 
the  king  an  enemy  to  the  state. 

Nothing  now  remained  but  to  decide  the  contest  by  the 
sword.  The  earl  of  Leicester  advanced,  and  drew  up  his 
army  in  order  of  battle  near  the  king,  who  was  ready  to  re- 
ceive him.  The  right  wing  of  the  royal  army  was  command- 
ed by  prince  Edward  :  the  left  by  the  kiug  of  the  Romans  } 
and  Henry,  in  person,  led  the  main  body.  The  army  of  the 
barons  was  divided  into  four  bodies  : — the  first  was  conducted 
])y  Henry  de  Montfort,  son  of  the  general :  the  second  by  the 
earl  of  Gloucester :  the  earl  of  Leicester,  himself,  commanded 
the  third  5  and  Nicholas  Seagrave  led  on  the  last,  which  con* 

sisted  entirely  of  Londoners.  Prince  Edward  began 
AD  1264  *^^  battle   by  attacking  this  body,   which,  being 

unable  to  sustain  his  furious  charge,  was  soon  put 
to  flight.  The  prince  pursued  the  Londoners  more  than  four 
miles  Mithout  giving  quarter ;  but  his  vindictive  imprudence 
proved  fatal  to  the  royal  army.  While  he  was  pursuing  his 
advantage  with  greater  ardour  than  discretion,  the  barons  ex- 
pecting no  mercy  in  case  they  were  vanquished,  made  a  des- 
perate attack  on  the  king's  troops,  who,  after  a  faint  resistance, 
consulted  their  safety  by  flight.  Henry  and  Richard  were 
both  taken  prisoners,  and  conducted  to  Lewes.  Prince  Ed- 
ward returning  from  the  pursuit  of  the  Londoners,  was  sur- 
prised to  find  the  army  dispersed,  and  his  father  and  uncle 
made  prisoners.  His  first  intention  was  to  make  a  last  effort 
for  changing  the  fate  of  the  day  by  a  vigorous  attack  on  the 
conquerors ;  but  his  soldiers  being  discouraged,  could  not  be 
brought  to  renew  the  battle  ;  and  the  prince  being  at  length 
surrounded  by  the  baronial  army,  was  obliged  to  capitulate 
on  condition  that  he,  and  his  uncle  Richard,  should  remain  as 
hostages  for  the  due  observance  of  the  Provisions  of  Oxford. 
About  five  thousand  men  fell  on  both  sides  in  this  conflict ;. 
but  the  battle  of  Lewes  is  chiefly  memorable  for  the  import- 
ant change  which  it  effected  in  the  English  constitution, 

•  M.  Weslminsler,  p.  38(5. 


HENRY    Hi.  S35 

In  exhibiting  a  view  of  tliis  long  and  disgusting  reign,  Ut 
iias  been  necessary  to  omit,  or  slightly  glance  over  those  pri- 
vate or  partial  disputes,  and  those  nnmerous  and  complicated 
intrignes,  which,  during  so  long  a  period  of  time,  took 
place  among  discontented  nobles  and  interested  ministers, 
but  which  do  not  merit  the  attention  of  posterity.  The 
principal  object  has  been  to  trace  the  series  of  events  which 
Lave  led  to  the  present  constitution  of  parliament,  and  usher- 
ed in  the  blessings  of  English  liberty.  Every  thing  of  this 
nature  appears  with  the  aspect  of  national  importance.  But 
in  order  to  form  a  clear  and  comprehensive  idea  of  a  subject 
in  which  every  Englishman  is  so  deeply  concerned,  it  is  re* 
quisite  to  observe  ihat,  during  ihe  space  of  nearly  two  cen- 
turies, which  had  elapsed  since  the  conquest,  considerable 
changes  had  gradually  taken  place  in  the  social  system.  The 
number  of  great  barons  «)r  vassals  of  the  crown,  exclusive  of 
those  in  the  three  northern  counties,  was  about  six  huiMlred 
and  five ;  of  whom  about  a  hundred  and  forty  were  ecclesias- 
tics. But  the  number  of  baronies  amounted  to  about  one 
tltousand  four  hundred  and  sixty-two,  as  some  of  the  barons 
were  possessed  of  several  baronies.*  Every  great  proprietor 
of  land  had  his  friends  and  his  clients,  to  Avhom  he  distribu* 
ted  knights'  fees,  which  were  held  under  him  by  the  usual 
tenure  of  military  service.  In  process  of  time  these  knights' 
fees  were  again  subdivided  Mithout  altering  the  nature  of  the 
tenure,  so  that  every  one  who  held  a  twentieth  part  was  re- 
garded as  Liber  Homo,  or  a  gentleman.  From  this  it  is 
easy  to  perceive,  that  although  the  great  mass  of  the  origi- 
nal English  continued  for  ages  afterwards  in  a  servile  state, 
yet  considerable  numbers,  especially  the  relatives  of  bishops, 
abbots,  and  other  dignified  ecclesiastics,  Mould  gradually  rise 
into  a  more  elevated  rank  in  society.!  The  gradual  increase 
of  luxury  had  also  a  natural  and  invariable  tendency  to  raise 
the  people  to  wealth  and  importance.  The  eleventh  and 
twelfth  centuries  are  marked  in  history  as  the  era  from  w  hich 

*  Vide  Domesday  Book,  and  Millar's  Hist.  Eng  Govern,  vol.  2.  p.  86. 
and  87.  Campbell  computes  the  number  of  barons  in  the  whole  kinj^^ 
dom  at  about  700.     Polit.  Survey,  vol.  2.  p.  381. 

t  Vide  Campbell's  PoHt.  Survey,  vol  2.  p.  381  and  382, 


SSft  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

may  be  traced  the  dawn  of  arts,  manufactures,  and  commerccj 
in  Italy,  the  iVetherlaii(Is,  and  France.  The  communication 
between  the  English  and  Normans,  in  the  reign  of  Edward 
the  Confessor,  which  Avas  greatly  increased  after  the  conquest^ 
contributed  to  diftnse  in  England  a  taste  for  the  elegances  of 
the  continent ;  and  the  increasing  luxury  of  the  nobles  had 
excited  a  strong  propensity  to  mortgage,  dismember,  and  alien- 
ate their  estates.*  The  croisades  greatly  contributed  to 
these  alienations.!  The  nobles,  who  assumed  the  cross, 
found  that  great  sums  were  requisite  to  enable  them  to  appear 
■with  dignity  at  the  head  of  their  vassals,  and  to  defray  the 
expenses  of  a  distant  expedition.  Inflamed  with  the  romantic 
expectation  of  splendid  conquests  in  Asia,  and  by  a  zeal  for 
the  recovery  of  the  holy  sejiulchre,  which  swallowed  up  every 
other  consideration,  they  relinquished  their  ancient  inheri- 
tances without  any  reluctance,  and  often  for  prices  far  below 
their  value,  in  order  to  become  adventurers  in  quest  of  new 
settlements  in  unknown  countries. |  But  the  alienations  made 
hy  the  croisees,  seldom  or  never  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Commons.  The  mortgagees  or  the  purchasers  were  mostly 
the  mouarehs  or  the  clergy,  and  consequently  these  transac- 
tions contributed  to  enrich  the  church  and  the  crown,  rather 
than  to  exalt  the  people.  Many  of  the  barons  perished  in 
those  distant  wars,  and  often  dying  without  heirs,  their  fiefs 
Teverted  to  the  crown  :  many  estates  had  also  been  forfeited 
an  the  different  civil  wars  and  rebellions.  In  process  of  time 
a  considerable  part  of  the  lands  in  the  kingdom,  had,  by  rever- 
sions, forfeitures,  &c.  passed  through  the  hands  of  the  king, 
and  been  distributed  in  smaller  portions  amongst  a  greater 
number  of  proprietors. §  AVhile  these  changes  were  gradually 
taking  place  in  the  landed  interest,  the  erection  of  boroughs 
or  corporations  laid  the  foundation  of  popular  freedom.  In 
diiferent  countries,  diflerent  circumstances  had  concurred  to 
their  formation  ;  and  their  establishment  had  been  productive 

*  Millar's  Hist.  Eng  Gov.  vol.  2.  p.  189. 
t  Millar's  Hist.  Eng.  Gov.  ibid. 

t  Kobertson's  Hist.  Charles  V.  vol.  1.  p.  32.  This  remark  is  applicable 
to  the  other  countries  ol'  Europe  as  well  as  England. 
§  Millai's  Hist.  Eng.  Gov.  vol.  2.  p.  185. 


HENRY  IT  I-  S37 

of  different  effects.  But  in  all  the  kingdoms  of  Europe,  the 
monarehs  had  promoted  the  establishment  of  these  communi- 
ties as  a  balance  to  the  po\ver  of  the  aristocracy.  In  Italy 
commercial  pursuits  raised  them  to  opulence,  and  they  soon 
aspired  to  independence.*  But  in  England,  where  trade  had 
not  yet  begun  to  flourish,  they  had  not,  till  the  period 
under  consideration,  acquired  any  weight  in  the  state,  or  a 
voice  in  the  national  council. f 

From  the  time  of  the  conquest,  the  parliament  of  England 
had  consisted  of  the  lay  and  ecclesiastical  barons  :  the  people 
were  considered  as  of  no  importance  in  a  ciril  or  political 
point  of  view.  AVhen  the  Provisions  of  Oxford  were  drawn 
up,  it  is  certain  that  twelve  deputies  were  chosen  to  represent 
the  whole  community :  all  these,  however,  were  barons,  but 
some  consider  this  as  the  era  of  the  introduction  of  knights 
of  the  shire,  although  their  number  was  far  from  allowing 
one  to  each  county.  A  politico-historical  writer  of  eminence, 
thinks  that  the  election  of  county  members  was  first  estab- 
lished by  custom,  and  afterwards  sanctioned  by  royal  autho- 
rity. He  supposes  that  the  small  barons  finding  themselves 
ill  able  to  appear  with  dignity  during  their  attendance  on 
parliament,  were  under  the  necessity  either  of  wholly  absent- 
ing themselves,  or  of  delegating  some  of  their  number,  at  the 
common  expense,  to  represent  the  whole  body ;  that  this  kind 
of  election  having  become  customary,  at  length  became  regu- 
lar, as  the  kings  always  wished  to  counterbalance  the  power 
of  the  great  barons  ;  and  that  these  deputies,  under  the  name 
of  knights  of  the  shire,  were  introduced  into  parliament  in 
the  reign  of  Henry  III.:j;  But  if  (he  time  and  the  manner  of 
introducing  county  members  be  involved  in  a  considerable 
degree  of  obscurity,  the  introduction  of  deputies  from  the 
boroughs  stands  in  a  more  luminous  point  of  view.  By  his 
victory  at  Lewes,  the  earl  of  Leicester  had  gotten  most  of  the 

*  For  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  Italian  cities.  Vide  Muratori.  Antiq. 
Ital.  Tom.  4.  p.  159, 163,  &c. 

•}■  Dr.  Robertson  obsenes  that  the  English  cities  were  very  inconsidera- 
ble in  the  twelfth  century.    Hist.  Ch.  V.  vol.  1,  note  18.  p.  317. 

i:  Millar's  Hist.  Eng.  Gov.  vol.  2.  p.  198. 


238  HISTORY  OP  EXGLAND. 

rffyal  family  into  bis  power ;  and,  in  the  name  of  Ilcnry,  I)0 
governed  the  kingdom.  The  barons  and  clergy,  having  so 
far  gained  their  point,  toolrercry  measure  that  the  most  re» 
fined  policy  could  suggest  to  make  the  best  of  their  advanta* 
ges  ;  and  as  no  composition  could  safely  be  made,  they  resolv- 
ed entirely  to  new-moddle  the  constitution.  At  this  period 
must  be  fixed  the  origin  of  English  liberty.  The  pretended 
privileges  of  the  barons,  the  bishops,  and  abbots,  were  no 
better  than  various  modes  of  usurpation.  Till  this  time  the 
common  and  indefeasible  rights  of  mankind  had  been  wholly 
disregarded  and  trampled  under  foot ;  and  the  people,  like 
cattle,  had  been  led  on  to  slaughter  without  being  allowed  any 
share  in  the  rewards  of  victory.  But  the  barons  and  ecclesias- 
tics in  dethroning  a  king  who  was  under  the  papal  protection, 
could  not  justify  their  conduct  on  the  political  or  religious  prin- 
ciples of  the  times.  They  therefore  called  in  a  poAver  wiiich 
Jiad  been  for  many  ages  unknown  :  namely  that  of  the  people. 
A  parliament  was  called,  and  the  barons  obliged  the  king  to 
issue  orders,  that  four  knights  of  the  shire  should  be  sent 
from  each  county  to  represent  the  whole  lauded 
•  "0  .  jjiteregt,*  ^t  its  meeting  various  regulations  were 
made ;  and  a  constitution  Avas  framed  which  left  only  an 
empty  title  to  the  king,  and  transferred  to  the  barons  the 
whole  power  of  the  government. 

The  Pope  appointed  a  legate  to  proceed  towards  England; 
but  a  message  from  the  earl  of  Leicester  informed  him  that 
lie  could  not  be  received.  The  legate  immediately  summoned 
the  bishops  to  give  an  account  of  their  conduct,  and  on  their 
refusal  fulminated  the  sentence  of  excommunication  against 
them  and  the  earl  of  Leicester,  and  laid  the  city  of  London 
under  an  interdict.  The  queen,  in  the  mean  while,  was  mak- 
ing vast  preparations  in  France,  in  order  to  liberate  the  king 
and  the  princes.f  For  this  purpose  she  collected  such  an  army 

*  These,  however,  hke  the  twelve  in  the  Oxford  parliament,  were  not 
chosen  by  the  counties,  but  nominated  by  the  government.  Tindal  OJI 
Ilapin,  vol.  1.  p.  339. 

t  The  queen,  being  daughter  of  the  count  Provence,  had  retired  to 
France,  where  the  interest  of  her  family  \^',ere  very  powerful. 


HENRY    III.  S39 

as,  in  all  probability^  would  have  conquered  England,  had 
Mot  Providence  interposed.*  Contrary  winds  continned  so 
long  that  the  troops  could  not  embark,  and  Mcre  obliged  to  bo 
disbanded  on  the  approach  of  winter. 

Hitherto  the  prosperity  of  the  earl  of  Leicester's  affairs 
had  equalled,  or  even  exceeded,  his  most  sanguine  expectations. 
He  still  kept  the  king  in  custody,  and  used  him  as  his  instru- 
ment in  ruling  the  kingdom.  But  the  barons  soon  grew  jeal- 
ous of  his  authority,  and  began  to  suspect  that  he  aspired  to 
the  crown.  The  earl  of  Gloucester,  who  was  one  of  the  most 
discontented  as  well  as  the  most  powerful,  fomented  their  sus- 
picions, and  the  barons  divided  into  opposite  factions. 

The  earl  of  Leicester  now  found  his  exalted  station  sur- 
rounded with  difficulties.  He  had  overturned  the  regal  autho- 
rity, but  he  had  still  to  contend  with  the  factioiis  of  the  bar- 
ons and  the  power  of  the  Pope.  In  this  situation  he  deemed 
it  expedient  to  widen  the  basis  on  which  his  authority  rested, 
by  extending  the  national  representation,  and  calling  on  the 
whole  body  of  the  people  to  sanction  his  proceedings. 

The  histories  of  all  ages  and  of  all  nations  sufficiently 
shew  that  the  leaders  of  revolt,  notwithstanding  their  plausi- 
ble pretexts,  seldom  act  on  principles  purely  patriotic.  It 
has  already  been  observed  that  the  barons  and  clergy,  in 
their  successive  struggles  with  the  crown,  had  only  endeav- 
oured to  secure  and  extend  their  own  privileges  and  power, 
without  wishing  to  procure  any  advantage  to  the  people. 
Nothing  but  their  own  interest,  which  had  need  of  such  a 
support,  could  have  induced  them  to  give  that  great  body  a 
place  in  the  political  system.!  The  boroughs  or  corporations 
of  England  had  not  acquired  sufiieient  importance  and  strength 
to  assert  their  right  to  a  share  of  tiie  legislative  authority. 
But  the  circumstances  of  the  times  put  into  their  hands  a  pri- 
vilege wliich  they  had  not  so  inuch  as  ventured  to  claim.  The 
critical  situation  of  the  earl  of  Leicester  induced  him  to  sum- 
mon a  parliament,  to  which  ea^ch  county  was  ordered  to  send, 
as  their  representatives,  two  knights,  and  each  city  and  bor  ^ 

*  M.  Wcstm.  p.  oS8. 

f  Millar  observes,  that  "  the  great  body  of  the  people,  (lisregardcd  and 
oppressed  on  all  hands,  were  beholden  for  any  privilepjes  bestowed  on 
them  to  the  jtiilousy  of  thcii'  masters."— Millui-  Hist.  Eiitj.  Gov.  2.  p.  80. 


S40  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.' 

oiigh  the  same  number  of  citizens  and  burgesses.  This,  ac^ 
cording  to  the  best  historians,  is  the  origin  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  the  palladium  of  English  liberty.* 

The  sanction  given  by  this  parliament  to  Leicester's  pro- 
ceedings, increased  the  earl  of  Gloucester's  suspicions,  tliat 
the  aspiring  chief  was  paving  his  nay  to  the  throne.  Think- 
ing it  unnecessary,  or  even  dangerous,  to  conceal,  any  longer, 
his  sentiments,  he  entered  into  a  confederacy  with  the  lords  of 
the  borders  of  Wales,  the  avowed  enemies  of  Leicester,  and 
prepared  for  war  by  fortifying  his  castles.  In  the  mean 
while  the  earl  of  Leicester  carried  the  captive  king  and 
prince  Edward  about  with  him  wherever  he  went ;  but  the 
young  prince  contrived  to  elude  the  vigilance  of  his  guards, 
and  by  the  assistance  of  the  earl  of  Gloucester,  Mith  whom 
he  had  concerted  his  plan,  effected  his  escape.  Leicester, 
omitted  nothing  that  could  tend  to  support  him  in  his  authority. 
He  proclaimed  prince  Edward,  the  earl  of  Gloucester,  and 
all  their  adherents,  traitors  and  rebels,  and,  in  the  name  of 
the  king,  prohibited  all  people  from  affording  them  any  aid  or 
assistance.  Many  of  the  barons  joined  the  standard  of  the 
prince,  who  soon  saw  himself  at  the  head  of  an  army  supe- 
rior to  that  which  Leicester  commanded.  The  earl,  therefore, 
sent  orders  to  his  son  Simon  to  join  him  immediately  with  his 
troops.  Simon  began  his  march  with  great  rapidity,  but  Ed- 
ward being  apprized  of  his  coming,  attacked  him  suddenly, 
and  cut  to  pieces  almost  the  whole  of  his  little  army. 

Edward  having  obtained  so  important  an  advantage,  resolr- 
cd  to  attack  the  earl  of  Leicester  before  he  could  be  inform- 
ed of  his  son's  defeat.  So  secret  and  rapid  M'ere  his  move- 
ments, that,  on  his  approach,  the  earl  supposed  it  to  be  his 
son  who  was  come  to  his  assistance.  But  notwithstanding 
his  surprise  on  descrying  the  hostile  banners,  he  judged  a  re- 
treat more  dangerous  than  a  battle,  and  immediately  prepared 
to  receive  the  attack.  Althoucrh  deserted  by  his 
•  -  •5-  ^Veigij  troops  at  the  very  first  onset,  the  earl,  by  his 
courage  and  conduct,  sustained,  from  two   in  the  afteruooa 

*  Vide  Spelman's  Gloss.  Voce  Pavliam.  and  Dr.  Bradv,  vol.  1.  p.  1-19, 


IIENRY  III.  24J^ 

uutil  night,  all  llie  efforts  of  an  enemy  greatly  superior  in 
numbers.  At  length  he  fell  covered  with  wounds,  as  did  also 
Lis  son  Henry  ;  and  the  army  being  disheartened  by  (he  death 
of  their  general,  the  royalist  gained  a  complete  victory.  Thus 
fell  the  famous  Simon  de  Montfort,  carl  of  Leicester,  who, 
though  a  native  of  France,  was  chosen  for  (heir  general  by 
the  barons  of  England,  and  obtained  the  actual  governaient 
of  the  kingdom.*  Although  so  zcalo.us  an  opposer  of  the 
royal  authority,  his  administration  was  not  less  arbitrary 
than  that  of  the  monarch  whose  power  he  had  usurped,  a 
proof,  among  thousands  of  others,  that  pretences  of  patriotism 
are  often  a  cloke  to  ambition.  But  if  many  parts  of  his  con- 
duct were  unjustifiable,  the  result  was  beneficial.  [His  politi- 
cal and  military  abilities  were  equal  to  his  bold  and  enter- 
prising genius,  and  his  name  will  for  ever  be  mcmoriible  in 
history  as  the  founder  of  the  English  House  of  Commons, 
which  forms  so  important  a  part  of  the  national  representa- 
tion. 

The  victory  of  Evesham  was  rendered  still  more  satisfac- 
tory to  Edward  by  enabling  him  to  liberate  his  royal  father, 
whom  the  earl  of  Leicester  had  detained  more  than  fourteen 
months  in  captivity. 

The  public  opinion  is  directed  by  circumstances,  and  fre- 
quently passes  from  one  extreme  to  another  with  a  rapidity 
that  would  astonish  a  dispassionate  spectator.  The  next 
parliament  that  met  was  entirely  devoted  to  the  royal  inter- 
est; and  readily  granted  to  the  king  the  confiscated  estates  of 
the  rebels.  Some  of  the  confederates  seeing  themselves  thus 
exposed  to  the  effects  of  royal  vengeance,  began  to  provide  for 
their  own  security.  Simon  de  Montfort,  son  of  the  late  earl 
of  Leicester,  and  nepliew  of  the  king,  perceiving  his  situation 
to  be  desperate,  retired  to  the  Isle  of  Axholme,  in  Lincoln- 
shire, a  place  which,  in  that  age,  when  embankments  and 

•  Simon  de  Montfort,  eail  of  Leicester,  was  the  son  of  the  ccleiiraled 
Simon  Count  dc  Montfort,  who  led  the  croisade  against  the  Albigrnses. 
Taking  some  disgust  at  tlie  court  of  France,  he  came  to  try  his  fortune 
in  England,  where  he  became  a  great  favourite  with  the  king,  and  stilj 
more  with  his  sister  the  countess  dowager  of  Pembroke,  whom,  having 
first  rendered  pregnant,  he  married  A.  D.  1238. 

I  i 


24S  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

drainage  were  in  so  imperfect  a  state,  Mas  rendered  almost 
inaccessible  by  the  surrounding  morasses.  Having  easily  put 
the  Isle  into  such  a  state  of  defence,  as  might  resist  the  ef- 
forts of  a  very  superior  force,  great  numbers  of  makontents 
resorted  daily  to  his  standard.  Prince  Edward  \va^  sent 
against  him  with  an  army,  and  found  a  considerable  difficulty 
in  dislodging  him  from  a  position  almost  unassailable ;  but 
after  an  obstinate  resistance,  the  malcontent3  were  compelled 
to  surrender,  on  condition  that  their  lives  and  limbs  should  be 
spared  ;  and  by  the  intercession  of  the  king  of  the  Romans, 
Simon  de  Montfort  obtained  permission  to  depart  the  king- 
dom with  an  annual  pension  of  four  hundred  pounds  of  sil- 
ver.* Others  of  the  malcontents,  however,  remained  in  arms. 
In  Hampshire  a  considerable  liody  of  rebels  was  headed  by 
Adam  de  Gurdon,  a  man  of  extraordinary  strength  and  cour- 
age. Prince  Edward  being  sent  against  them,  attacked  their 
eamp,  and  leaping  hastily  into  the  trench,  before  his  troops 
could  follow  him,  found  himself  engaged,  hand  to  hand,  with 
the  rebel  chief,  whom  he  brought  to  the  ground.  This  dis- 
play of  personal  prowess,  so  congenial  to  the  ideas  of  the 
limes,  greatly  contributed  to  exalt  the  martial  renown  of  the 
prince. t  The  castle  of  Kennelworth,  which  could  not  be 
carried  by  assault,  surrendered  after  a  long  blockade.  But 
the  principal  force  of  the  confederates  was  concentrated  in  the 
Isle  of  Ely,  which,  at  that  time,  consisted  for  the  most  part 
of  morasses  impassable  to  an  army.  In  that  place  the  fugi- 
tive malcontents,  from  different  parts  of  the  kingdom,  and 
especially  from  the  Isle  of  Axholme,  assembled ;  and  their 
forces  grew  so  considerable,  that  the  king  marched  against 
them  in  person;  but  on  his  arrival  at  Cambridge,  he  judged 
it  expedient  to  wait  for  the  return  of  prince  Edward,  who 
was  then  employed  in  reducing  the  malcontents  of  York- 
shire and  Northumberland. 

"While  such  was  the  state  of  affairs,  the  earl  of  Gloucester, 
who  had  been  so  strenuous  an  abettor  of  the  royal  cause,  and 

*  Wikes  Canon  of  Os.'p.  74.  Rapin  says  500 marks,  vol.  1.  p.  342.  Mont- 
fort afterwards  tunied  pirate.    Rapin  ibid. 

t  This  circumstance?  although  related  by  Wikes,  an  Augustine  monk, 
•fl.  76  of  his  history,  has  somewhat  of  the  air  of  romance. 


HENRY    III.  S4r3 

«o  determined  an  enemy  of  the  Leicester  party,  perceiving 
that  the  king  was  again  aiming  at  despotism,  resolved  to  give 
a  timely  check  to  his  proceedings.  Having  raised  some  troops 
on  the  borders  of  Wales,  and  made  a  league  with  the  prince 
of  that  country,  as  well  as  with  some  of  the  neighbouring 
barons,  lie  took  the  opportunity  of  the  king's  absence,  and 
marched  directly  to  London,  where  it  is  probable  that  the 
principal  citizens  were  not  ignorant  of  his  designs.  Having 
closely  besieged  the  Tower,  the  garrison  was  soon  obliged  to 
surrender.  After  making  himself  master  of  the  Tower,  he 
published  a  manifesto,  declaring  that  his  motive  for  arming 
was  to  obtain  reasonable  terms  for  the  malcontents,  and  to 
oblige  the  king  to  adhere  to  his  solemn  engagements.  Sur- 
prised at  this  unexpected  revolt,  Henry  sent  pressing  orders 
to  his  son  to  join  him  without  delay.  The  prince  having  tran- 
quillized the  northern  parts  of  the  kingdom,  marched  with  all 
possible  speed  towards  the  metropolis.  Having  joined  their 
forces,  the  king  and  the  prince  encamped  at  Stratford.  The 
esteem  which  prince  Edward  had  acquired,  rather  than  any 
respect  for  the  king,  considerably  increased  their  army ;  but 
Gloucester's  party,  in  London,  pillaged  Kent  and  Surrey,  as 
well  as  the  royal  palace  at  Westminster.  The  earl,  mIjo  had 
expected  a  general  insurrection  of  the  whole  kingdom  in  his 
favour,  finding  that  he  had  relied  on  uncertain  assurances,  soon 
was  desirous  of  an  accommodation ;  and,  through  the  inter- 
cession of  the  king  of  the  Romans,  he  obtained  a  complete 
amnesty  both  for  himself  and  the  city  of  London.  After  this 
revolt  was  suppressed,  prince  Edward  advanced  to  the  Isle  of 
Ely,  whicli  he  rendered  accessible  by  bridges  of  hurdles  and 
boards  thrown  over  the  bogs.  The  rebels  finding  themselves 
destitute  of  all  hopes  of  assistance,  were  glad  to  surrender 
on  condition  that  life  and  limb  should  be  spared,  and  by  their 
reduction  the  troubles  which,  during  the  space  of  five  years, 
had  agitated  the  kingdom,  were  brought  to  a  termination.  But 
it  was  still  thought  necessary  to  chastise  the  Welsh  prince, 
who  had  constantly  aided  the  rebels.  Edward  marched  into 
Wales,  and  advanced  as  far  as  Montgomery.  But  Llewellyn, 
conscious  of  the  iiiforiorify  of  liis  forces,  obtained  a  peace  on 


2^  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

condition  of  doing  homage  to  the  crown  of  England,  of  paj.* 
ing  thirty-two  thousand  marks,  and  of  delivering  up  some  of 
his  castles.* 

The  public  tranquillity   being  restored,  prince 
'  "    ■  Edward,  with  Henry,  son  of  the  king  of  the  Ro- 

mans,! and  a  great  number  of  the  English  nobles,  encour- 
aged by  the  example  of  the  son  and  the  nephew  of  their  mon- 
arch, took  the  cross,  and  embarked  on  an  expedition  to  the 
Holy  Land.  The  original  plan  was  that  the  English  arma- 
ment should  act  in  conjunction  with  that  of  France  under  St. 
Louis,  who  had  also  engaged  in  the  eroisade.  But  the  French 
monarch  having  resolved  to  begin  his  operations  by  an  expe- 
dition against  Tunis,  prince  Edward  jjroceeded  with  the  Eng- 
lish army  to  Palestine.  His  forces  were  not  sufficiently  nu- 
merous to  enable  him  to  make  any  great  progress ;  but,  in 
several  bloody  actions  Avith  the  Mahommedans,  he  revived 
among  them  the  memory  of  his  great  uncle  Richard  I.  His 
martial  fame,  however,  was  near  proving  fatal  to  his  life^ 
An  assassin  having,  under  pretence  of  delivering  to  him  some 
letters  from  the  governor  of  Joppa,  fcbtained  a  private  audi- 
ence, attempted  to  stab  him  to  the  heart.  Edward,  with 
great  dexterity,  warded  oft'  the  blow  from  his  body,  but  he 
received  a  w  ound  in  his  arm.  The  murderer  was  about  to 
repeat  the  blow,  but  prince  Edward  gave  him  so  violent  a  kick, 
that  he  brought  him  down  to  the  ground,  and  leaping  in- 
stantly upon  him,  he  wrested  the  dagger  out  of  his  hand,  and 
killed  him  on  the  spot.  The  wound  which  he  had  received 
was  found  to  be  extremely  dangerous,  as  the  dagger  was  pois- 
oned ;  but  the  strength  of  his  constitution,  together  with  the 
skill  of  his  surgeon,  completed  his  cure.^:     But  the  disastrous 

*  For  a  detailed  account  of  the  civil  wars  after  the  death  of  Leicester, 
\  idr;  Wikes,  p.  74  to  p.  83. 

f  Prince  Henry  was  assassinated  at  Viterbo,  in  Italy,  by  Guide  de 
Alontfort,  son  of  the  earl  of  Leicester,  in  revenge  fi>r  his  father's  death. 

i;  It  has  been  related  that  he  owed  liis  life  to  his  consort  Eleonora, 
who  sucked  out  the  poison ;  but  the  fact  appears  not  only  romantic 
hut  extremely  doubtful,  being  mentioned  by  no  historian  of  that  age. 
'I'indat  says  it  is  fu-st  mentioned  by  Camden.  Vide  notes  on  Ilapin  1. 
1>  3,4,5. 


HENRY  in.  245 

intelligence  of  the  death  of  St.  Louis,  and  of  the  return  of 
his  armament  to  France,  convinced  Edward  that  his  longer 
stay  in  the  east  could  not  be  of  any  utility,*  He  therefore 
concluded  a  truce  with  the  sultan,  and  prepared  for  his  return 
to  England.    While  the  young  prince  was  absent  in  Palestine, 

his   father,  Henry  IH.  expired  at  London  in  the 
A  D  I'^'i    sixty-seventh     year    of   his  age,    and  ^the  fifty" 

seventh  of  his  reign. 
The  character  of  Henry  III.  is  sufficiently  developed  in 
the  history  of  his  administration.  The  narrowness  of  his 
genius,  his  inconstant  and  capricious  temper,  and  his  prone- 
ness  to  be  guided  by  interested  counsellors,  are  conspicuous  in 
all  the  transactions  of  his  reign.  His  notions  of  arbitrary 
power  were  common  to  princes  in  a  barbarous  age  ;  but,  iu 
him,  they  were  neither  supported  by  brilliant  qualities,  nor 
tempered  with  discretion.  Equally  avaricious  and  prodigal, 
he  was  constantly  employed  in  extorting  money  from  his  sub- 
jects, without  ever  augmenting  his  treasures ;  and  his  desire 
of  establishing  his  despotic  authority  caused  him,  for  a  time, 
to  lose  his  just  prerogatives  and  his  personal  liberty,  for  the 
recovery  of  which  he  was  indebted  to  the  valour  of  his  son. 
Among  all  his  vices,  however,  he  cannot  be  taxed  with  cruelty. 
He  was  generally  contented  with  punishing  rebels  in  their 
purses,  when  he  might  have  caused  them  to  expire  on  the  scaf- 
fold ;  and  seemed,  on  every  occasion,  more  desirous  of  the 
money  than  the  blood  of  his  enemies.  But  of  all  the  features 
of  his  character,  his  profuseness  to  his  favourites,  and  his  in- 
considerate waste  of  money,  were  the  most  conspicuous ;  and 
his  improvidence,  rather  than  any  other  vice,  may  be  consid- 
ered as  the  source  of  all  his  misfortunes. 

Iu  exhibiting  the  troubles  which  agitated  his  reign,  it  has 
already  been  observed  that  the  result  was  extremely  favoura- 
ble to  popular  freedom  ;  but  it  may  appear  somewhat  extraor- 
dinary, that,  notwithstanding  the  impoverishment  of  the 
kingdom,  in  consequence  of  the  vast  sums  of  money  extorted 
by  the  king  and  the  Pope,  a  considerable  progress  was  made 

*  St.  Louis,  wIUi  tlie  tyreatest  part  of  his  army,  fell  victims  to  the  pes- 
tilence wliile  lying'  before  Tunis.  This  was  (he  last  of  those  romnntio. 
expeditions  called  the  croisades. 


^46  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

in  the  arts  of  elegance,  and  especially  in  architecture.  But 
it  must  also  be  observed,  that  notwithstanding  the  contentious 
disputes  between  the  king  and  the  nobles,  as  well  as  between 
the  Pope  and  the  clergy,  a  long  period  of  almost  forty  years 
elapsed  without  any  of  those  destructive  civil  wars,  which 
had  so  frequently  devastated  the  kingdom.  During  this  inter- 
val of  tranquillity,  the  people  of  England  must  have  consid- 
erably augmented  their  wealth;  and  perhaps  the  bishops  and 
monks,  who  knew  as  well  how  to  hold,  as  the  Pope  did  to 
draw,  complained  of  a  poverty  which  they  did  not  expe- 
rience. 

Whatever  might,  in  this  respect,  he  the  state  of  either  th» 
church  or  the  kingdom,  the  reign  of  Henry  III.  produced  some 
of  the  most  magnificent  specimens  of  sacred  architecture  that 
England  can  boast.  The  origin  of  the  highly  orhamented 
style  of  architecture  which  has  received  the  various  appella- 
tions of  Gothic,  Anglo-Normanic,  and  Saracenic,  is  difficult 
to  trace  ;  but,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  thirteenth  century,  it 
seems  to  have  attained  its  highest  perfection.*  "Westminster 
Abbey,  which,  in  the  reign  of  Henry  III.  was  taken  down  and 
rebuilt,  still  remains  a  magnificent  specimen  of  the  architec- 
tural skill  of  that  age. 

*  The  term  Gothic  is  often  applied,  in  an  indefinite  sense,  to  the  ages 
of  ig'norance  ;  but,  in  defining  the  limits  of  historical  periods,  this  term 
cannot  be  brought  lower  than  the  age  of  Charlemagne.  The  highly  or- 
namented style  of  architecture  which  prevailed,  with  some  variations, 
from  the  13th  to  the  16th  century,  has,  by  some,  been  called  Saracenic, 
because  it  appeared  in  Europe  soon  after  the  croisades,  and  seems  to 
have  admitted  a  variety  of  Arabic  ornaments  The  illustrious  Socict\  of 
Antiquaries  have  given  it  the  appellation  of  English,  because  it  was 
brought  to  the  highest  perfection  in  England.  Its  grand  characteristic  is 
striking  effect,  which  renders  it  peculiarly  adapted  to  structures  conse- 
crated to  religion. 


247 


EDWARD  I. 


At  the  death  of  Henry  III.  his  son  and  successor,  Edward  I. 
was  6ghting  under  the  banners  of  the  cross,  and  acquiring 
military  fame  in  the  distant  region  of  Palestiue.  His  absence 
was  no  detriment  to  his  succession.  His  prudence  and  val- 
our were  fresh  in  the  memory  of  the  English ;  and  they  hoped 
that  he  would  employ  those  talent  sin  maintaining  the  tran- 
quillity of  the  kingdom,  which  had  suffered  such  violent 
shocks  in  the  two  preceding  reigns.  The  assembled  barons, 
with  one  accord,  swore  fealty  to  their  absent  monarch  ;  and 
\  D  1272  ^PP<^*"^6*^  ^  regency  to  govern  the  kingdom  until 
his  arrival. 
Edward  being  on  his  return  from  the  east,  arrived  at  Mes- 
sina, in  Sicily,  before  he  was  informed  of  what  passed  in  Eng- 
land. From  Sicily  he  went  to  Rome  to  visit  the  new  Pope, 
Gregory  X.  who  was  his  particular  friend,  and  had  accom- 
panied him  when  he  went  to  Palestine.  He  then  proceeded 
on  his  journey  homeward  through  Burgundy  and  France;  and 
after  honouring  with  his  presence  a  tournament,  to  which  he 
was  invited  by  the  earl  of  Chalons,  lie  «cnt  to  Paris  on  a  visit 
to  Philip  III.  king  of  France,  who  gave  him  an  honourable 
reception,  and  received  his  homage  for  Guicnne.  At  length 
having  finished  his  peregrination,  he  and  his  queen  arrived  in 
A  n  1^7/t  England  ;  and  on  the  IVtth  August  were  crowned 
at  Westminster.  The  first  cave  of  the  new  king, 
after  his  coronation,  was  to  make  a  strict  inquiry  into  the 
affairs  of  his  kingdom,  and  to  rectify  the  abuses  which  had 
crept  in  during  the  former  reigns.  He  and  his  parliament 
enacted  new  laws  for  securing  the  tranquillity  of  the  king- 
dom, the  immunities  of  the  churcli,  and  the  privileges  of  the 
clergy. 


248  HISTORY  OF  E^GLA^-D. 

Edward  had  long  revolved  in  his  mind  the  subjugation  of 
Wales.  That  country  had,  in  tlie  preceding  reign,  been  re- 
duced to  a  state  of  vassalage  to  the  English  crown ;  but  the 
"Welsh  continued  to  be  troublesome  neighbours.  Ever  ready 
to  take  advantage  of  any  disturbance  that  broke  out  in  Eng- 
land, they  never  failed,  on  such  occasions,  to  renew  tlieir  pre- 
datory inroads  on  the  frontiers;  and  in  the  late  civil  wars, 
Llewellyn,  the  reigning  prince,  had  constantly  aided  the 
English  malcontents.  Edward  offered  him  peace  on  condi- 
tion that  he  should  make  satisfaction  for  all  the  damages 
done  to  the  borders  of  England  during  the  wars ;  but  Llew  ellyn 
refused  to  accede  to  this  proposal.  In  the  besrin- 
*"'"  ning  of  the  spring,  Edward  having  assembled  a 
numerous  army,  put  himself  at  its  head,  and  by  cutting  a 
Avide  road  through  a  vast  forest,  opened  himself  a  passage 
into  the  centre  of  Wales.  Llewellyn  being  unable  to  withstand 
this  formidable  invasion,  retired  to  the  mountains  of  Snow  den, 
the  usual  refuge  of  the  Welsh  when  driven  to  the  last  extre- 
mity. The  English  fleet,  in  the  mean  while,  reduced  the  Isle 
of  Anglesey ;  and  the  Welsh  prince  being  pressed  on  every 
side,  was  obliged  lo  sue  for  peace,  whicli  he  obtained  on  the 
hard  condition  of  paying  fifty  thousand  pounds  for  the  ex- 
penses of  the  war,  besides  tlje  annual  sum  of  a  thousand 
marks  for  the  Isle  of  Anglesey,  and  several  other  articles  of 
inferior  importance.  But  Edward  having  suffciently  humbled 
his  enemy,  generously  remitted  the  pecuniary  conditions,  and 
liberated  the  hostages  which  Llewellyn  had  delivered.  He 
not  only  restored  to  that  prince  his  intended  consort,  the 
daughter  of  the  late  earl  of  Leicester,  who  had  been  captured 
fcy  t!ie  English,  but  did  him  tlie  honour  to  be  present  at  his 
nuptials  ;  and  in  order  to  attach  the  Welsh  princes  to  the  in- 
ierests  of  England,  he  created  David,  the  brother  of  Lle- 
wellyn, earl  of  Denbigh,  and  gave  him  in  marriage  a  rich 
English  heiress,  the  daughter  of  the  earl  of  Derby. 

The  Welsh  war  being  ended,  Edward  was  again  left  at 
leisure  to  attend  to  internal  regulations.  Among  the  various 
abuses  that  prevailed  in  the  kingdom,  the  adulteration  of  Ihe 
coin  excited  a  general  complaint.  On  its  being  discovered 
that  the  Jews  were  the  chief  authors  of  this  evil,  he  caused 


EDWARD  I*  g49 

till  those  that  were  in  England  to  be  seized  in  one  day.  After 
a  strict  examination,  two  hundred  and  eighty  being  convicted 
of  clipping  and  coining,  or  circulating  counterfeit  money,  re- 
ceived sentence  of  death,  and  w£re  executed  at  Loudon,  be- 
sides great  numbers  in  other  parts  of  the  kingdom.* 

An  affair  of  a  different  nature,  but  of  great  public  import- 
ance, next  attracted  the  attention  of  the  king  and  the  parlia- 
ment. In  those  dark  ages,  when  ignorance  and  vice  kept 
an  equal  pace,  those  who  were  possessed  of  aflBuence,  and 
apprehensive  of  approaching  dissolution,  after  a  life  of  li- 
centiousness, generally  sought  (o  bribe  the  justice  of  heaven 
by  liberal  donations  to  cburches  and  monasteries.  This  cus- 
tom had  become  so  prevalent,  as  to  excite  a  general  complaint 
among  relatives,  who  were  thus  deprived  of  their  inheri- 
tance ;  and  it  was  represented  that  all  the  lands  in  the  king- 
dom would,  in  process  of  time,  be  in  the  hands  of  the  clergy^ 
if  people  were  suffered  thus  to  alienate  their  estates  to  the 
church,  in  the  vain  expectation  of  purchasing  the  salvation  of 
their  souls.  The  king  laid  the  matter  before  the  parliament, 
and  to  remedy  so  growing  an  abuse  the  famous 
'  mortmain  act  was  passed,  prohibiting  all  such  be- 
quests, without  the  express  consent  of  the  sovereign. 

But  in  attempting  another  regulation,  Edward  fell  into  an 
error  which  he  soon  found  it  necessary  to  rectify.  During  the 
troubles  of  the  late  reigns,  many  persons  had  gotten  posses- 
sion Ok  estates  to  which  they  had  no  legal  right.  This  was 
a  fertile  source  of  litigation,  and  the  crown  itself  suffered  by 
these  disorders.  AVrits  of  inquiry  were  issued,  and  all  per- 
sons possessing  contested  estates  were  obliged  to  shew  in  what 
manner  they  had  been  acquired.  Some  regulation  of  this 
kind  was  just  and  necessary  ;  but  the  king  pushed  the  mat- 
ter so  far  as  to  convert  it  into  a  means  of  oppression.  Dur* 
ing  the  lapse  of  two  centuries,  a  great  part  of  which  period 
had  been  filled  with  scenes  of  confusion,  productive  of  vari- 
ous revolutions  in  families,  great  numbers  of  the  nobles  had 
lost  their  original  records.  The  king,  taking  advantage  of 
this  circnmstance,  issued  a  proclamation,  enjoining  all  those 

•  M.  West,  p.  409- 

K  k 


^50  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

tvlio  held  lands  of  the  crown  to  lay  their  titles  before  the 
judges  5  and  many  who  could  not  produce  tbein,  were  obliged 
to  pay  large  sums  of  money  in  order  to  preserve  their  estates. 
But  the  firmness  of  the  earl  of  Warwick  put  a  stop  to  these 
proceedings.  That  nobleman  being  summoned  before  iho 
judges  of  the  crown,  was  required  to  shew  the  original  title 
by  which  he  held  his  estates,  when  drawing  an  old  rusty 
sword,  he  made  this  resolute  answer  :  "  My  ancestors,  coming 
*'  in  with  William  the  Bastard,  won  these  lands  by  the  sword  ; 
^^  and  by  the  sword  I  will  defend  them  against  any  that  will 
"  take  them  away ;  for  that  king  did  not  conquer  for  him- 
"  self  alone,  neither  did  my  ancestors  assist  him  for  that 
*'  end.''*  This  decisive  reply  convinced  the  king  of  the  dan- 
ger of  persisting  in  measures  which  tended  to  excite  a  re- 
Tolt  of  the  barons,  and  to  involve  him  in  the  same  trouble* 
that  John  and  Henry  III.  had  experienced.  He  therefore 
made  a  prudent  use  of  the  hint,  and  by  revoking  his  procla- 
mation, regained  the  affections  of  the  nobility. 

Edward  was  now  about  to  be  employed  in  an  affair  highly 
beneficial  to  his  kingdom.  His  generosity  and  politeness  to  the 
Welsh  princes  Llewellyn  and  David  might  have  prevented 
the  renewal  of  hostilities,  unless  it  be  supposed  that  Edward 
in  conferring  these  favours,  had  only  intended  to  conceal  his 
.future  designs  on  their  country.  The  Welsh  always  bore  the 
English  yoke  with  impatience,  and  if  the  grievances  related 
by  certain  historians  be  considered  as  resting  on  substantial 
evidence,  it  must  be  supposed  that  Edward  had  formed  the 
design  of  driving  them  to  revolt.f  It  also  appears  that  a 
prediction  of  Merlin,  their  famous  prophet,  had  no  incon- 
siderable share  in  prompting  them,  once  more,  to  try  the  for- 
tune of  arms.  The  Welsh  imagined  from  this  predictio» 
that  Llewellyn  was  destined  to  sway  the  sceptre  of  Brutus, 
whom  their  fabulous  legends  represented  as  the  first  king, 
over  the  whole  island  of  Albion ;  and  this  fancy  had  takeu 
such  fast  hold  of  their  minds,  that  both  the  prince  and  the 
people  flattered  themselves  with  its  speedy  accomplishment. 

*  Tindal's  notes  on  Rapin,  vol.  1.  p,  360. 

fVide  Tyrrel,volr4.  p.  36,  &c.    Powel's  Hist.  Wales,  p.  339,  &c. 


EWDARD  I.  251 

Llewellyn  having  transmitted  to  Edward  a  statement  of  his 
real  or  pretended  grievances,  and  obtaining  no  redress,  in- 
stantly flew  to  arms,  ravaged  the  English  borders,  and  de- 
feated their  troops  in  different  rencounters. 

On  receiving  intelligence  of  this  revolt,  Edward  summoned 
his  barons,  and  sending  for  a  great  number  of  foreign  troops 
from  Guienne  and  Gascony,  collected  a  numerous  army.*  On 
his  approach,  Llewellyn  again  retired  to  the  inaccessible 
mountains  of  Snowden,  a  position  which  might  have  been 
maintained  without  danger.  The  king  of  England  perceiv- 
ing the  impossibility  of  attacking  the  Welsh  prince,  resolved 
to  blockade  his  army  by  securing  all  the  avenues  tJiat  led  into 
those  mountainous  regions.  Here  Llewellyn  might,  without 
any  risk  to  himself,  have  wearied  out  his  besiegers,  had  not 
a  trifling  victory  gained  by  one  of  his  detachments  over  a 
small  body  of  English,  who  had  come  over  from  Anglesey, 
induced  him  to  leave  his  impregnable  post.  This  inconsidera- 
ble advantage  was,  by  the  credulity  of  the  prince  and  his 
people,  interpreted  as  the  beginning  of  the  fulfilment  of  Mer- 
lin's prophecy.  Flattered  with  this  delusive  expectation, 
Jjlewcllyn  descended  into  the  plain  without  considering  tlie 
inferiority  of  his  forces  both  in  numbers  and  discipline.  The 
Welsh  and  the  English,  for  the  last  time,  drew  up  against 
each  other  in  hostile  array.  Llewellyn  soon  discovered  the 
error  into  which  he  had  been  led  by  his  credulity.  He  fought 

with  a  courage  inspired  by   desperation,  and  was 
A  D.  1283  '^il^^'l  on  the  field  of  battle,  after  seeing  his  army 

entirely  routed.  His  head,  crowned  with  ivy,  was, 
by  Edward's  command,  exposed  on  the  walls  of  the  Tower  of 
London.  David,  the  brother  of  Llewellyn,  soon  after  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  English.  The  unfortunate  prince  beg- 
ged for  mercy ;  but  as  he  w  as  the  last  of  the  family  of  the 
sovereigns  of  Wales,  the  inexorible  Edward  resolved  that 
the  conquest  of  that  country  should  be  secured  by  his  death. 
He  caused  liim  to  be  condemned  and  executed  as  a  traitor. 
His  head  was  placed  on  the  walls  of  the  Tower  near  that 
of  the  prince,  his  brother  j  and  his  four  quarters  were  sent  to 

*  Tiud;vr6  notes  on  Rapin  l.p.  360. 


^22  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

be  exposed,  in  a  similar  manner,  at  Winchester,  Bristol,  Nor- 
thampton, and  York.  Tims  did  Edward  endeavour,  by  ter- 
ror, to  prevent  any  future  revolts  against  his  authority.* 
Wales  was  annexed  to  England  :  foreign  conquests  might  add 
lustre  to  a  reign ;  but  this  was  conducive  to  the  felicity  of  the 
kingdom.  Thus  the  Welsh,  those  interesting  remains  of  the 
ancient  Britons,  finally  lost  their  national  independence,  after 
having  preserved  it  in  that  narrow  corner  of  the  island  more 
than  eight  centuries.  Without  any  foreign  alliance,  and  des- 
titute of  all  succours,  they  had,  during  this  long  period,  stood 
their  ground  against  the  Saxon  and  Norman  kings  of  Eng- 
land, most  of  whom  had  attempted  to  subdue  them  with  for- 
ces greatly  superior.  They  had  often  been  compelled  to  pay 
tribute  to  the  English  monarchs;  but  they  had  always  remain- 
ed a  distinct  nation,  governed  by  peculiar  laws.  The  loss  of 
these  privileges  were  amply  repaid  by  those  which  they  ac- 
quired. From  a  state  of  barbarian  freedom,  they  emerged  to 
a  state  of  more  civilized  liberty.  They  became  one  and  the 
same  nation  with  the  conqnerors  ;  and  have,  ever  since,  en- 
joyed all  the  privileges  of  that  excellent  constitution,  which, 
after  the  revolution  of  a  few  ages,  was  so  judiciously  com- 
pleted as  to  produce  the  largest  portion  of  political  felicity 
that  any  people  has  ever  enjoy ed.f 

The  kingdom  being  now  in  a  sta^e  of  peace  and  security, 
Edward  committed  the  regency  to  the  earl  of  Pembroke,  and 
embarked  for  France,  where  he  spent  a  considerable  time  in 
soliciting,  from  Philip  the  Fair,  the  restitution  of  the  provin- 
ces which  Philip  Augustus  had  wrested  from  the  crown  of 

*  Rapin  1.  p.  360. 

\  In  anchieving  and  securing  the  conquest  of  Wales,  Edward  has,  by 
Some  historians,  been  charged  with  great  inhumanity.  He  is  said  to  have 
ordered  a  general  massacre  of  the  bards,  whose  poetical  effusions  inflamed 
the  Welsh  with  a  love  of  independence.  The  story  has  been  generally 
received ;  but  it  is  questioned  by  the  most  judicious  historians.  Rapin 
is  silent  on  the  subject ;  and  a  modern  writer  says  that  it  rests  wholly  on 
the  authority  of  Wynne,  who  lived  centuries  after  the  event.  Jones's  Hist. 
Brecknock,  vol  1.  chap.  8.  This  author  says  that,  after  the  lapse  of  S9 
many  ages,  the  Welsh  still  retain  an  habitual  aversion  to  the  English. 
Hist.  Brecknock  1.  chap.  10.    This  can  only  be  understood  of  the  vulgar. 


EDWAIiD    I.  253 

England.  But  in  this  affair  he  was  unsuccessful.  After 
passing  three  years  on  the  continent,  during  which  period 
nothing  of  importance  was  transacted,  Edward  returned  to 
England,  and  immediately  set  about  reforming  several  abuses 
wl»ie!»  had  been  introduced  in  his  absence,  especially  in  (he 
administration  of  justice.  On  making  a  strict  inquiry,  it  was 
found  (hat  many  of  the  judges,  and  other  magistrates,  had 
suffered  themselves  to  be  corrupted  by  bribes.  Of  tins  num- 
ber was  the  chief  justiciary,  who  was  banished  the  realm,  and 
his  estates  were  confiscated.  The  other  delinquents  were  pun- 
ished by  heavy  fines,  Mhich  brought  large  sums  of  money  into 
the  treasury,  while  equity  was  established  in  the  courts  of 
judicature. 

The  next  important  regulation  was  the  banishment  of  (he 
Jews.  These  people  appear  to  have  been  first  introduced  into 
England  by  William  the  Conqueror.  They  enjoyed  various 
and  important  privileges,  especially  that  of  being  proprietors 
of  laud  ;  and  they  had  not  only  a  high  priest  of  their  religion, 
but  judges  of  their  own  nation  to  hear  and  determine  their 
differences.*  By  traffic,  usury,  mortgages,  &c.  they  had  ac- 
quired great  wealth  both  in  money  and  land.  But,  at  the 
same  time,  they  were  subject  to  exorbitant  and  frequent  exac- 
tions. The  taxes,  imposed  on  them,  constituted  a  distinct  and 
considerable  branch  of  the  royal  revenue,  under  the  name  of 
the  Exchequer  of  the  Jews.  The  king,  who  Mas  their  only 
protector,  seems  to  have  been  the  absolute  lord  of  their  estates 
and  effects  ;  and  he  fleeced  them  as  they  fleeced  his  subjectsf- 
AVithout  mentioning  a  number  of  other  instances,  especially 
in  the  reigns  of  Richard  I.  John,  and  Henry  III.  Aaron,  a 
Jew  of  York,  had,  in  the  year  1250,  paid  to  (he  last  mentioned 
monarch,  at  different  times,  sums  to  the  amount  of  thirty  thou- 
sand marks  of  silver,  besides  two  hundred  marks  of  gold  to 
the  queen. I  And  in  (he  short  space  of  little  more  than  seven 
years  from  A.  D.  1365,  the  fiftiedi  of  Henry  III.  to  the 
spring  of  1273,  the  second  of  Edward  I.  the  crown  had  re- 
ceived from  the  Jews  more  than  four  hundred  and  twenty 

*  Rapin  1.  p.  364.  |  Tindal's  notes  on  Rapln  1,  p.  SiT- 

+  M.  Paris,  p*  78S. 


S54«  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAxNlD. 

thousand  pounds,  a  very  large  sum  in  that  age,  and  equal,  ia 
weight,  to  one  million  two  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  pounds 
in  modern  money.*  In  short,  it  appears,  that  the  wealth  of 
the  Jews  was  a  fund,  on  which  the  crov\  n  made  large  demands 
on  every  emergency.  An  insatiable  thirst  of  gain  caused 
them  to  submit  to  these  extortions ;  and,  indeed,  in  these  ages 
of  bigotry  and  iguorance,  there  was  scarcely  any  christian 
country  in  which  they  were  more  equitably  treated.  The 
English  had  long  desired  their  expulsion ;  but  they  had  al- 
ways diverted  the  blow  by  presents  to  the  king  and  his  minis- 
ters. Although  the  accusation  of  crucifying  christian  children 
can  only  be  regarded  as  a  calumny  invented  by  their  enemies ; 
yet  they  were  undoubtedly  guilty  of  other  crimes,  such  as 
usury,  clipping,  and  adulterating  the  coin,  and  various  practi- 
ces which  merited  the  public  animadversion.  The  king  being 
nuable  any  longer  to  protect  them  without  giving  great  offence 

to  the  nation,  the  parliament  resolved  on  their  ex- 

A.D.  1290.        ,  .  rp,,  V.    1    * 

pulsion.       Ihey  were   permitted   to   carry    away 

their  moveable  etFects,  but  their  houses  and  lauds  were  con- 
fiscated. 

About  this  period  Edward  I.  began  to  be  engaged  in  the 
grand  affair  of  his  reign.  Alexander  III.  king  of  Scotland, 
dying  in  1385,  without  issue,  the  succession  to  his  crown  de- 
volved on  his  grandaughter  Margaret,  princess  of  Norway.f 
Ever  since  the  death  of  that  monarch  Edward  had  meditated 
the  design  of  uniting,  in  his  own  family,  the  crowns  of  Eng- 
land and  Scotland ;  and,  in  that  view,  had  negociated  with  the 
Scottish  barons  a  treaty  of  marriage  between  his  son  and  the 
heiress  of  their  kingdom.  A  measure  so  beneficial,  both  to  the 
Scotch  and  the  English,  met  with  universal  approbation.  But 
the  plans  of  human  prudence  and  policy  are  all  uncertain. 
The  happy  period  marked  in  the  book  of  divine  providence 
for  uniting  the  two  nations  which  divided  Great  Britain,  was 
yet  at  a  distance  ;  and  the  moment  which  seemed  to  promise 
a  perpetual  calm,  was  soon  followed  by  tremendous  storms. 

*  Vide  Coke's  Instlt.  2. 

I  Alexander  had  three  children,  David,  Alexander,  and  Margaret,  queen 
of  Norwavi  but  they  were  all  dead. 


EDWARD    I.  255 

All  hopes  of  an  union  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  vanished. 
While  the  English  monarch  was  employed  in  regulating  the 
administration  of  Scotland  in  the  name  of  Young  Edward  and 
Margaret,  that  princess  died  in  the  island  of  Orkney,  to  which 
she  had  been  driven  by  stress  of  weather  in  her  passage  from 
Norway.  As  soon  as  the  news  of  her  death  reached  Scotland, 
it  excited  extraordinary  commotions.  A  number  of  compet- 
itors for  the  crown  divided  the  kingdom  into  different  factions  ; 
and  the  nobles,  regardless  of  the  right  of  the  claimants,  or 
the  good  of  their  country,  espoused  one  party  or  another  ac- 
cording as  they  were  impelled  by  private  interest  or  family 
connexions. 

Among  the  pretenders  to  the  crown  of  Scotland,  John 
Baliol  and  Robert  Bruce  divided  almost  all  the  suffrages  in 
the  kingdom.  Both  of  them  were  decendants  of  David,  earl 
«f  Huntingdon,  third  son  of  David  I.  king  of  Scotland.  Bruce 
was  the  son  of  Isabella,  earl  David's  second  daughter ;  and 
Baliol  the  grandson  of  Margaret  the  eldest  daughter.*  Bruce 
Vvas  therefore  the  nearest  in  blood  to  Earl  David ;  but  Baliol 
being  decended  from  the  elder  branch,  his  right,  according  to 
the  laws  of  succession,  at  present  established,  would  be  deem- 
ed preferable.  Each  of  the  rivals,  however,  was  supported 
by  a  powerful  faction,  and  ready  to  decide  their  pretentions 
hy  arms.  But  in  order  to  avoid  the  miseries  of  a  civil  war, 
the  king  of  England  was  chosen  umpire ;  and  both  parties 
agreed  to  submit  to  his  decision.  At  this  period  historians 
begin  to  discuss  the  famous  controversy  concerning  the  inde- 
pendence of  Scotland,  a  question  banefully  interesting  to  the 
two  nations  in  that  age,  but  now  only  a  subject  of  antiquarian 
curiosity. 

From  the  eailiest  ages,  to  which  the  feudal  system  can  be 
traced,  the  Scottish  kings  had  done  homage  to  the  crown  of 
England  for  possessions  which  they  held  in  the  northern  parts 
of  that  kingdom.  According  to  the  feudal  ideas,  the  homage 
which  they  performed  on  this  account  was  not  derogatory  tt> 
the  regal  dignity,  as  the  kings  of  England  themselves  had 
always  done  homage  to  the  sovereigns  of  France  for  Norman - 

*  Rapin,  I.  p.  366.    Robertson's  Hist.  Scotland,  1.  p.  t!  a?id  1^. 


256  HlStORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

dy,  Anjou,  Giiienne,  and  all  the  other  provinces,  which  they 
held  within  the  precincts  of  that  realm.  The  principal  dis- 
pute, therefore,  between  the  Scotch  and  Englisli  historians,  is 
whellier  the  homages  performed  by  the  kings  of  Scotland  to 
the  kings  of  England,  were  for  the  provinces  which  they  ac- 
knowledged themselves  to  hold  of  the  crown  of  England,  or 
for  the  whole  of  their  dominions  National  vanity  has  cher- 
ished national  prejudice  through  a  long  succession  of  ages  : 
and  historians,  in  discussing  the  question,  have  perplexed  it 
with  difficulties  Mhich  have  rendered  its  solution  almost 
impossible.*  It  is  certain,  however,  that  an  unexpected  event 
brought  the  Scottish  crown  into  a  state  of  dependence  on 
England.  William,  surnamed  the  Lion,  king  of  Scotland, 
being  made  prisoner  by  the  English  troops,  Henry  11.  among 
other  hard  conditions  as  the  price  of  his  liberty,  extorted  from 
him  an  acknowledgment  of  complete  vassalage,  and  com- 
pelled him  to  do  homage  for  his  whole  kingdom.  But  Rich- 
ard I.  on  receiving  a  valuable  consideration  in  money,  re- 
nounced his  claim  to  the  paramount  sovereignty  of  Scotland  ; 
and,  by  an  authentic  charter,  discharged  the  Scottish  monarch 
and  his  successors  from  the  homage  imposed  by  Henry. f 

From  this  statement  it  appears  tliat  the  kingdom  of  Scot- 
land was  entirely  independent  when  Baliol  and  Bruce  disputed 
the  succession  to  its  crown.  But  Edward  was  artful  and  en- 
terprising, and  commanding  a  powerful  and  martial  people? 
resolved  to  turn  to  his  advantage  the  divisions  which  prevailed 
in  the  country,  and  the  interested  ambition  of  the  competitors. 
Pretending  to  examine  the  claims  with  due  care  and  solemnity, 
he  summoned  the  Scottish  barons  to  Norham,  where  he  open- 
ed the  business  by  declaring  that  as  sovereign  lord  of  Seot- 
iand,  he  was  come  to  do  justice  with  strict  impartiality.  As 
llie  first  step  towards  settling  the  succession,  he  required  of 
the  Scots  a  positive  recognition  of  his  paramount  dominion. 
Twelve  claimants  appeared,  and  all  of  them  acknowledged 

*  Df  Robertson  seems  to  make  it  appear  that  the  Scottish  histosians 
have  the  strongest  evidence,  as  well  as  the  greatest  probability  on 
their  side.     Hist.  Scot.  1.  p.  10  and  11. 

j.  See  reigns  of  Henry  LI,  and  Richard  I. 


EDWARD    I.  357 

(iie  sovereignty  of  Edward.  The  nobles,  being  some  of  then) 
gained,  and  others  intimidated,  made  no  opposition;  and  their 
silence  was  interpreted  into  a  formal  assent.  This  step  led 
to  another  of  still  greater  importance.  As  it  would  have  been 
in  vain  to  pronounce  a  sentence  without  having  power  to  car- 
ry it  into  execution,  Edward  demanded  possession  of  the  king- 
dom, that  he  might  be  able  to  deliver  it  to  the  claimant  whose 
right  should  be  found  preferable.  Such  was  the  impatient 
ambition  of  the  candidates,  and  such  the  pusilauimity  of  the 
nobles,  that  they  assented  to  this  demand  :  the  earl  of  Angus 
was  the  only  one  that  hesitated  to  deliver  up  to  the  king  of 
England  the  castles  of  which  he  had  the  custody. 

The  business  having  proceeded  thus  far,  and  about  a  hun- 
dred commissioners  being  chosen  by  the  king  and  the  candi- 
dates, in  order  to  examine  the  question,  the  3d  day 
■  of  x\ugust  was  appointed  for  the  decision.  Bu^ 
the  commissioners  representing  to  the  king  that  the  Scots 
were  so  divided  in  opinion  concerning  their  own  laws,  as  to 
render  it  extremely  difficult  to  settle  so  disputable  a  point, 
requested  a  longer  time  for  deliberation,  and  the  meeting  was 
postponed  to  the  i4th  of  October.  On  that  day  the  commis- 
sioners assembled  in  the  presence  of  the  king:  the  two  prin- 
cipal candidates,  Baliol  and  Bruce,  preferred  their  claims, 
and  after  a  number  of  arguments  and  replies  the  session  was 
adjourned ;  and  the  sixth  of  November  was  appointed  for 
pronouncing  the  sentence.  On  that  day  Edward  solemnly  de- 
clared that  the  pretensions  of  Bruce  were  ill  founded.  But 
as  the  exclusion  of  Bruce  did  not  necessarily  imply  the  ad- 
mission of  Baliol,  Edward  ordered  the  commissioners  to. 
examine  the  pretensions  of  the  other  candidates.  The  last 
meeting  being  held  on  the  17th  November,  and  the  claims  of 
the  other  competitors  being  rejected,  Edward  adjudged  the 
kingdom  of  Scotland  to  John  Baliol,  who  agreed  to  hold  it  in 
vassalage  to  the  crown  of  England.* 

Thus  was  decided  this  singular  process,  which  eventually 
gave  rise  to  a  war  between  England  and  Scotland,  which  lasted 
with  little  intermission  upwards  of  seventy  years,  and  drench- 

•  Itapin,  1.  p.  367  to  372.    Robertson's  Ilist.  Scot.  1,  p.  12  and  13. 


^58.  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

ed  both  kingdoms  with  blood.  Dr.  Robertson  insinuates  that 
Edward  gave  judgment  in  favonr  of  Baliol,  because  he  found 
Lim  the  least  foi  midable  of  the  claimants,  and  the  most  obse- 
quious to  his  will.*  But  the  candid  inquirer  will  perceive 
that  whatever  might  be  the  secret  views  of  the  English  mon- 
arch, he  examiiied  the  case  with  great  deliberation  and  ap- 
parent impartiality,  and  decided  the  question  according  to 
the  laws  of  succession  established  among  the  most  enlightened 
nations.  Some  historians  would  insinuate  that  Edward  liad 
no  other  intention  than  to  set  up  Baliol  as  a  pageant  of  state, 
until  he  should  see  a  fit  opportunity  of  seizing  the  kingdom. 
But  the  actions  of  princes,  rather  than  their  motives,  are  the 
proper  subjects  for  histoi-y  :  the  former  are  public  :  the  latter 
are  in  general  carefully  concealed,  and  their  pretended  devel- 
opement  by  historical  writers  can  amount  to  no  more  than 
conjecture.  The  subsjequent  conduct  of  Edward  gives  an  air 
of  probability  to  the  supposition  that  his  design  was  to  pro- 
voke the  Scots  to  hostility,  in  order  to  have  a  specious  pretext 
for  reducing  them  under  his  immediate  dominion.  He  soon 
began  to  make  them  feel  the  weight  of  his  power,  even  in  the 
most  trivial  matters.  Baliol  was  scarcely  put  in  possession 
cf  his  kingdom,  before  he  was  summoned  to  appear  before 
!pdwardj  his.  sovereign  lord,  to  answer  the  complaints  of  a 

merchant  of  Gascony.     This  person  had  presented 
^'^D^'iogs'  *  petition,  setting  forth  that  Alexander  III.  the 

late  Scottish  monarch,  stood  indebted  to  him  in  the 
§um  of  2X971.  8s.  and  that  all  his  applications  for  payment 
to  the  new  king  having  proved  ineifectual,  he  therefore  ap- 
plied for  justice  to  Edward,  as  paramount  sovereign  of  Scot- 
land.! Edward  readily  embraced  this  occasion  of  exercising 
his  newly-acquired  rights ;  and  other  pretexts,  equally  fa- 
vourable, were  successively  furnished  by  the  complaints  of 
dlitferent  persons,  both  English  and  Scotch.  Among  these 
were  the  earl  of  Fife,  who  had  been  imprisoned  by  the  parlia-r 
went  of  Scotland ;  a  lady  of  the  Isle  of  Man,  whose  real  or 
p.retended  claims  to  that  island  had  been  rejected  by  Baliol  j 

*  Hist.  Scotland,  1.  p,  13-        f  Rymer's  Feed,  Tom.  2-  p.  605. 


EDWARD    li  259 

the  abbot  of  the  monastery  of  Reading  in  England^  who  was 
^nngagcd  in  a  litigation  with  the  bishop  of  8t.  Andrews ;  andi 
the  bishop  of  Durham,  who  complained  that  the  new  king  df 
Scotland  had  refused  him  justice  in  an  aftair  relating  to  his 
diocese.  Historians  amuse  their  readers  with  florid  declama- 
tions against  the  ambition  of  kings  ;  but  a  candid  examination 
of  facts  will  shew  that  a  great  part  of  the  political  evil,  seeil 
in  the  world,  arises  from  the  jarring  interests  and  restless  dis" 
positions  of  subjects. 

The  fierce  and  turbulent  baroiis  of  Scotland,  who  had  so 
lately  been  independent,  bore,  with  impatience,  a  yoke  to  which 
they  were  not  accustomed.  Even  the  passive  spirit  of  Baliol 
began  to  revolt.  Having  been  summoned  six  different  timeS 
to  appear  before  Edward,  he  plainly  perceived  himself  to  be 
his  slave  rather  than  his  vassal,  and  began  to  meditate  the 
restoratioii  of  the  Scottish  crown  to  its  former  independence.* 
In  the  mean  while,  a  dispute,  which  arose  between  England 
and  France,  appeared  favourable  to  his  design.  Some  Nor- 
man vessels  having  been  seized  by  the  English,  Philip  IV. 
demanded  satisfaction,  which  Edward  refusing,  was  summon- 
ed before  the  court  of  peers  to  answer  the  charge  of  treason 
against  the  king  of  France,  his  paramount  sovereign.  Tho 
king  of  England  not  appearing,  was  declared  gnilty  :  Ouienne 
was  confiscated  ;  Jtnd  Philip  immediately  seized  on  that  duchy. 
Edward  at  first  endeavoured  to  recover  it  by  negociation ; 
but  this  proving  ineffectual,  he  began  to  prepare  for  war. 
The  kings  of  France  and  Scotland,  in  the  mean  while,  form-* 
ed  an  alliance,  which  was  no  sooner  concluded,  than  Baliol 
considered  it  as  time  to  enter  oh  action.  He  had  long  been 
held  in  suspense  on  account  df  his  oath  to  the  king  of  Eng- 
land ;  but  in  order  to  remove  this  scruple,  Philip  procured  him 
the  papal  dispensation.  Edward  being  informed  of  these 
measures,  resolved  to  direct  his  whole  force  against  Scotland;} 
as  Baliol's  revolt  afforded  him  a  plausible  pretence  to  seize 
(in  that  kingdom,  which  Vvas  of  far  greater  importance  thani 
the  duchy  of  Guienne.     Instead,  therefore,  of  embarking  for 

*  Rapin  1.  p.  "7 A-. 


^60  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

France,  as  he  bad  inteudetl,  he  marched  directly 
A*D.  I'^OS  ^^^  Scotland.     In  his  \^ay  he  was  met  by  a  messen- 
ger from  Baliol  with  a  letter,  In  whlcli,  after  enu- 
merating his  causes  of  complaint,  he  concluded  by  renouncing 
bis  fealty  and  homage  as  a  vassal. 

As  the  king  of  England  intended  to  begin  his  operations 
by  the  siege  of  Berwick,  he  had  prepared  a  fleet  for  the  na- 
val blockade  of  the  town.  At  the  first  his  arras  were  unsuccess- 
ful. The  Scots  having  surprised  his  fleet,  burned  and  sunk 
eighteen  ships ;  and  about  the  same  time,  a  detachment  from 
their  army  cut  in  pieces  a  body  of  above  a  thousand  English 
troops.  The  politic  Edward  made  use  of  the  divisions  of  the 
Scots  in  order  to  facilitate  the  conquest  of  their  country.  It 
has  already  been  observed  that  two  great  factions,  one  for 
Bruce,  the  other  for  Baliol,  divided  all  the  interest  and  influ- 
ence of  the  kingdom.  Edward  olfered  the  crown  of  Scotland 
to  Bruce,  provided  that  he  Avould  declare  against  Baliol. 
Robert  gladly  acceded  to  the  proposal,  and  strengthened  the 
party  of  Edward  with  a  great  number  of  his  adherents. 

After  taking  these  preliminary  measures,  the  English 
monarch  commenced  the  siege  of  Berwick,  which,  being  re- 
garded as  the  key  of  Scotland,  was  strongly  fortified,  and  pro- 
vided with  a  numerous  garrison.  Edward  finding  his  troops 
repulsed  in  every  assault,  resolved,  at  last,  to  try  the  effect  of 
stratagem.  He  suddenly  raised  the  siege,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  by  means  of  some  soldiers,  who,  pretending  to  desert, 
entered  the  town,  he  caused  a  report  to  be  spread  that  the  ap- 
proach of  the  king  of  Scotland  had  compelled  him  to  retire* 
This  rumour  being  followed  by  the  false  intelligence  that 
Baliol  was  within  a  league  of  the  place,  the  garrison  and  the 
inhabitants  sallied  out  in  crowds  to  meet  him,  supposing  that 
Edward  was  already  at  a  considerable  distance.  But  they  sooa 
discovered  their  fatal  mistake.  This  disorderly  multitude  fall- 
ing into  an  ambuscade  began  to  retreat  with  precipitation,  and 
were  so  closely  pursued  that  the  English  enteretJ 

A^o'^me'  ^^*'*  ^'^*^"*  ^"^^   ^^^  town,  and  made  a   dreadful 

slaughter.     Rapin  estimates   the  number  of  Scots 

that  were  slain  at  above  seven  thousand.    Another  historian 


EDWARD  i.  161 

of  credit  satys,  that  sixty  thousand  persons  perished  on  this 
occasion  ;  but  this  must  be  considered  as  an  exaggerated 
statement. 

The  king  of  England,  having  thus  made  himself  master 
ftf  Berwick, marched  to  Dunbar,  and  was  scarcely  arrived 
before  the  walls  of  that  place,  Mhen  he  received  intelligence 
of  B.aliol's  appi'oach  with  a  numerous  army-  Both  the  kings 
"were  eager  to  bring  the  aftair  to  a  speedy  decision :  and  an 
obstinate  and  sanguii:ary  battle  was  fought,  in  which  the 
.Scots,  after  bravely  disputing  the  victory,  were,  at  length, 
totally  routed  with  tlie  losi  of  twenty  thousand  men,  a  num- 
ber which  constituted  a  very  considerable  part  of  their  army. 
After  this  signal  success,  Edwaid  entez'cd  Dunbar  without 
meeting  with  any  resistance.  From  thence  he  marched  to 
Roxborougb,  of  wiiich  he  obtained  possession  with  equal 
facility.  Edinburgh  and  its  castle  surrendered  after  a  siege 
of  eight  days.  Sterling,  Perth,  and  all  the  most  considerable 
towns  in  the  kingdom,  successively  opened  their  gates  (o  the 
conqueror.  Before  the  end  of  the  campaign,  Edward  was 
so  completely  master  of  Scotland,  that  the  king  and  his  sub- 
jects were  obliged  to  submit  to  his  mercy,  and  resign  thn  king-* 
doin  to  his  disposal.* 

In  order  to  confirm  this  important  acquisition,  Edward  sum- 
moned the  states  of  Scotland  to  assemble  at  Berwick,  where 
all  the  nobility  and  ofiicers  of  the  kingdom  swore  fealty  to 
him,  and  delivered  up  the  castles  and  fortified  places  which 
they  had  in  possession.  Among  all  the  Scottish  nobles,  Wil- 
liam Douglas  alone  refused  the  oath,  and  was  sent  as  a  pris- 
oner to  England,  where  he  spent  the  remainder  of  his  days 
in  confinement  rather  than  acknowledge  Edward  for  his  sove- 
reign. Baliol  was  sent  to  the  Tower  of  London,  but  wa? 
removed  from  thence  to  Oxford.  The  other  Scottish  lords, 
whom  Edward  thought  it  necessary  to  secure,  were  committed 
to  difterent  prisons  in  England,  and  some  were  permitted  to 
reside  at  liberty  to  the  south  of  the  Trent,  under  the  penalty 
of  death  if  they  passed  that  river. 

The  conduct  of  Edward,  how  severely  soever  it  may  bp 

•  Rymev's  Fo"cI.  2.  p.  718. 


263  HISTORY  Of  EICGLAXD. 

censured  by  some  historians,  exhibits  the  beneficial  Views  of 
his  policy.  Had  it  been  his  sole  object  to  be  ci  owned  king  of 
Scotland,  hotbing,  at  this  juncture,  could  have  given  him  the 
least  opposition.  But  it  was  not  bis  intention  that  the  two  king- 
doms should  ever  be  again  divided.  His  design  was  to  annex 
Scotland  to  England,  as  be  bad  already  annexed  Wales,  and  to 
unite,  in  one  kingdom,  the  whole  island  of  Great  Britian,  Had 
the  Scots  freely  acquiesced  in  this  salutary  plan,  (he  oceans  of 
blood,  which  afterwards  drenched  the  land,  would  bave  been 
Spared,  and  a  deluge  of  calaraitiies  been  averted  from  the 
inhabitants  of  this  island. 

The  design  of  Edward  to  unite  the  two  kingdoms,  evi- 
dently appears  from  his  removing  the  crown  and  sceptre 
of  Scotland,  with  the  rest  of  the  regalia,  to  London.  And 
as  it  was  necessary  at  the  same  lime  to  eradicate,  as  much  as 
possible,  from  tlie  minds  of  the  Scots,  the  remembrance  of 
their  ancient  independence  and  national  distinction,  he  catised 
the  famous  fatidical  stone,  on  wbicli  the  inauguration  of  their 
kings  was  performed,  to  be  carried  away  from  Scone.  Tbis 
shapeless  stone,  which  is  now  to  be  seen  in  Westminster  Ab- 
bey, was,  by  a  fabulous  legend,  asserted  to  be  the  same  that 
served  the  patriarch  Jacob  for  a  pillow.*  To  tbis  extraordi- 
nary monument  the  credulity  of  the  Scots  had  attached  the 
fate  of  their  monarchy,  of  which  they  considered  it  as  the 
palladium;  and  some  superstitious  or  artful  politician  had 
excited  or  cherished  the  o2)inion,  by  engraving  on  it  the  fol- 
lowing distich,  which  the  people  regarded  as  an  oracle. 

"  Ni  fallat  fatum,  Scotl  quocunque  locatum 
"  Invenient  lupidem,  regnare  tenentur  ibidem." 

"  Or  fates  deceived  and  heaven  decrees  in  vain, 

'•  Or  where  lliey  find  this  stone  the  Stots  shall  reign."* 

Edward  knowing  the  nature  of  current  ideas  and  tlie  pow- 
er of  public  opinion,  however  extravagantly  founded,  remov- 
ed this  fancied  palladium  to  Westminster,  in  order  to  im- 
press, on  the  minds  of  the  Scots,  a  belief  that  the  fatal  pe- 

*  Genes,  ch.  xxiii. 

f  Biichan.  lib.  6.  Tiiid.  notes  on  llapin,  1.  p.  G75.  The  classical  rea-* 
der  will  bei'e  be  put  in  mind  ol"  the  iiimous  palladium  of  Troy. 


EDWARD  I.  263 

riod  of  their  inonarcliy  was  arrived.  He  also  seized  the  pub- 
lic archives  and  ransacked  the  churches  and  monasteries  for 
historical  monuments,  some  of  which  were  carried  into  Eng- 
land and  otiiers  were  destroyed.*  Afier  thus  endeavoring  to 
obliterate  every  memorial  of  Scottish  independence.  Edward 
took  care  to  secure  his  conquest  by  placing  English  garrisons 
and  governors  in  the  fortified  places :  and  leaving  the  chief 
command  to  .John  Warren,  earl  of  Surrey  and  Sussex,  be  re- 
turned in  triumph  to  England. 

The  war  with  Scotland  being  thus  brought  to  a  conclusion, 
Edward  resolved  to  carry  his  arms  into  France,  as  his  nego- 
ciations  for  the  recovery  of  Guienne  had  proved  ineflectual. 
But  as  he  had  to  deal  with  a  potent  adversary,  it  Mas  need- 
ful to  have  a  more  numerous  army  than  he  could  levy  in  Eng- 
land. On  this  consideration  he  judged  it  expedient  to  form 
continental  alliances,  in  order  to  counterbalance  the  disparity 
of  force  between  England  and  France.  The  earl  of  Flan- 
ders, who  had  long  been  at  variance  with  Fhilip  the  Fair, 
readily  entered  into  an  alliance  with  Edward.  The  emperor 
Adolphus  of  Nassau,  the  duke  of  Austria,  the  archl^shop  of 
Cologne,  and  several  other  princes  of  Germany,  with  the 
duke  of  Brabant,  and  the  earls  of  Juliers,  Holland,  and  Lux- 
embourg, entered  into  the  league  :  all  agreed  to  bring  forward 
their  forces,  and  the  king  of  England  engaged  to  supply 
them  with  sums  of  money. t 

In  his  preparations  for  this  expedition,  Edward  experienced 
considerable  difliculties.  Having  obtained  from  the  parlia- 
ment an  aid  of  the  eight  penny  from  the  cities  and  towns,  and 
a  twelfth  from  the  rest  of  the  laity,  the  clergy  refused  their 
contributions,  pretending  an  exemption  from  giving  aids  to  the 
king,  by  virtue  of  a  bull  from  Pope  Benedict  Vlll.  In  vain 
did  Edward  represent  that  as  they  possessed  fees  in  the  king- 
dom, and  enjoyed  the  protection  of  the  laws  like  the  rest  of 
the  subjects,  it  was  reasonable  that  they  should  contribute  to 
the  public  expenses.     These  remonstrances  being  found  in- 

•  Dr.  Robertson's  Hist.  Scotland,  vol.  1.  p.  5.  Tliis  story,  altlioiig-h  re- 
lated by  most  blstorians,  is  not  credited  by  Tyrrcl,\\lio  ascribes  its  inven- 
tion to  Hector  Boetbiiis,  p.  97. 

f  Vide  Itj-mer's  Feed.    Tom.  2. 


264^  HISTORY  OF  England. 

eSectual,  he  proceeded  to  more  violent  measures  :  he  com- 
manded their  lay-fees  to  be  seized,  and  the  uhole  body  to  be 
thrown  out  of  the  protection  of  the  laws.  I'he  clergy  being 
vsensible  that  Edward  was  not  one  of  those  princes  who  were 
to  be  intimidated  by  censures  and  auatliemas.  were  glad  to 
submit  and  compound  with  him  by  granting  him  the  fifth  part 
of  their  effects. 

The  levying  of  men  w-as  also  attended  ^vith  some  embar- 
rassment. Edward  had  planned  a  powerful  diversion  in 
Guicnne,  while  he  himself  should  press  the  enemy  on  the  side 
of  Flanders.  Having  assembled  the  barons,  in  order  to  de- 
termine, with  precision,  the  number  of  men  that  each  could 
furnish,  every  one  desired  to  be  excused  from  serving  in  Gui- 
cnne, -where  the  king  was  not  to  command  in  person.  Edward, 
not  satisfied  with  their  excuses,  told  tlje  iiobles  that  he  should 
give  their  estates  to  others  that  would  be  more  obedient.  This 
menace  greatly  incensed  the  barons.  Hugh  Bigod,  earl  of 
Norfolk,  and  marshal  of  England,  whose  office  was  to  lead 
the  vanguard  of  the  army,  told  the  king  that  he  would  serve 
where  he  commanded  in  person,  but  not  in  any  otlier  place. 
Edw ard  being  highly  exasperated,  swore  that  he  would  make 
him  go  to  Guienne,  to  which  the  earl  answered  that  he  should 
not.  The  imperious  monarch,  boiling  with  rage,  swore  by  the 
eternal  God  that  he  should  either  march  or  be  hanged  :  "  By 
••  the  eternal  God,'"  replied  the  earl,  ''  I  will  neither  march 
^'  nor  be  hanged,"  and  instantly  withdrew  from  court.* 

This  deterniijied  behaviour  of  the  barons,  with  the  remem- 
brance of  what  had  happened  in  the  two  foregoing  reigns, 
convinced  the  haughty  Edward  of  the  danger  of  endeavour- 
ing to  carry  too  far  liis  authority.  Although  his  imperious 
disposition  inclined  him  to  revenge  the  insults  which  he  had 
received,  his  prudence  overcame  his  pride,  and  rendered  him 
earefiil  to  avoid  a  contest  with  the  nobility  of  his  kingdom. 
He  was  also  impatient  to  embark  for  Flanders,  where  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  carl,  his  ally,  demanded  his  assistance. 
Before  his  departure,  he  received  from  the  bishops,  the  barons, 

*  llHpln,  vwl.  1.  p.  378.  Tills  instance  is  Iierc  related  to  shew  the 
Laughty  spirit  of  the  feudal  syslcm. 


SiDWARD  I.  26S 

s.nd  fhc  eommonr.,  a  remonstrance,  exhibiting  a  long  list  of 
grievances,  and  complaining  of  several  violations  of  the  great 
eharter.  This  proceeding  made  him  still  more  sensible  of 
tbe  danger  of  provoking  a  nation  which  seemed  so  ripe  for 
commotion.  He  returned  a  gracious  answer  to  the  rcnton- 
stranee,  and  premised  to  redress  all  grievances  after  his  retarn» 

In  the  mean  while,  Philip  the  Fair  was  preparing  to  repel 
the  attack  with  which  he  was  threatened.  He  formed  an 
alliance  with  the  kings  of  Castile  and  Arragon,  and  his  con- 
sort Joan,  queen  of  Navarre,  brought  her  forces  to  his  assist- 
ance. He  bribed  or  intimidated  the  confederate  princes  from 
coming  forward  with  their  troops  ;  and  having  thus  arranged 
his  measures,  he  entered  Flanders  with  an  army  of  sixty 
thousand  men,  and  commenced  the  siege  of  Lisle.  The  earl 
of  Flanders  being  unable  to  resist  this  formidable  invasion, 
Sinxiously  waited  the  arrival  of  the  English. 

At  length  Edward  arrived  at  Sluys  with  an  ar., 
A  r)*^iM7  ^y  "^  about  fifty -one  thousand  men,  a  force  very 
inadequate  to  his  vast  projects ;  but  he  relied  on  a 
powerful  assistance  from  his  allies.  In  this  expectation  h6 
was  egregiously  deceived.  The  confederacy  which  he  had 
formed  at  so  great  an  expense,  was  dissolved  without  entering 
on  action.  The  earl  of  Flanders  was  the  only  ally  that  ad- 
hered to  his  engagements ;  but  the  number  of  troops  that  he 
was  able  to  bring  into  the  field  was  far  less  than  he  Jiad  prom- 
ised and  Edward  had  expected.  The  Flemings  were  divi- 
ded into  two  factions,  one  for  the  earl,  the  other  for  the  king  of 
France  :  some  approved  of  the  war,  while  others  represented 
it  as  ruinous  to  their  country. 

When  the  king  of  England  came  to  Bruges,  he  found  the 
whole  city  in  Confusion  through  the  animosity  of  the  two  op- 
posite factions.  It  was  not  without  great  difficulty  that  he  ap- 
peased these  commotions,  by  granting  the  citizens  considera- 
ble privileges  in  regard  to  (heir  commerce  with  England.  On 
proceeding  to  Ghent  he  witnessed  the  same  disorderly  scenes. 
That  city  had  always  been  distinguished  by  the  turbulent 
spirit  of  its  inhabitants  ;  and  the  rebellious  faction  had  now 
acquired  a  dangerous  ascendency.  While  Edward  was  thus 
embarrassed  by  the  contentions  of  the  Flemings,  Philip,  after 


S66  HISTORY  OF  PA^OLAND. 

a  siege  of  three  niontlis,  made  liimseli"  master  of  Lisle.  He 
then  reduced  Douuj,  Coiirtray,  and  some  other  places,  and 
advanced  to  Bruges,  which  surrendered  without  resistance. 
The  king  of  England  seeing  all  his  plans  disconcerted  Uy  the 
divisions  of  the  Flemings  and  the  defection  of  his  other  allies, 
M'ho  deserted  his  interests,  after  taking  his  money,  was  glad 
to  procure  a  short  truce,  which  was  afterwards  prolonged  for 
two  years.  Before  he  left  Ghent  he  was  in  great  danger  of  losing 
Jiis  life  in  a  furious  sedition  of  the  people,  who  intended  to 
Tuassacie  all  the  English.  This  circumstance  giving  him 
reason  to  dread  further  insults,  he  hastened  his  return  to  his 
own  dominions,  where  liis  presence  was  rendered  necessary 
hy  new  commotions  in  Scotland. 

While  Edward  was  occupied  in  Flanders,  a  considerable 
number  of  Scots  took  the  opportunity  to  revolt,  under  the  con- 
duct of  the  celebrated  William  Wallace,  a  private  gentlemaif, 
Avho  could  not  boast  of  either  an  illustrious  birth  or  an  afflu- 
ent fortune.  But  although  destitute  of  these  advantages,  l>e 
possessed  an  athletic  strength  and  daring  courage — qualities 
which,  in  that  age,  were  held  in  high  estimation  ;  and  his 
disinterested  patriotism  has  procured  him  an  honourable  dis- 
tinction in  history.  W^hile  the  nobles,  divided  by  factions  or 
adhering  to  the  conqueror,  were  pursuing  their  private  inter- 
ests, Wallace  resolved  to  restore  the  independence  of  his 
country,  and  assembled  a  body  of  troops  for  that  purpose. 
Although  the  number  of  his  forces  at  first  was  only  small, 
Iiis  progress  was  rapid  ;  and  his  success  was  equal  to  the  bold- 
ness of  the  enterprise.  His  army  was  daily  augmented  :  the 
Scots  having  now  found  a  leader,  flocked  in  crowds  to  hig 
standard.  He  attacked  the  English  garrisons  which  had 
been  weakened  by  the  expedition  to  Flanders  ;  and  by  his  se- 
verity to  those  who  fell  into  his  hands,  he  so  intimidated 
others  that  scarcely  any  place  held  out  to  extremity.  In  a 
very  short  time  he  recovered  all  the  towns  from  the  English, 
witli  the  single  exception  of  Berwick.*  Having  at  length 
gained  an  important  victory  near  Sterling,  he  became  master 
of  Berwick ;  and  the  reduction  of  that  place  completed  the 

*  Raplii  1.  p.  380. 


EDWARD  I.  S67 

expulsion  of  the  English  from  Scotland.  In  consequence  of 
this  success,  Wallace  was  appointed  regent  of  (he  kiitgdoin, 

Edward  was  no  sooner  arrived  in  England  than  i  e  resoivcd 
to  punish  the  revolt  of  tlie  Scots  ;  but  before  he  undertook 
the  expedition,  it  was  necessary  to  prevent  them  from  receiving 
assistance  from  France.  He  was  therefore  desirous  of  conclu- 
ding a  peace  with  Philip ;  and  both  princes  regarding  the 
Pope  as  their  common  father,  referred  their  dispute  to  his  ar- 
hitralion.  Being  now  in  the  way  of  reconciliation  with  the 
French  monarcli,  he  endeavoured  to  gain  the  aftbctions  of  his 
own  subjects.  For  this  purpose  he  called  a  parliament,  and 
■without  any  solicitation  confirmed  the  great  charter,  a  meas- 
ure of  which  the  good  effects  were  very  peiceplible. 

Having  nothing  now  to  fear  from  foreign  hostility  or  do- 
mestic disturbance,  Edward  put  himself  at  the  head  of  a 
numerous  army,  and  advancing  into  Scotland,  met  with  the 
enemy  near  Falkirk.  The  two  armies  were  not  long  without 
coming  to  action.  On  mounting  his  horse  for  the  attack,  the 
king  met  with  an  accident  which,  had  he  possessed  less  forti- 
tude, might  have  turned  against  him  the  fate  of  the  day. 
AVhile  putting  his  foot  in  the  stirrup,  the  horse  taking  fright, 
threw  him,  and  with  a  kick  broke  two  of  his  ribs.  This  hurt, 
however,  did  not  prevent  him  from  being  in  the  battle,  where 
he   commanded  with  as  much  presence  of  mind  as 

a"d  fas  *^  ''^  ''^^^  ^^^^  "'^  pain.  The  conflict  was  extremely 
obstinate  and  bloody,  and  its  issue  proved  fatal  to 
the  Scots,  whose  loss  is,  by  some  writers,  stated  at  sixty  thou- 
sand men,  while  others  reduce  it  to  ten  thousand.  Such  are 
the  contradictory  accounts  of  historians  ;  but  both  these  esti- 
mates must  be  erroneous,  and,  peihaps,  almost  equally  wide  of 
tlie  truth.  AVallace,  with  the  feeble  remains  of  his  army, 
retired  into  the  interior  part  of  the  country,  amongst  moun- 
tains and  morasses,  which  secured  him  from  the  pursuit  of 
his  enemies,  while  Edward,  improving  his  victory,  recovered 
all  the  fortified  towns  as  rapidly  as  he  had  lost  them,  but  was 
prevented  from  advancing  further  from  the  desolated  state  of 
the  country,  and  the  want  of  provisions  for  his  army.  For 
these  reasons,  as  soon  as  he  had  taken  the  necessary  meas- 
ures for  the  preservation  of  las  conquests,  he  returned  t«i 


S68  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

England,  and  passed  part  of  the  winter  at  Cottingliam,  near 
Beverly.* 

AVallace,  in  tho  mean  while,  was  not  in  a  condition  to  take 
advantage  of  Edward's  absence.  He  had  not  only  lost  hiss 
army,  but  was  an  object  of  jealousy  to  the  Seolcli  nobles, 
who  began  to  suspect  that  he  aspired  to  the  crown.  This, 
indeed,  had  been  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  his  defeat. 
Nobility  of  birth  was  the  idol  of  the  feudal  system;  and  the 
barons  of  Scotland  chose  rather  to  be  subject  to  a  foreign 
prince  than  to  own  obedience  to  a  person  of  mean  extraction. 
"Wallace  being  sensible  that  this  jealousy  was  extremely 
prejudicial  to  the  interests  of  his  country,  resigned  the  re- 
gency, and  those  who  retained  the  love  of  independence 
chose  Comyn,  a  nobleman  of  high  rank,  for  the  exercise  of 
that  office.  But  this  distinction  was  now  of  little  importance. 
The  authority  of  the  new  regent  extended  over  only  an  in- 
considerable part  of  the  kingdom;  and  his  military  force  con- 
sisted only  of  a  few  troops  that  had  escaped  from  the  defeat 
at  Falkirk. 

The  truce  between  England  and  France  being  ready  to  ex- 
pire, the  Pope  sent  his  arbitration,  the  substance  of  which  was 
that  Edward  should  again  be  put  in  possession  of  Guienne, 
and  that,  as  his  consort  Eleanor  was  dead,  he  should  marry 
Margaret,  the  sister  of  Philip.  And,  in  order  more  firmly  to 
cement  the  union  between  the  two  kings,  his  Holiness  alsa 
proposed  that  Isabella,  the  daughter  of  Philip,  should  be  giv- 
en in  marriage  to  young  Edward,  son  of  the  king  of  England. 
This  arbitration  may  be  placed  among  the  numerous  instances 
of  the  short-sightedness  of  human  policy.  The  good  pon- 
tiff undoubtedly  regarded  the  marriage  of  young  Edward  with 
Isabella,  as  the  bond  of  a  durable  peace  between  France  and 
England ;  but  without  mentioning  the  calamities  Mhieh  the 
conduct  of  that  princess  brought  on  her  unfortunate  consort, 
this  union,  by  giving  to  her  son  Edward  HI.  a  strong  claim  to 
the  French  crown,  was  the  source  of  the  most  destructive 
wars  that  ever  took  place  between  the  two  kingdoms.     Both 

*  Wals.  p.  76,  Cottingliam  is  a  large  and  elegant  village  at  nearly  tm 
cciual  distance  from  Beverly  and  Hull, 


EDWARD    I.  269 

the  kings,  however,  were  perfectly  satisfied  with  the  aw  ard  of 
Rome  In  the  existing  cireumstances  of  the  moment,  it  sc  em- 
cd  to  promise  the  happiest  eft'ects  ;  and  papal  infallibility  it- 
self could  not  foresee  its  remote  consequences. 

As  it  required  some  time  to  settle  all  the  particulars  in 
which  the  interests  of  Edward  and  Philip  were  concerned,  the 
truce  was  prolonged  till  the  treaty  of  peace  could  be  fiqally 
concluded.  The  king  of  France  also  procured  a  truce  of 
seven  months  for  the  insurgents  of  Scotland.  But  the  regent 
assembling  the  Scottish  lords,  represented  to  them  that  this 
suspension  of  hostilities  afforded  to  Edward  an  opportunity  of 
securing  his  conquest,  and  that  this  was  therefore  the  time  to 
make  a  grand  effort  for  recovering  their  independence.  The 
barons,  ever  restless  and  turbulent,  unanimously  resolved  to 
take  arms,  and  soon  brought  the  people  to  the  same  determin- 
ation. The  spirit  of  revolt  was  so  general,  and  the  insur- 
rection so  well  organized,  that  all  Scotland  arose  as  one  man. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  towns,  and  those  of  the  country,  tak- 
ing arms  in  one  day,  the  English  garrisons  w  ere  attacked,  all 
at  the  same  moment,  with  such  fury,  that  any  effectual  re- 
sistance was  impossible ;  and  they  w  ere  glad  to  save  their 
lives  by  desiring  permission  to  evacuate  the  kingdom. 

These  events  excited  the  surprise  and  indignation  of  the 
king  of  England,  who  had  twice  conquered  Scotland  without 
being  able  to  retain  any  part  of  his  conquest.  Having  assem- 
bled a  most  formidable  army,  he  entered,  for  (he  third  time, 
that  unfortunate  country.  The  ill-armed  and  undisciplined 
militia  of  Scotland  being  no  match  for  the  warlike  troops  of 
Edward,  w  ould  have  retired  at  his  approach  ;  but  he  advan- 
ced upon  them  so  rapidly  that  he  forced  them  to  risk  an  en- 
gagement, in  which  tliey  were  entirely  routed,  and,  in  all 
probability,  their  whole  army  would  have  been  annihilated, 
had  not  its  shattered  remains  retreated  into  the  morasses, 
which  were  known  only  to  the  natives ;  and  into  which  the 
English  durst  not  continue  the  pursuit. 

The  Scots  being  convinced,  by  reiterated  experience,  that 
resistance  by  arms  was  impossible,  had  recourse  to  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Pope,  who  was  then  revered  as  the  common 
father,  and  often  appealed  to  as  the  common  judge  of  all 


S70  HISTORY  OP  EXGLAND. 

t;]iristiaii  prinees  and  nations.  His  Holiness,  in  consequence 
of  this  application,  claimed  Scotland  as  the  patrimony  of  St. 
Peter,  declaring  it  to  be  well  known,  to  all  the  world,  that  it 
bad  always  belonged  to  the  see  of  Kome,  although  this  was 
the  first  time  that  any  thing  of  the  kind  had  ever  been  men- 
tioned. He,  therefore,  ordered  Edward  to  desist  from  his 
proceedings  against  the  Scots,  and  to  send  his  ambassadors  to 
Rome,  in  order  to  settle  the  aifair. 

Edward  was  highly  incensed  at  the  impudent  pretensions 
of  the  Pope.  But  notwithstanding  his  determination  to  re- 
duce the  Scots  under  his  dominion,  he  durst  not  refuse  the 
pressing  solicitations  of  the  king  of  France,  whose  powerful 
mediation  procured  them  a  truce.     In  the  beginning  of  the 

year  Edward  called  a  parliament  at  Lincoln,  to 
1"01  • 

'^  '  consult  on  the  pretensions  of  the  Pope  to  the  sove- 
reignty of  Scotland,  and  on  the  answer  to  be  returned  to  his 
Holiness.  The  parliament  being  no  less  exasperated  than 
the  king,  it  was  unanimously  resolved  that  a  letter,  signed  by 
all  the  barons  of  the  realm,  should  be  sent  to  the  Pope.  In 
this  letter  they  plainly  told  his  Holiness  that  his  assertions 
were  groundless,  and  that  it  was  publicly  known  that  Scot- 
land, as  to  temporals,  had  never  belonged  to  the  see  of  Rome.* 
This  letter,  from  the  parliament,  was  soon  after  followed  by 
one  from  the  king,  accompanied  by  a  memorial,  asserting  tho 
aueieiit  sovereignty  of  the  English  crown  over  Scotland.  Sup- 
positious treaties,  the  partial  evidence  of  doubtful  chroni- 
cles, and  the  fabulous  tales  of  British  history  were  all  brought 
forward  by  Edward  in  support  of  his  title,  which  he  pretended 
to  derive  from  Brutus  I.  fictitious  king  of  Albion,  tracing  it 
through  the  reigns  of  all  the  ideal  monarchs  mentioned  by 
Geoffery  of  Monmouth.  But  his  letter  was  couched  in  terms 
expressive  of  tlie  highest  respect  for  the  successor  of  St.  Pe- 
ter ;  and  the  dispute,  which  this  subject  occasioned  betweei^ 
the  king  and  the  Pope,  produced  no  important  effects. 

The  truce,  which  Philip  the  Fair  had  procure*^ 

'        ■  for  Scotland,  being  about  to  expire,  Segrave,  gov- 

fruor  of  Berwick,  had  orders  from  Edward  to  prepare  for 

♦  Eymei's  Feed.  torn.  2.  p.  874,  &.c. 


EDWARD    I-  271 

the  renewal  of  the  war.  T!jat  general,  not  imagining  the 
Scots  to  be  able  to  make  any  resistance,  divided  his  army  into 
three  bodies,  in  order  more  effectnally  to  ravage  and  devastate 
the  country.     But  this  measure  proved  fatal  to  his  expedition. 

The  Scots  attacked  and  defeated  his  three  divisions 
A  D  ISO^  ^"  **"^  *^*y'  *^"*'  *'*^  English  general,  being  obliged 

to  retreat,  another  truce,  which  like  the  former, 
was  owing  to  the  mediation  of  Philip,  put  a  temporary  stop 
to  hostilities. 

After  several  years  of  negociation  peace  was  at 
A  D>1"03   ^^"S^h  concluded  between  England  and  France,  on 

the  terms  of  the  papal  arbitration  ;  and  Edward 
was  again  put  in  possession  of  Gnicnnc,  on  condition  of  doing 
homage,  as  formerly,  to  the  French  monarchs.  But  the  allies 
of  the  two  kings  not  being  included  in  the  treaty,  the  earl  of 
Flanders  was  left  to  the  mercy  of  Philip,  and  the  Scots  were 
abandoned  to  the  fury  of  Edward.*  This,  as  an  eminent  his- 
torian observes,  is  an  instance,  among  many  others,  of  the 
facility  with  which  powerful  princes  often  sacrifice  the  inter- 
ests of  their  weaker  allies. 

Edward  havinc:  nothing  now  to  fear  from  France, 

undertook  his  fourth  expedition  into  Scotland,  witli 
an  army  so  numerous  as  to  render  resistance  impossiI)le,  and 
penetrating  to  the  extremities  of  the  island,  ravaged  every 
quarter  of  the  country.  AVallace,  with  a  small  body  of  troops, 
continually  harrassed  his  march,  and  revenged  the  calamities 
of  Scotland  on  the  English  soldiers  that  straggled  from  the 
main  body  of  their  army.  That  dauntless  and  determined 
patriot  being  at  last  betrayed  by  a  pretended  friend,  who  is 
said  to  have  been  bribed  by  tlie  English,  was  delivered  up  to 
Edward,  who,  considering  him  as  the  author  of  the  revolt, 
resolved  to  strike  terror  into  others  by  his  punishment.  This 
champion  of  liberty  was  tried,  condemned,  and  executed  a.% 
guilty  of  treason  :  his  head  was  placed  on  London  bridge, 
and  his  four  quarters  were  sent  to  be  exposed  in  four  of  the 
principal  towns  of  Scotland.!     Such  was  the  tragical  exit  of 

•  IBaliol  was  pcnnitfed  to  retire  to  his  estate  in  Normandy,  v  here  Ii« 
spent  the  remainder  of  his  days.     Kapin  1.  p.  382^ 
t  M.  West.  p.  451. 


S73  IIISTOUV  or  ENGLAND. 

the  celebrated  AVallace,  nhom  tlie  Scottish  historians  have 
equalled  to  the  greatest  heroes  of  antiquity.  But  according 
to  the  general  accounts,  his  valour,  like  that  of  the  heroes  of 
Homer,  was  tinctured  with  cruelty;  and  this  blemish  in  his 
character,  although  it  may  in  part  be  ascribed  to  the  barbarism 
of  the  age,  diminishes  the  compassion  which  the  remembrance 
of  his  fate  might  otherwise  excite.  But  as  a  counterbalance 
to  this  instance  of  severity  towards  an  implacable  enemy,  Ed- 
ward treated  favourably  such  as  surrendered  ;  perceiving  that 
rigorous  treatment  only  excited  revolt,  and  instead  of  confis- 
cating their  whole  property,  as  in  his  former  expeditions,  he 
permitted  them  to  redeem  their  lands,  by  a  pecuniary  fine, 
•without  being  liable  to  imprisonment  or  any  other  penalty.* 
This  lenity  was  not  without  its  effects  :  The  Scottish  barons, 
finding  no  other  remedy,  were  glad  to  accept  such  favourable 
terms,  and  readily  acknowledged  Edward  as  their  sovereign. 
Tiiis  fourth  conquest  of  Scotland  appeared  to  be  so  com- 
plete, that  the  king  apprehending  no  further  trouble  from  that 
quarter,  and  being,  at  the  same  time,  in  perfect  union  with 
France,  considered  himself  as  fully  at  leisure  to  attend  to  the 
internal  regulation  of  his  kingdom,  and  to  compel  the  Eng- 
lish barons  to  respect  his  authority,  for  which  some  of  them 
seemed  to  have  little  regard.  The  abuses  which  had  crept 
into  the  administration  of  justice,  also  claimed  his  attention: 
bribery  had  again  become  common  ;  and  in  order  to  extirpate 
this  evil,  he  erected  an  extraordinary  court  to  inquire  into  the 
conduct  of  judges  and  magistrates  ;  and  punished  the  guilty 
by  heavy  fines  and  penalties.  So  far,  indeed,  was  Edward 
from  suffering  either  riches  or  rank  to  screen  any  delinquent 
from  justice,  that  his  own  son,  prince  Edward,  having  com- 
mitted a  mibdomeanor  in  breaking  down  the  fences  of  a  park 
belonging  to  the  bishop  of  Litchfield,  he  caused  him  to  be 
imprisoned  like  a  common  oft'ender.  But  while  the  king  paid 
a  laudable  attention  to  the  adnvinistratimi  of  justice,  he  seem- 
ed, on  other  occasions,  to  aim  at  an  undue  extension  of  the 
royal  prerogative.  On  the  accession  of  his  friend  Clement  V. 

I  *  ^'ide  Dr.  Bratly,  p.   78. 


■*  EDWARD   I.  S73 

X  V.  ,«,»^  to  the  pontifical  chair,  Edward  tnade  use  of  his 
A.  D,  1305.  ...  T.  .        1      •  .. 

interest  with  the  new  rope,  to  obtain  a   uispensa- 

lion  from  his  oath  in  regard  to  the  charters  of  liberties.  Be- 
ing now  in  full  possession  of  martial  fame  and  popular  esteem, 
and  assured  of  the  support  of  the  Roman  see,  he  began  to  as- 
sume a  greater  authority  than  had  been  exercised  by  his  prede- 
cessors ;  and  many  parts  of  his  conduct  have  given  occasion  td 
suppose  that  he  intended  the  establishment  of  an  absolute 
monarchy.  A  prince  of  such  acknowledged  abilities  in  gov- 
ernment and  war,  and  supported  by  the  papal  authority, 
might,  perhaps,  have  attained  his  object  ;  but  whatever  >vere 
his  designs,  another  revolution,  which  suddenly  took  place  ill 
Scotland,  prevented  their  p-vpcution. 

Although  the  subjugation  of  that  kingdom  had  seemed  to 
he  complete,  yet,  amidst  the  mountains  and  morasses  of  th6 
interior,  there  were  several  impenetrable  retreats  which  affor- 
ded a  sanctuary  to  those  desperate  patriots,  with  whom  the 
disdain  of  a  foreign  yoke  was  superior  to  every  other  consid- 
er.ation,  and  wliose  inflexible  resolution  greatly  contributed 
to  restore  the  independence  of  their  country.  In  the  mean 
\vhile,  Robert  Bruce,  son  of  that  Robert  Bruce  who  had  been 
a  candidate  for  the  crdwn,  and  to  whom  it  had  been  after- 
\vards  promised  by  Edward  in  reward  for  his  aid  against 
Baliol,  began  to  aspire  to  royalty.  Tt  may  generally  be  ob- 
served, that,  among  the  great,  views  of  ambition  and  private 
interest  often  assume  the  garb  of  patriotism.  Bruce  had 
faithfully  served  Edward,  and  assisted  him  in  subjugating 
Scotland,  in  the  hope  that  the  English  monarch  would,  one 
day,  fulfil  his  promise,  and  place  him  on  the  throne.  But 
when  he  plainly  perceived  that  this  expectation  was  vain,  he 
formed  the  grand  design  of  obtaining  the  crown  by  delivering 
his  country  from  servitude.  For  this  purpose  he  entered  intrt 
a  confederacy  with  Comyn,  another  Scotch  lord  of  great  credit 
and  influence,  and  the  plan  being  arranged,  Bruce  came  to 
London  in  order  to  confer  with  other  noblemen,  of  the  same 
nation,  who  where  then  at  the   English    court.*    Comyii^ 

*  It  Is  to  1)6  observed,  that  this  wasnotCoinv-nthc  regent;  but  another 
lord  of  that  name. 

V  n 


S74i  HISTORY  OP  KKfitAND. 

tbroHgli  some  motives  which  liistorians  have  not  been  able  to 
develope,  discovered  the  whole  aft'air  to  the  king,  who  might 
iustantly  have  seized  Bruce,  had  he  not  been  afraid  of  miss- 
ing his  accomplices,  by  acting  with  too  great  precipitancy. 
He  therefore  caused  Bruce  to  be  narrowly  watched,  while  he 
hoped,  from  his  communications  with  Comyu,to  make  further 
discoveries.  Bruce,  being  apprized  of  the  treachery  of  Co- 
niyn,  and  of  his  own  danger,  escaped  from  London,  and  pro- 
ceediug  to  Scotland,  with  a  celerity  that  defied  all  pursuit, 
repaired  to  Dumfries,  where,  meeting  with  Corny n,  in  the 
church  of  the  Cordeliers,  he  instantly  stabbed  him  with  his 
own  hand.*  After  this  bold  stroke,  knowing  that  he  could 
have  no  hope  of  safety  but  in  success,  be  publicly  declared  his 
intentions.  The  people,  from  all  parts  of  the  kingdom, 
flocked  in  such  crowds  to  his  standard,  that  he  soon  saw  him- 
self at  the  head  of  a  numerous  army,  and  being  sensible  that 
the  regal  title  would  add   to  his  influence  and  authority,  he 

went  to  Scone,  where  he  was  solemnly  croAvned. 
'a '^n  ^nnl'  The  first  eftbrts  of  the  new  king  w ere  uneuceess- 

ful.  Audemar  de  Valence,  earl  of  Pembroke,  be- 
ing sent  with  an  army  into  Scotland,  while  the  king  was 
mustering  his  whole  force  at  Carlisle,  Bruce  was  defeated  by 
that  general  in  two  successive  engagements  ;t  and  finding  him- 
self unable  to  keep  the  field,  he  retired  to  the  Hebudes  to 
wait  for  a  more  favourable  juncture. 

Soon  after  the  flight  of  Bruce,  Edward  entered  Scotland 
with  a  numerous  army.  Finding  no  enemies  to  encounter,  as 
the  Scots  were  in  a  state  of  consternation,  and  their  troops 
entirely  dispersed,  he  sent  out  detachments  on  every  side  iu 
order  to  seize  Druce's  adherents,  of  whom  great  numbers  Mere 
taken,  and  felt  the  inflexible  severity  of  the  conqueror.  Three 
brothers  of  the  ue>v  king  lost  their  lives  on  the  scaftbld.  His 
queen,  with  many  of  the  principal  lords,  among  whom  were 
the  bishops  of  St.  x\ndrew  and  Glasgow,   were  sent  to  dift'er- 

*  A  Eomantic  story  of  an  enigmatical  present  of  a  pair  of  spurs  being 
sent  him,  by  a  friend,  to  indicate  the  necessity  of  a  speedy  escape,  is 
related  by  historians.  It  ajjpears  that  the  account  given  by  Buchanan  i^ 
not  accurate.     Vide  Tyrreb  4.  p.  168. 

I  Vide  Buchanan,  lib.  8. 


EDWARD    I,  ^7^ 

«nt  prisons  in  England.  The  earl  of  Athol,  who  was  allied 
by  blood  to  Edward,  as  well  as  to  the  royal  family  of  Scot- 
land, was  honoured  with  a  mark  of  distinction  iu  being 
hanged  on  a  gallows  of  extraordinary  height.  The  countess 
of  Buquhan,  who  placed  the  crown  on  the  head  of  Robert 
Bruce,  was  exposed  in  a  wooden  cage  on  the  walls  of  Ber- 
wick castle.  Her  sister  underwent  the  same  fate  at  Roxbo- 
rough.  The  estates  and  effects  of  most  of  the  other  rcvol- 
ters  were  confiscated.*  The  inexorable  Edward,  after  so 
many  provocations  and  disappointments,  was  deaf  to  all  solicit 
Rations  for  mercy. 

The  king  of  England  having  thus  taken  vengeance  on  the 
Scots,  who  had  rejected  his  authority,  passed  the  winter  at 
Carlisle,  where  he  held  the  last  parliament  of  his  reign.  By 
the  advice  of  this  parliament  he  banished  Piers  Gaveston,  a 
young  man,  of  Guienne,  of  a  profligate  life,  who  had  gained 
^n  undue  ascendency  over  the  prince  of  Wales,  and  was  ac* 
cused  of  corrupting  his  morals  by  drawing  his  attention  from 
the  affairs  of  government  to  scenes  of  debauchery.  The 
prince  bound  himself  by  an  oath  never  to  recal  this  profligate 
favourite  5  and  Gaveston  himself  also  swore  that  he  would 
never  more  set  foot  in  England,  on  which  condition  a  hundred 
marks  per  annum  were  allowed  him  for  a  pension.  The  his- 
tory of  the  following  reign  will  shew  that  it  would  have  been 
happy  for  both  hud  they  punctually  adhered  to  these  engage- 
ments. 

While  Edward  was  thus  occupied  at  Carlisle,  Robert  Bruce 
issued  from  his  retreat,  and  taking  advantage  of  the  severity 
of  the  winter,  which  prevented  the  English  troops  from  acting, 
he  assembled  the  remains  of  his  dispersed  army,  which  he 
soon  saw  augmented  by  fresh  supplies  of  men  from  all  quar- 
ters. Being  thus  reinforced,  he  attacked  the  earl  of  Pem- 
broke, whom  he  totally  defeated  and  made  prisoner.  After 
this  victory  he  made  a  rapid  progress,  and  retook  many  fortir 
£ed  towns,  which  he  dismantled  to  avoid  the  necessity  of 
leaving  garrisons.  One  revolution  thus  succeeding  another, 
Edward  determined  to  make  the  Scots  a  signal  example  of 

f  Vide  BjTOer's  Feed.  Tom.  2.  p.  1012,  &q. 


^yQ  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND, 

tis  vengeance,  and  to  render  them  incapable  of  any  future 
opposition  to  his  authority.     He  suinmonecl  all  the  barons  of 

his  kinerdom  to  meet  him  at  Carlisle,  under  the  pen- 
"^  alty  of  forfeiting  tlieir  fees  ;  and  having  assembled 
the  finest  army  that  England  had  ever  seen,  he  declared  his 
intention  of  desolating  Scotland  from  sea  to  sea,  and  immedi- 
ately prepared  for  carrying  the  terrible  sentence  into  execu- 
tion. But  the  decrees  of  providence  were  difterent  from  those 
of  the  king.  Before  he  could  begin  the  threatened  infliction, 
he  was  seized  by  a  distemper,  which  put  an  end  to  his  life 
and  his  projects.  Perceiving  that  his  death  was  approaching, 
he  sent  for  prince  Edward,  his  son  and  successor,  to  whom  lie 
recommended  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war  till  the  Scots 
should  be  so  completely  subdued  as  never  more  to  be  able  to 
revolt.  For  tliat  purpose  he  ordered  his  bones  to  be  carried 
at  the  head  of  the  army,  not  doubting  but  they  would  strike 
terror  into  those  enemies,  over  M'hom  he  had  been  so  often 
victorious ;  and  mixing  with  his  barbarous  policy  that  super- 
stitious piety,  which  was  one  of  tlie  characteristics  of  the  age, 
he  ordered  his  heart  to  be  sent  to  Jerusalem,  with  tbirty-twq 
thousand  pounds  sterling,  wbich  he  had  provided  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  holy  sepulchre.  After  these,  his  last  orders,  he 
caused  himself  to  be  carried  into  Scotland,  being  desirous  of 
dying  in  a  country  whio.b  had  so  often  been  the  theatre  of  his 

martial    exploits,  and  expired  at  Burgh   on    the 
AD  1307  ^^"*^®?  i"  ^'^^  sixty-eighth  year  of  his  age,  and  the 

thirty-fifth  of  his  reign. 
The  majestic  form  and  countenance  of  Edward  eorres- 
jionded  with  his  vigorous  mind  and  martial  disposition.  His 
hair  was  black,  and  naturally  curled.  His  eyes,  which  were 
also  black,  sparkled  M'itli  uncommon  vivacity.  He  was  taller 
hy  the  head  than  the  generality  of  men,  and  perfectly  well 
shaped,  except  that  his  legs  were  too  long  in  proportion  to  his 
hody  The  virtues  which  adorned  his  character  were  a  daunt- 
less courage,  a  solid  judgment,  an  acute  penetration,  consum- 
mate prudence,  exemplary  chastity,  and  a  perfect  command 
over  his  passions-  His  vices  were  an  exhorbitant  ambition, 
a  vindictive  spirit,  and  a  total  want  of  feeling  for  the  mise- 
ries of  mankind*    But  whatever  may  be  said  of  his  character 


EDWATID    I,  277 

as  a  man,  be  was  a  great  king,  and    England  derived  con- 
siderable benefits  from  his  administration. 

The  reign  of*  EdM  ard  I.  derives  a  considerable  lustre  froni 
the  siibjucation  of  Wales,  a  conquest  highly  beneficial  to  that 
country  as  well  as  to  England.  Both  countries  were  deliv- 
ered from  those  alternate  incursions,  which  rendered  the  lives, 
as  well  as  the  property  of  the  borderers,  insecure ;  and  the 
hostile  frontier,  which  had,  for  the  space  of  seven  centuries, 
been  the  theatre  of  predatory  war,  was  no  longer  distinguish- 
able by  marks  of  devastation.  The  conquest  of  Scotland, 
had  it  succeeded,  would  have  been  still  more  advantageous  to 
the  inliabitants  of  this  island ;  and  for  ages  afterwards,  the 
failure  of  this  project  had  a  fatal  effect  on  their  interests. 
The  greatest  designs,  when  unsuccesful,  are  generally  pro- 
ductive of  effects  directly  opposite  to  those  which  the  pro- 
jectors had  expected;  and  Edward's  attempt  upon  Scotland, 
instead  of  uniting  the  two  British  nations,  excited,  between 
them,  an  implicable  animosity,  which  it  has  been  the  work  of 
ages  to  extinguish.  If,  however,  the  designs  of  Edward  were 
not  reconcileable  to  the  principles  of  Justici.',  they  were  found- 
ed on  views  of  expediency,  the  first  article  of  political  creeds. 
But  w  hatever  may  be  said  of  the  foreign  politics  of  Edward  J, 
the  equity  of  his  internal  administration  forms  one  of  the  distin- 
guishing features  of  his  reign.  Under  former  kijigs,  the  slight- 
est offences  of  the  people  were  severely  punished  by  the  sword 
or  the  gibbet,  w  hile  the  nobles  compounded  for  their  crimes 
by  pecuniary  fines,  w  hich  fell  on  their  poor  dependents.  But 
Edward  treated  all  with  equal  severity ;  and  by  this  impar- 
tiality as  well  as  by  his  vigilence  in  discovering,  and  his 
strictness  in  punishing  corrupt  judges  and  magistrates,  he 
cleansed  the  augean  stable  of  public  justice.  He  has  been 
accused  of  too  great  severity ;  but  a  statute,  enacted  in  the 
thirteenth  year  of  his  reign,  shews  that  a  spirit  of  lenity  was 
ill  adapted  to  the  profligate  mjvnners  of  that  age.  This  stat- 
ute, after  a  shocking  recital  of  the  murders,  robberies,  and 
riots,  which  frequently  happened  not  only  in  the  night,  but 
also  in  the  day-time,  in  the  city  of  London,  enacts,  that  none 
be  found  in  the  streets  with  either  spear  or  buokler,  after  the 
ringing  of  the  corfew  bcU  cf  St.  Martin-le-Graud,  except 


^8  HISTORY  or  ENGLANB. 

they  be  great  lords  or  persons  of  note :  also,  that  uo  taveru  bo 
kept  open  al'ter  tlie  ringing  oi'  that  hell,  under  a  penalty  of 
ibrty  pence.*  Tlie  statute  and  its  preaml)Ie  exhibit  a  disgust- 
ing pieture  of  the  manners  of  the  British  metropolis  towards 
the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century,  although  the  number  of  its 
inhabitants  could  scarcely  amount  to  one-tenth  of  its  present 
population. 

This  reign  is  rendered  truely  interesting  to  posterity  by  the 
degree  of  power  which  the  people  began  to  assume  during 
that  period.  The  opulence  of  the  loM'er  orders  has  a  natural 
tendency  to  raise  them  to  freedom.  An  increasing  luxury  be- 
gan to  throw  money  into  the  hands  of  the  tiaders  and  arti- 
zans,  and  obliged  t!ic  nobles  to  mortgage,  dismember,  and  ali- 
enate their  estates.  These  alienations  becoming  so  frequent 
as  to  threaten  the  destruction  of  the  great  families,  the  bar- 
ons took  the  alarm,  and  devised  the  expedient  of  entails,  iR 
order  to  put  a  stop  to  the  practice.  But  it  was  the  policy  of 
Edward  to  diminish  the  power  and  influence  of  the  nobility ; 
and  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  his  reign  an  act  uas  passed  to 
authorize  the  alienation  uf  landed  property. f  He  considered, 
the  clergy  and  barons  as  rivals  ;  and  in  order  to  counterbal- 
ance their  force,  he  exalted  the  commons.  It  has  indeed  been 
igupposed,  that  his  design  was  to  render  himself  absolute  by 
popular  support ;  and  some  parts  of  his  conduct  seem  to  au- 
thorize such  a  conjecture.  But  at  the  time  when  he  was  be- 
ginning  to  throw  off  parliamentary  restrictions,  death  put  an 
end  to  his  designs ;  and  he  left  to  the  people  a  share  of 
authority  which  they  ever  after  retained  and  gradually  ia 

freaeed. 

*  And.  Hist.  Comm.  1.  p.  243. 

t  Millar's  Eng-.  Gov.  2.  p.  191;  Sec, 


570 


EDWARD  II. 


Edwakd   II.  ascended   iho  throne    with  every  advantage, 
amidst  the  universal  applauses  of  his  subjects.    He  was  in  the 

twenty -third  year  of  his  age  ;  and  his  majestic 
"^  '^' presence,  togetlier  with  the  remembrance  of  his 
father's  achievements,  excited  a  general  expectation  of  a  hap- 
py and  glorious  reign.  But  his  conduct  soon  blasted  the  hopes 
of  the  nation.  In  direct  violation  of  his  Qath,  he  recalled 
Gaveston,  and  made  him  the  greatest  man  in  the  kingdom. 
He  gave  him  the  Isle  of  Man,  as  well  as  the  earldom  of 
Cornwall,  with  the  land  that  had  fallen  to  the  crown  by  the 
death  of  the  late  earl,  son  of  Richard  king  of  the  Romans, 
and  committed  to  his  hands  the  entire  administration  of  af- 
fairs, retaining  I'or  himself  the  bare  title  of  king,  while  his 
favourite  possessed  all  the  power  and  exercised  all  the  func- 
tions of  royalty. 

AVhile  the  king  thus  gave  himself  up  to  the  guidance  of 
the  corrupter  of  his  youth,  the  nobles  of  England  were  so 
highly  exasperated,  that  they  combined  together  to  prevent, 
his  coronation.  Edward  finding  himself  unable  to  resist  so 
general  a  confederacy,  promised  to  grant  them  whatever  they 
should  require.     The  coronation  therefore  took  place  without 

opposition  ;  but  Gaveston  was  appointed  to  carry 
&  ^T»'  lono  the  crown,  an  honour  which  by  ancient  custom  be- 

longed  to  the  princes  of  the  blood  royal.  The  sol* 
emnity  w.as  no  sooner  over  than  the  king  forgot  his  promise, 
and  instead  of  dismissing  his  favourite,  he  conferred  upon  him 
new  honours,  and  gave  him  his  niece  in  marriage,  with  an 
ample  portion,  consisting  of  a  number  of  manors  and  castle=. 
in  England)  besides  lauds  in  Guieiiuc  of  the-  annual  value  <>f 


380  HISTORY  OP  ENGLAND. 

three  thousand  marks.*  But  the  profuse  folly  of  the  ihon- 
arch  M'as  scarcely  more  absurd  than  the  insolent  imprudence 
of  the  favourite,  who  had  the  ridiculous  vanity  to  Mear  the 
king's  jewels,  and  even  his  croun.  Under  the  direction  of 
such  a  minister,  it  could  not  be  expected  that  the  king  should 
imbibe  any  sentiments  of  glory  or  virtue  ;  and  the  court  was 
filled  with  libertines,  bufibons,  and  parrasites,  instead  of  pru- 
dent counsellors. 

The  barons  more  than  ever  incensed  at  the  perfidy  of  the 
king  and  the  insolenee  of  the  favourite,  renewed  the  confed- 
eracy ;  and  the  two  houses  of  parliament  insisted  in  so  posi- 
tive a  manner  on  the  banishment  of  Gaveston,  that  the  king 
found  it  in  vain  to  resist  their  demand,  but  being  obliged  to 
part  with  his  favourite,  he  converted  even  his  exile  into  a  new 
favour,  by  appointing  him  governor  of  Ireland,  >vith  very  ex- 
tensive authority.  Gaveston  w^as  sensible  that  his  absence 
from  court  could  not  fail  of  being  fatal  to  his  influence,  and 
soon  returned  to  England,  where  he  appeared  with  extraordi- 
liary  magnificence,  attended  by  a  numerous  guard  of  foreign- 
ers, as  if  he  intended  to  brave  the  nobility,  whom  he  treated 
with  the  titmost  contempt.  The  barons  seeing  themselves  de- 
ceived by  the  king,  and  insulted  by  the  favourite,  resolved  to 
adopt  more  vigorous  measures.  Having  already  discovered 
the  Aveakness  of  the  monarch,  they  judged  him  incapable  of 
withstanding  a  peremptory  requisition ;  and  they  were  not 
mistaken  in  their  conjecture.  The  parliament  appointed  a 
committee  of  seven  bishops,  eight  earls,  and  six  other  barons^ 
to  make  regulations  not  only  for  the  government  of  the  state^ 
hut  also  of  the  royal  household ;  and  the  king  gave  his  eon- 
sent  to  the  measure,  t  Thus,  by  an  easy  condescension  of 
which  he  did  not  forsee  the  consequences,  and  which  had  it 
not  been  for  his  imprudence  would  not  have  been  required,  he 
designed  into  the  hands  of  his  subjects  the  government  not  only 
of  the  kingdom  but  even  of  his  domestic  affairs. 

The  members  of  this  committee  framed  a  set  of  nevv  regii- 

*  Vide  Ilymer's  Feed.  Tom.  3.  p.  49,  &c. 

t  Vide  Dr.  Brady,  vol.  3.  p.  103,  8;c.  v/ho  g-ives  llie  names  of  Uxe  pre- 
,  ktes  and  earls. 


EDWARD  ii,  284 

Jations,  the  chief  of  which  were  that  the  king  should  not 
have  the  disposal  of  any  part  of  his  revenue,  but  that  it 
should  be  eutirely  under  their  management ;  that  the  great 
charter  should  be  punctually  observed,  and  that  they  alone 
should  explain  any  difficulty  that  might  arise  in  regard  to  the 
meaning  of  any  of  its  articles.  Nothing  was  mentioned  con- 
cerning Gaveston  ;  but  when  the  lords  of  the  committee  saw 
that  the  king  had,  without  asking  their  advice,  made  hini 
governor  of  Nottingham,  they  issued  a  decree  for  his  perpe- 
tual banishment :  and  in  consequence  of  this  sentence  the 
favourite  was  obliged  to  quit  the  kingdom. 

His  exile  was  not  of  long  duration.  He  was  soon  recalled 
hy  the  sovereign,  who  sent  circular  letters  through  the  king- 
dom, in  order  to  justify  his  conduct.  The  lords,  on  the  other 
hand,  dispatched  among  the  people  emissaries,  who  by  repre- 
senting that  the  king  was  aiming  to  establish  an  arbitrary- 
power,  excited  an  universal  discontent.  The  favourite  was 
not  less  indiscreet  than  the  monarch :  instead  of  endeavour- 
ing to  diminish  the  public  odium,  he  conducted  himself  with 
increasing  arrogance,  and  even  presumed  to  use  insulting  lan- 
guage to  the  queen. 

The  barons  being  sensible  of  the  danger  of  doing  things  by- 
halves,  resolved  to  take  arms  for  the  expulsion  of  the  fav- 
ourite. Having  levied  a  considerable  number  of  troops,  they 
gave  the  command  to  the  earl  of  Lancaster,  while  the  king, 
who  could  not  be  ignorant  of  their  preparations,  instead  of 
taking  any  measures  either  for  reconciliation  or  resistance, 
employed  his  whole  time  with  Gaveston  in  feasts  and  di- 
versions. His  supineness,  which  would  appear  almost  in- 
credible, encouraged  the  barons  to  hope  that  he  might  be  ea- 
sily surprised  at  York,  where,  in  company  with  his  fav- 
ouri^,  he  seemed  ta  forget  that  the  kingdom  was  ris- 
ing in  arms.  Their  approach,  however,  awaked  him 
from  his  lethargy  :  he  retired  to  Newcastle,  and  was  rapidly 
pursued  by  the  barons.  But  that  place  not  seeming  capable 
of  sustaining  a  seige,  the  king  and  his  favourite  made  a  pre- 
cipitate retreat  to  Scarbrough,  and  shut  themselves  up  in  the 
tastle,  Mhieh  was  esteemed  one  of  the  strongest  fortresses  in 
the  kingdom.  Their  flight  was  so  precipitate  that  they  had 
O  O 


^'83  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

no  time  to  carry  away  any  of  their  eifects ;  and  the  barons/ 
who  entered  Newcastle  almost  as  soon  as  they  had  retired^ 
found,  among  the  baggage  of  Gaveston,  a  niiuibcr  of  jewels 
belonging  to  the  crown,  of  which  they  took  an  inventory. 
The  king,  who  now  saw  the  consequences  of  neglecting  to 
prepare  for  the  storm,  left  Gaveston  at  ScarbroUgh,  and  de- 
parted for  Warwickshire,  in  the  vain  hope  that  the  people 
would  crowd  to  his  standard,  and  that  he  should  soon  collect 
a  numerous  army. 

The  earl  of  Lancaster  detached  the  earls  of  Pembroke  and 
Warren  to  lay  seige  to  Scarbrough  castle,  which  was  so  i\\ ' 
provided  with  things  necessary  for  defence,  that  notwithstan- 
ding the  strength  of  its  situation,  Gaveston  found  himself 
obliged  to  surrender.*  He  therefore  capitulated  on  condition 
that  he  should  be  conducted  to  the  king,  and  be  tried  by  his 
peers.  The  articles  were  disgracefully  violated  by  the  bar- 
ons. Gaveston  was  seized  by  the  earl  of  Warwick  ;  and 
being,  after  a  sham  trial,  condemned  to  suffer  death  by  decap- 
itation, the  sentence  was  immediately  executed. 

Although  the  king  was  extremely  incensed  at  the  death  of 
Lis  favourite,  yet  being  unable  to  avenge  his  fate,  he  found 
himself  obliged  to  provide  for  his  own  safety  by  an  accommo- 
dation with  the  barons.  Through  the  mediation  of  the  Pope's 
nuncio,  and  of  the  earls  of  Evreux  and  Gloucester,  a  treaty 
was  concluded,  and  an  amnesty  granted.  All  parties  appeared 
to  be  satisfied,  and  nothing  was  now  thought  of  but  the  prosc-^ 
cution  of  the  war  against  Scotland. 

While  England  had  been  thrown  into  co^nfusion  by  the 
■weakness  of  her  monarch,  Scotland  was  daily  acquiring  new 
strength  under  the  auspices  of  a  courageous  and  vigilant  king, 
who  diligently  improved  tJie  moments  of  leisure  attbrded  by 
the  death  of  Edward  I.  Robert  Bruce,  the  restorer  of  iha 
Scottish  monarchy,  was  the  greatest  political  and  military 
genius  of  his  age.  Having  suppressed  the  factions  which 
divided  his  subjects,  and  united  them  all  in  the  support  of  the 

•  Scarbrough  castle  is  situated  on  a  high  rock,  ]jevpendicular  from 
the  sea,  and  joined  to  the. town  by  a  neck  of  land,  which  might  easily  be 
rendered  inaccessible.  In  the  fourteenth  centuiy,  if  well  provided  witft 
necessaries,  it  might  ha\e  been  considered  as  impregnable. 


JEDWARD    II.  S8S 

national  independence,  he  not  only  recovered  the  best  part  of 
t-he  iiingdoin,  but  carried  his  arms  into  England 

Edward  I.  would  probably  have  completed  the  conquest  of 
Scotland  had  not  death  put  a  sudden  slop  to  his  career.  A 
violent  tit  of  sickness  prevented  Robert  Bruce  from  immedi- 
ately profiting  by  the  consternation  with  which  the  English 
were  struck  bj  that  event.  Bui  the  conduct  of  Edward  II. 
who  having  advanced  as  far  as  Dumfries,  returned  abruptly 
to  London,  convinced  the  Scots  that  he  did  not  inherit' the 
martial  qualities  of  his  pre<lecessor.  i\.t  his  departure,  he 
conferred  t!ie  command  of  the  army  on  Comyn,  a  Scotch  lord-, 
a  declared  enemy  of  Bruce  ;  but  the  circumstance  of  bis  be- 
in^j,  a  foreigner  gave  great  umbrage  to  the  English,  especially 
as  be  did  not  possess  any  talents  that  could  extinguish  natiou- 
ai  prejudice.  Comyn,  however,  attempted  to  derive  some 
advantage  from  the  sickness  of  Bruce,  and  advanced  to  the 
attack  of  the  Scots,  while  he  supposed  their  kingUo  be  inca- 
pable of  commanding  his  army.  The  Scottish  monarch,  who 
was  beginning  to  recover,  but  was  stiil  extremely  weak,  appre- 
hending that  a  retreat  might  have  a  discouraging  eftect  on  the 
minds  of  his  subjects,  caused  himself  to  be  supported  on 
horse-back  by  two  esquires,  and  having  drawn  up  his  army 
in  order  of  battle,  waited  the  approach  of  the  enemy.  The 
English  were  considerably  superior  in  numbers,  but  their 
attack  was  so  faintly  made  and  so  feebly  supported,  that  they 
scarcely  seemed  to  be  the  same  men  who  had  so  often  been 
victorious  under  Edward  I.  With  the  superiority  of  numbers 
and  discipline  on  their  side,  they  were  totally  defeated  by  an 
army  of  newly  raised  and  untrained  soldiers.  After  his  dcf 
feat,  Comyn  retreated  into  England.  The  Scottish  king  rav- 
aged the  province  of  Argyle,  which  still  remained  subject  to 
England,  while  his  brother,  Edward  Bruce,  gained  another 
victory  in  the  ■county  of  Galloway.  These  repeated  disasters 
roused  the  king  of  England  to  action,  and  he  led  into  Scot- 
land a  powerful  army.  But  as  he  had  taken  no  care  for  pro- 
visions, and  as  his  antagonist  had  prudently  carried  off  or 
destroyed  whatever  could  be  of  use  to  the  invaders,  Edward 
w;»s  nuder  the  necessity  of  retiring  without  having  perform- 
ed any  thing  conducive  to   his   honour  or  advantage.     His 


284f  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

retreat  afforded  Bruce  an  opportunity  of  reducing  several 
pla<*es  which  tlie  English  still  held  in  Scotland,  and  the  trou- 
bles which  happened  in  England  on  account  of'Gavestou,  ena- 
bled him  to  extend  his  conquests  and  bis  ravages  with  great 
rapidity  and  success. 

Such  had  been  the  disastrous  events  of  the  eontest  between 
England  and  Scotland,  while  the  disputes  between  tbe  king 
and  his  barons  had  prevented  the  English  from  making  any 
considerable  efforts  against  their  foreign  enemies.  But  the 
internal  tranquillity  of  the  kingdom  was  no  sooner  restored 
than  vast  preparations  were  made  for  carrying  on  the  war 
against  Scotland  Edward,  resolving  to  make  a  grand  effort, 
snmmoned  all  liis  vassals  to  take  the  field  with  their  troops, 
and  borrowed  money  of  all  the  bishops  and  monasteries  in  the 
kingdom.*  His  subjects  obeyed  with  alacrity,  and  in  the 
month  of  June  he  saw   himself  at  the  head  of  a 

■  hundred  thousand  English,  Gascons,  Welsh,  and 
Irish,  who  promised  themselves  an  easy  victory,  and  devoured 
in  imagination  the  spoils  of  a  conquered  kingdom.  The 
grand  contest  between  England  and  Scotland,  which  had  con- 
tinued so  long,  was  now  to  be  decided.  The  formidable  army 
of  Edward  entering  Scotland,  advanced  within  view  of  Ster? 
ling.  Near  the  small  river  of  Bannockburn,  the  Scottish 
monarch,  at  the  head  of  thirty  thousand  men,  inured  to  war 
and  accustomed  to  victory,  waited,  in  an  advantageous  posi- 
tion, the  approach  of  the  English.  One  of  his  flanks  was 
covered  by  a  mountain  eomposed  of  a  mass  of  inaccessible 
rocks,  and  tbe  other  was  secured  by  a  deep  morass.  Not- 
Avitbstanding  the  inferiority  of  their  numbers,  the  ScotSj  being 
determined  to  conquer  or  die,  soon  threw  their  enemies  into 
confusion.     This  was  the  most   terrible  defeat  that  England 

had  sustained  since  the  Norman  conquest.  The 
AD  1314*  ^^otch  historians  estimate  the  loss  of  the  English 

at  fifty  thousand  men,  and  assert  that  the  number  of 
prisoners  exceeded  that  of  the  conquerors.  According  to 
their  relations  many  of  the  principal  English  barons  and 
libove  seven  hundred  knights  lay  dead  on  the  field  of  battle. 
The  English  writers  give  a  tottally  different  account,  stating 

*  Bymer's  Fad.  torn.  3.  pv  432. 


EDWARD    II-  285 

their  loss  at  only  ten  (Iiousand  men.  including  a  considerable 
number  of  barons,  and  they  eompnte  the  total  amount  of  earls, 
barons,  and  knights,  killed  and  taken  prisoners,  at  onlv  one 
hundred  and  fifty-four.*  Such  are  the  difterent  statements 
of  historians  led  into  error  by  misinformation  or  blinded  by 
national  vanity. 

But  amidst  the  doubtful  and  discordant  accounts  of  mili- 
tary operations,  consequences  are  the  surest  criterion  of  the 
magnitude  of  success  or  misfortune  ;  and  those  of  the  battle 
of  Bannockburn  show  thai  the  victory  of  the  Scots  was  the 
most  decisive  that  can  be  imagined.  From  that  period  the 
English  seldom  dared  to  face  them  in  the  field,  and  it  was; 
evident  that  the  genius  of  Edward  I.  no  longer  presided  over 
their  arms.  His  degenerate  son  inherited  none  of  his  virtues, 
and  his  enterprising  spirit  and  martial  abilities  seemed  to  be 
transferred  to  (he  Scottish  monarch,  who  pursued  the  van- 
quished English  into  their  own  country,  and  committed  the 
most  dreadful  ravages,  while  Edward  remained  at  York  with- 
out daring  to  oppose  his  progress.  The  king  of  Scotland 
also  sent  his  brother,  Edward  Bruce,  into  Ireland,  who  con- 
quered the  greatest  part  of  that  island,  and  had  nearly  estab- 
lished an  independent  throne,  w  hen  he  was  defeated  and  slain 
in  a  battle,  in  which  he  had  rashly  engaged,  with 
■  *  '^  *  the  archbishop  of  Dublin,  who  commaded  the  Eng- 
lish forces. t 

The  king  of  England  seeing  himself  wholly  unable  to  op- 
pose the  Scottish  arms,  solicited  the  mediation  of  Rome,  in 
order  to  procure  a  peace  between  the  two  kingdoms.  John 
XXII.  who  then  sat  in  the  papal  chair,  was  ready  to  sieze  so 
favourable  an  occasion  of  asserting  his  power  over  temporal 
princes,  and  readily  granted  Edward's  request.  He  under- 
took the  office  of  pacificator  between  England  and  Scotland, 
not  as  mediator  but  as  a  sovereign  arbiter  in  virtue  of  his 
apostolical  authority.  He  sent,  for  that  purpose,  two  legates, 
who  were  empowered  to  conclude  a  peace  between  the  contend- 
ing nations,  on  such  terms  as  they  pleased  to  dictate.  But 
as  this  would  require  some  time,  he  ordered  them  to  proclaim 

♦  Walslngham,  p.  105.  f  Walsing.  p.  111. 


S86  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

an  immediate  truce,  and  to  denounce  the  penalty  of*  exeommu- 
liieation  against  eitlicr  of  the  princes  that  should  refuse  to 
desist  from  hostilities.  Edward  obeyed  with  alacrity  the  pa- 
pal mandate,  but  Robert,  conidering  the  conduct  of  his  Holi- 
ness as  partial  to  England,  refused  his  acquiescence,  and  con- 
tinued his  incursions.  The  Scottish  armies  plundered  and 
burned  Northallerton,  Boroughbridge,  Scarborough,  &c.*  At 
lengtli  a  truce  was  concluded,  but  Edward,  equally 
^  '  imprudent  and  unfortunate  in  peace  and  in  war, 
soon  involved  himself  in  new  troubles. 

Hugh  Spencer  the  younger,  a  nobleman  of  considerable  ae- 
eomp!i«hmcnts,  had,  by  his  insinuating  address,  found  means 
to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  kiiig,  and  to  hold  the  same  place 
in  his  favour  that  Gaveston  had  formerly  possessed.  His 
elevation  gave  umbrage  to  the  rest  of  the  barons,  and  his 
haughtiness  augmented  their  enmity.  A  powerful  confed- 
eracy was  formed  ;t  and  the  barons  taking  arms  under  Roger 
Mortimer,  the  younger,  plundered  the  estates  of  the  two 
Spencers,  father  and  son.  The  king  being  unable  to  opposo 
the  torrent,  referred  the  matter  to  the  parliament,  and,  at  the 
next  sitting,  the  two  favourites  were  sentenced  to  exile. 

Edward  highly  resented  this  proceeding,  and  resolved  on 
vengeance.  The  queen,  Isabella,  who  had  received  an  affront 
from  one  of  the  barons,  and  was  greatly  offended  at  the  inso- 
ieuce  of  the  whole  body,  confirmed  him  in  his  vidictive  dete^r- 
minaiion.  Having  levied  an  army  among  the  barons  most 
attached  to  his  interest,  he  marched  suddenly  against  the 
confederate  lords,  took  several  of  their  castles,  particularly 
those  of  Leeds  and  Warwick;  and  when  he  thought  himself 
sufficiently  strong,  he  recalled  the  two  Spencers  from  banish- 
ment, and  their  enemies  were  exposed  to  a  bloody  proscrip- 
tion.:{  Some  of  the  confederate  barons  submitted  to  the  king's 
snerey,  others  ficd  into  foreign  countries,  and  many  were  taken 
and  executed  or  shut  up  in  prisons.  The  earl  of  Lancaster, 
'itvith  a  few  of  his  adherents  and  the  troops  that  were  able  to 

'■*  Walsinc^.  p.  in. 

j  For  the  persons  engaged  in  this  confecleracy,  vide  Tvrrel  4.  r.  '279. 
4  The  3'oiin;jer  Spencer  liad,  during  liis  exile,  employed  himself  in  pi- 
sioy,  cruising  chiefly  against  the  EngUsh.    Kapin,  vol.  1.  r»  396. 


EDWARD    lU  387 

assemble,  retired  towards  Scotland,  where  lie  had  been  prom- 
ised protection  and  support.  But  liis  designs  bein^  discovered, 
he  was  pursued  and  made  prisoner,  together  with  ninety-five 
barons  and  knights.  Being  conducted  to  the  castle  of  Pon- 
tefrat,  he  was  tried  by  the  Spencers  and  their  adherents,  who 
eondcmued  him  to  death,  and  immediately  carried  the  sentence 
into  execution  *  Nine  olhor  lords  ol'  his  party  Mcre  executed 
at  York,  and  four  at  London,  Windsor,  Canterbury,  and  Glou- 
cester. The  scatlblds  of  England  streamed  with  the  blood  of 
her  nobles;  a  number  ok  knights  were  hanged  in  chains,  and 
others,  deemed  less  guilty,  recovered  their  liberty  on  the  pay- 
ment of  fines. 

The  successes  of  Edward  against  his  subjects,  induced  him 
once  more  to  try  the  fortune  of  arms  against  Scotland,  in  the 
hope  of  eflacing  his  former  disgrace.  But  his  iniproH  idence 
rendered  abortive  all  his  designs.  Instead  of  growing  wiser 
from  ex[»erieuce,  he  repeated  the  error  which  had  once  before 
obliged  him  to  make  a  precipitate  retreat  from  that  kingdom. 
Having  advanced  a  second  time  into  Scotland,  without  ma- 
king any  provision  for  the  wants  of  his  army,  he  soon  found 
hinTself  under  the  necessity  of  returning  to  England  without 
ever  bringing  the  Scots  to  an  action.  But  this  was.  not  the 
only  disaster  that  attended  his  ill-planned  expedition.  The 
Scottish  monarch  pursued  him  into  his  own  territories,  and 
overtaking  him  at  Blackmore,  captured  all  his  baggage.  The 
English  army  being,  on  this  occasion,  dispersed,  Bruce  con- 
tinued his  desolating  march.  He  destroyed  the  country  with 
fire  and  sword  to  the  walls  of  York,  burned  the  monastcrv  of 
Kipon,  pilhiged  the  abbey  of  Beverley,  and  after  extending 
his  ravages  from  the  Tweed  almost  to  the  Humbcr,  returned 
to  Scotland  laden  with  spoils.  Notwithstanding  these  suc- 
cesses, Bruce,  in  order  to  give  some  respite  to  his  kingdom^ 
exhausted  by  a  war  of  so  long  duration,  as  well  as  to  obtain 
absolution  from  the  papdl  antithema,  consented  to  a  truce  foi* 

*  Walsinjr.  p.  116.  The  earl  of  Lancaster  was  i^randson  of  Henry  T!f. 
and  cousin  gennain  to  the  king.  He  was  re£>ardcd'  by  the  people  as  :• 
martyr  to  liberty,  and,  at  the  solicitation  of  Edward  1I.I  was  cai'.oni^cd  bv 
tjte  Pope, 


^88  HISTORY  OP  ENGL\ND. 

fourteen  years,  which  put  a  stop  to  the  hostilitieff 
■  betueen  the  two  nation. 

Edward  seemed  now  to  have  notliing  to  interrupt  his  tran- 
quility or  his  pleasure;  but  his  weakness,  the  ambition  of  his 
favourites,  and  the  licentiousness  of  his  consort,  produ- 
ced a  train  of  calamities  more  grievous  than  any  of  those 
that  he  had  hitherto  experienced.  The  two  Spencers  now 
vuled  the  kingdom  without  control,  and  had  they  been  content- 
ed with  a  moderate  use  of  their  power,  ti.ey  might  have  main- 
tained themselves  in  their  high  elevation.  But  their  hatred 
to  all  tliose  by  whom  they  had  been  opposed  was  implacable, 
and  notwithstanding  the  number  of  victims  whom  they  had 
sacrificed  to  their  vengeance,  they  consider  it  as  incomplete 
without  the  destruction  of  three  of  their  most  inveterate  ene- 
mies, the  bishops  of  Hereford  and  Lincoln,  and  Roger  Morti- 
mer, the  last  of  whom  was  already  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower. 
The  bishop  of  Hereford  was  impeached  of  (reason,  but  the  pow- 
er of  the  church,  and  the  menace  of  excommunication,  screened 
him,  as  well  as  the  bishop  of  Lincoln,  from  royal  and  minis- 
terial vengeance.  Mortimer  "was  twice  condemned  to  death, 
and  as  often  pardoned.  His  good  fortune  has  been  ascribed 
to  the  intercession  of  the  Queen,  whose  connexion  with  that 
young  nobleman,  although  hitherto  unknown  and  apparently 
unsuspected,  is  supposed  to  have  taken  place  before  his  im* 
prisonmeut.*  But  the  crimes  of  corrupt  and  licentious  courts 
can  scarcely  be  regarded  as  Morthy  of  historical  investigation* 
It  suffices,  therefore,  to  say,  that  Mortimer  found  means  to 
make  his  escape  from  the  Tower,  and  took  refuge  in  France. 
Isabella  being  sent  shortly  after  to  Paris,  to  settle  certain  dis- 
putes between  Edward  and  her  brother,  Charles  the  Fair, 
king  of  France,  her  intrigues  opened  a  scene  introductory  t« 
a  revolution  in  England.  For  this  purpose  it  was  requisile 
to  draw  prince  Edward,  her  son,  to  Paris,  under  the  pretext 
of  doing  homage  to  the  French  monarch  for  Guieniie  and 
Ponthien,  ceded  to   him  by  his  father.     This  expedient  suc- 

•  Rapin  enters  Into  a  long  discussion  ofthls  subject,  and  supposes  tha?. 
nothing  but  the  intercession  of  Isabella  could  have  save  3  jVIor'irner  from 
ilie  rage  of  the  Spencers.     Vol.  1.  p.  39T. 


EDWARD    II.  289 

ceetled.  But  after  the  prince  had  performed  his  homage  at 
Paris,  the  king,  his  father,  sent  orders  to  him  to  return  imme- 
diately to  England.  The  command,  however,  was  neglected. 
Isabella,  in  the  mean  while,  commenced,  or  more  probably 
only  renewed,  an  intimate  connexion  with  Mortimer,  ^ihe 
also  caused  her  brother  to  inform  Edward,  that  he  could  not 
suffer  her  and  the  prince  to  return  home  without  some  security 
against  the  ill  treatment  which  she  apprehended  from  the 
Spencers.  While  she  was  taking  her  measures  at  Paris,  for 
the  accomplishment  of  her  designs,  her  friends,  in  England, 
were  forming  a  party  in  her  favour.  This,  indeed,  was  not 
diilicult.  The  aftcctions  of  the  barons  were  completely  alien- 
ated by  the  late  executions  ;  and  Henry  of  Lancaster,  brother 
«f  the  earl  that  was  lately  beheaded,  with  the  bishops  of 
Hereford  and  Lincoln,  being  the  determined  enemies  of  the 
Spencers,  soon  saw  themselves  at  the  head  of  a  powerful 
confederacy. 

How  desirous  soever  the  French  monarch  might  be  to  sup- 
port the  cause  of  his  sister,  he  was  either  unwilling  to  be 
seen  in  the  affair,  or  bribed  by  the  Spencers  to  refuse  her  his 
assistance.*  She  was,  therefore,  obliged  to  apply  to  the  count 
of  Hainault,  and  having  concluded  a  treaty  of  marriage  be- 
tween her  son  prince  Edward  and  his  daughter  Philippa,  she 
procured  from  him  a  body  of  troops,  consisting  of  about  three 
thousand  men,  under  the  command  of  his  brother  John  of 
Hainault.  AVith  these  she  landed  in  Suffolk,  where 
A  ?A?P^'   she  wivs  joined  by  Henry  of  Lancaster  and  several 

A.  D.  Io20.  ''  •' 

other  barons.  The  enemies  of  the  Spencers  were, 
at  the  same  time,  busily  empiojed  in  levying  troops  in  every 
part  of  the  kingdom.  Thus  the  queen  saw  her  army  daily 
augmented  by  the  accession  of  force  from  all  quarters,  while 
iihe  king  was  almost  universally  deserted. 

In  this  extremity  the  unfortunate  monarch  resolved  to  leave 
Hie  elder  Spencer  in  Bristol,  and  to  retire  to  Ireland,  where 

•  Froissavt,  an  author  of  distinguished  credit,  asserts  that  this  was  the 
rase,  chron.  1  chap.  8.  Henault  says  Edward  had  gained  the  French  king; 
but  his  expressionsj  on  this  subject,  are  obscure.  Vide  Hen.  Ab.  Clnoiio 
nd  An. 


sow  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

be  hoped  to  levy  an  army.     But  his  plans  proved  abortiv^.' 
Bristol  was  taken  after  a  faint  resistance,  and  Spencer,  the 
father,  who  was  ninety  years  of  age,  was  instantly  hanged  in: 
his  armour,  without  the  formality  of  a  trial.     The  citizens 
of  London  about  the  same  time  declared  for  the  queen,  and 
beheaded  the  bishop  of  Exeter,  whom  tlie  king  had  appointed 
governor  of  tlie  capital.     Edward  was  prevented  by  contrary 
winds  from  effecting  his  escape  into  Ireland,  and  concealed 
himself  in  tlie  abbey  of  Neath,  where  he  was  discovered  and 
made  prisoner  with  the  younger  Spencer,  the  chancellor  Bal- 
doe,  Simon  de  Reading,  and  a  few  domestics.     Spencer  was 
hanged  on  a  gibbet  fifty  feet  high,  and  Simon  de  Readings 
only  ten  feet  lower.     The  chancellor  Baldoc  being  an  eccle- 
siastic, was  delivered  to  the  bishop  of  Hereford,  who  con- 
ducted him  to  London,  where  he  was  massacred  by  the  mob. 
The  king  was  then  obliged  to  resign  the  great  seal ;  and  a 
parliament  was  called,  in  which,  after  an  exhibition  of  vari- 
ous charges,  he  was  formally  deposed.     The  queen,  dissemb- 
ling her  sentiments  with  all  the  artifice  usual  on  similar  oc- 
casions, complained  of  the  rigour  of  the  sentence,  and  burst 
into  tears.     But  these  demonstrations  of  grief,  which  so  ill 
corresponded  with  her  known  passion  for  Mortimer,  and  her 
measures  for  dethroning  her  husband,  could  impose  on  none 
who  possessed  the  least  penetration.    The  young  prince,  who 
was  of  a  generous  disposition,  and  not  yet  hackneyed  in  the 
route  of  political  wickedness,  displayed  greater   sincerity, 
and  solemnly  protested  that  he  would  not  accept  the  crown 
without  the  consent  of  the  king  his  father.     This  determi- 
nation of  the  prince  perplexed  the  measures  of  parliament  5 
and  it  was  deemed  necessary  to  depute  twelve  commissioners, 
at  the  head  of  whom  w ere  the  bisJiops  of  Hereford  and  Lin- 
coln, to  engage  the  king  to  make  a  voluntary  resignation  of 
the  crown  in  favour  of  his  son.     The  two  bishops  employed 
a  variety  of  arguments  to  convince  him  that  the  measure  was 
adopted  for  his  own  good,  and  that  their  only  desire  was  to 
ease  him  of  the  cares  and  troubles  of  royalty,  in  crder  to 
enable  him  to  pass  the  remainder  of  his   days  in  a  happy 
tranquillity;   but,   perceiving  that  their  exhortations  made 
little  impression  on  the  moiiareli,  they  concluded  with  amen- 


EDWARD    II.  S91 

ace,  that,  in  case  of  refusal,  not  only  his  own  condition  should 
be  rendered  more  miserable,  but  his  whole  family  should  be 
excluded  from  the  throne.  The  unfortunate  monarch,  seeing 
no  remedy,  was  obliged  to  comply  with  the  demand,  and  after 
havine  reisrned  nineteen  years  six  months  and  fifteen 
■  days,  formally  resigned  his  crown  to  his  son. 
Thus  ended  the  weak  and  inglorious  reign  of  Edward  II. 
a  reign  which  had  not  produced  any  event  of  national  benefit, 
and  was  characterised  only  by  the  corruption  of  the  court, 
the  intrigues  of  the  queen,  the  quarrels  between  the  crown 
and  the  barons,  and  the  abundant  effusion  of  noble  blood. 
Among  the  numerous  victims  of  the  reciprocal  vengeance  of 
parties,  very  few  were  deserving  of  pity.  £ach  faction,  in 
the  hour  of  success  stained  its  cause  by  acts  of  cruelty;  and 
when  those  who  had  been  so  prodigal  of  the  blood  of  their 
opponents,  were,  in  their  turn,  brought  to  the  scaftold,  their 
fate  could  only  be  considered  as  a  just  retribHfion^ 


293 


EDWARD  III. 


Edward  III.  was  only  in  the  fonrteenth  year  of  his  age 
when  he  succeeded  to  tlic  throne  of  his  father.* — , 
A.  D  1327  '^^"^  parliament  establislied  a  regency,  but  the  queen 
found  means  to  seize  on  the  government,  and  com- 
mitted the  exercise  of  its  powers  to  her  favourites.  Roger 
Mortimer,  who  possessed  her  tenderest  affections,  executed 
the  office  of  prime  minister,  and  governed  (lie  kingdom  M'ith 
an  absolute  sway.  Thus  the  English  nation  saw  its  sceptre 
transferred  from  the  hand  of  a  weak  and  imprudent  prince 
to  that  of  a  minor  king,  under  the  direction  of  a  mother  en- 
slaved by  her  passions,  and  a  young  and  inexperienced  minis- 
ter. The  parliament,  however,  beiilg  devoted  to  the  queen, 
manifested  the  most  perfect  compliance  with  her  will,  and 
passed  successive  acts,  reversing  all  the  judgments  passed  in 
the  foregoing  reign,  and  justifying  all  the  proceedings  against 
the  dethroned  monarch. 

England  was  at  this  time  at  peace  with  all  her  neighbours  j 
but  her  tranquillity  was  suddenly  interrupted  by  an  incursion 
of  the  Scots.  The  Scottish  monarch,  Robert  Bruce,  though 
far  advanced  in  years  and  in  an  ill  state  of  health,  resolved 
not  to  suffer  the  minority  of  the  king  of  England  to  pass 
without  turning  it  to  his  advantage.  In  this  view  he  broke 
the  truce,  which  subsisted  between  the  two  nations,  and  sent 
the  earl  of  Murray  and  Sir  James  Douglas  with  an  army  of 
twenty  thousand  men  to  ravage  the  English  borders.  Ed- 
ward, on  receiving  this  intelligence,  was  desirous  of  signaliz- 
ing himself  against  the  invaders  of  his  country;  and  the 

*  Edward  Jll.  was  crowned  at  Westminster  on  the  26th  January,  1S2T. 


EDWARD    III,  298 

ministers,  apprehensive  of  incurring  the  public  displeasure 
by  a  contrary  conduct,  encouraged  his  design.  An  army  of 
sixty  tJiousand  men  was  levied,  iucluding  the  froops  wliich 
John  of  Hainauit  had  conducted  to  England,  and  the  young 
monarch  placed  himself  at  its  head.  The  banks  of  the  Wear, 
in  the  county  of  Durham,  were  the  theatre  of  a  series  of 
inarches  and  couniermarehcs,  the  Scots  occupying  the  north- 
ern, the  English  the  southern  side.  The  Scottish  generals 
constantly  chose  such  advantageous  positions  that  the  Eng- 
lish, nofwithstanding  the  great  superiority  of  their  numl)crs, 
never  dared  to  force  the  passage  of  the  river.*  At  length 
the  Scots  suddenly  retired  to  their  own  country;  and  Edward, 
having  nothing  further  to  fear  from  their  attempts,  returned 
to  York,  wlieie  he  disbanded  his  army  and  sent  John  of  Hain- 
auit back  to  his  own  country  with  magnificent  presents. 

During  these  transactions  the  dethroned  monarch  was  con- 
fined in  the  castle  of  Kennelworth,  whore  he  languished  in 
melancholy  solitude  without  being  permitted  to  have  any 
amusement-  He  frequently  wrote  to  the  queen,  earnestly  en- 
treating her  to  render  his  imprisonment  less  rigorous;  hut 
notl'.iug  could  move  that  inexorable  princess  in  favour  of  a 
husband  whom  slie  herself  had  reduced  to  that  deplorable 
condition,  and  w  ho  had  not  deserved,  at  least  from  her  hands, 
such  cruel  usage.  She  would  never  permit  the  king,  her  son, 
to  visit  his  unfortunate  father,  and  although  the  imprisoned 
monarch  ardently  desired  to  see  them  both,  and  frequently- 
asked  why  they  were  so  unkind  as  to  deny  him  that  favour, 
he  could  never  obtain  an  interview. 

The  rigorous  treatment  of  this  unfortunate  king  began  to 
excite  compassion  in  the  breasts  of  the  people;  and  the  ir- 
regular conduct  of  the  queen,  together  with  the  poAver  and 
arrogance  of  Mortimer,  increased  the  general  murmur 

•  Whoever  is  .icquainted  with  tlie  Wear  will  be  astonished  that  twenty 
thousand  Scots  could  prevent  an  English  army  of  sixty  thousand  men 
frem  effecting'  the  passage  of  that  narrow  and  shallow  river,  which,  in 
the  summer  season,  the  time  when  this  expedition  took  place,  is  almost 
every  where  fordable.  Rapin  says  the  ill  success  of  the  campaign  was 
ascribed  to  Mortimer,  and  circumstances  rcndei"  the  charge  highly  prob- 
able.   Rapin,  vol  1.  p.lOr. 


294!  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAXIJ. 

Henry  of  Lancaster,  to  wliom  tlie  custody  of  tlie  captive 
king  had  been  committed  by  parliament,  being  impcIJed  by 
generosity  and  compassion,  endeavoured  to  mitigate  his  rig- 
orous destiny,  but  the  too  open  avowal  of  his  sentiments 
proved  fatal  to  the  royal  captive.  The  queen  and  Mortimer 
began  to  be  apprehensive  that  Lancaster  was  forming  some 
project  for  the  deliverance  and  restoration  of  the  deposed 
king,  and  in  consequence  of  this  suspicion  they  resolved  to 
take  him  out  of  his  hands,  and  commit  him  to  the  custody  of 
keepers  devoted  to  their  will.  Sir  John  Maltravers  and  Sir 
Thomas  Gurncy,  two  men  of  such  a  disposition  as  perfectly 
corresponded  with  the  views  of  their  employers,  were  ordered 
to  convey  him  from  Keunelworth  to  Berkley  castle,  which 
was  to  be  his  last  prison.  On  the  way  they  treated  him  with 
the  greatest  indignity.  They  conducted  him  on  horseback  in 
the  night  thinly  clothed  and  exposed  to  the  weather,  with  his 
head  uncovered,  and  in  order  to  prevent  his  being  known  by 
any  persons,  whom  they  might  meet  on  the  road,  they  shaved 
him  with  cold  water  taken  from  a  ditch.  On  suftering  these 
reiterated  indignities  the  unfortunate  monarch  burst  into 
tears,  exhibiting  a  wretched  spectacle  of  fallen  majesty. — 
His  enemies  imagined  that  these  hardships,  with  the  fatigue 
of  his  journey,  would  put  an  end  to  his  life;  but  the  strength 
of  his  constitution  defeated  their  expectation,  and  be  was 
destined  to  close  the  lamentable  scene  by  severer  sufferings. 
Maltravers  and  Gurney  having  lodged  him  in  Berkley  castle, 
soon  received  their  orders  from  the  court,  and  as  the  execu- 
tion required  the  utmost  secrecy,  they  devised  an  expedient 
unparalleled  in  the  annals  of  human  crueltv-  Seiz- 
■  >^~  •  ijjg  jjjiu  ijj  |,jg  ijgj  jjjgy  stopped  bis  mouth  with  a 

pillow,  and  thrust  a  pipe  of  born  up  his  fundament,  through 
which  they  ran  a  red-hot  iron  into  bis  bowels.  In  order  to 
conceal  this  horrible  action,  the  barbarous  executioners  sent 
for  some  persons  from  Bristol  and  Gloucester,  who,  on  ex- 
amining the  body,  and  perceiving  no  marks  of  violence,  con- 
cluded that  he  bad  died  a  natural  death,  and  their  depositions 
formally  attested  were  immediately  published  throughout  the 
whole  kingdom. 


EDWARD   III.  t95 

Notwithstanding  the  caution  wfiich  those  barbarians  had 
used,  the  cries  of  the  king  had  been  heard  at  a  distance.  A 
lielief  that  he  had  been  murdered  became  universally  preva- 
lent; and  so  far  were  the  regicides  from  receiving  the  reward 
which  they  expected,  that  their  employers,  in  order  to  screen 
themselves  from  the  imputation  of  guilt,  becoming  their  per- 
secutors, they  saw  themselves  abandoned  by  all,  and  in  order 
to  avoid  punishment,  escaped  out  of  the  kingdom.* 

The  disgusting  scenes  which  marked  the  reign  of  Edward 
II.  have  already  been  noticed ;  and  nothing  can  be  said  in 
favour  of  his  character.  His  person  was  majestic,  and  Iiis 
constitution  robust;  but  the  qualities  of  his  mind  were  far 
froui  corresponding  with  his  bodily  advantages.  It  may, 
however,  be  justly  observed,  that  he  was  weak  rather  than 
wicked,  and  that  he  suffered  for  the  crimes  of  his  ministers 
rather  than  his  o^\'n,  a  circumstance  which  ought  to  aftorcf  a 
perpetual  lesson  to  monarchs.  But  when  we  consider  thi^ 
horrible  manner  in  which  this  unfortunate  prince  terminated 
Iiis  life,  humanity  will  be  moved  with  compassion,  and 
impartial  history  will  confess  that  his  sufferings  greatly 
exceeded  the  measure  of  his  guilt. 

Every  thing  relating  to  this  horrid  tragedy  was  carefully 
concealed  from  the  young  king,  who  was  made  to  believe 
that  the  death  of  his  father  was  natural;  and  whatever 
scruples  he  might  have  had  in  regard  to  assuming  the 
sceptre,  they  were  removed  by  this  event,  which  rendered 
his  right  indisputable.  But  his  mother  and  Mortimer  still 
held  tlie  reins  of  government.  His  marriage  with  Philippa 
«f  Hainault  was  solemnized  at  York,  in  pursuance  (o  the 
treaty  whieh  his  mother  had  concluded  at  Valenciennes;  and 
the  new  queen  was  soon  after  crowned  with  the  usual  cc- 
cemonies. 

These  alFaii-^  were  no  sooner  transacted  than  a  parliament 

'  About  three  years  afterwards,  Gurney  was  seized  at  Uuro-os,  in  Spain, 
and  was  sent,  by  order  of  the  king  of  Castile,  to  I>a}onne,  from  wlience 
Edward  HI.  commanded  him  to  be  brought  to  England.  Hut  by  some 
secret  practices  he  was  murdered  in  his  passage,  lest  he  should  discovef 
the  great  persons  imder  whom  ho  had  acted,  Mallravcrs  spent  liis  day^ 
ki  some  unknown  exile.    Rapin  1.  p.  408, 


396  HISTORY  OF  England. 

was  assembled,  and  a  peace  was  concluded  wIUi  Scotland.— 
The  queen  and  Mortimer  regarded  war  as  contrary  to  their 
interests;  and  the  parliament  being  wholly  devoted  to  their 
service,  complied  with  all  their  desires.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Scottish  monarch,  Robert  Bruce,  being  warned  by  age 
and  infirmities  of  his  approaching  dissolution,  was  desirous 
of  leaving  his  son  David,  who  wa^  then  only  seven  years 
old,  in  possession  of  a  peaceable  kingdom.  An  aftair  so 
conformable  to  the  views  of  all  the  contracting  parlies,  was 
easily  concluded;  and  the  treaty  of  peace  was  confirmed  by 
the  marriage  of  David  with  Joannji,  the  sister  of  Edward, 
although  they  were  both  of  them  children.  The  conditions 
were  wholly  in  favour  of  Scotland;  and  Edward,  with  the 
consent  of  his  parliament,  resigned  all  his  pretensions  to 
that  kingdom.*  At  the  same  time,  all  the  char- 
A  D  1"''8'  ^^^'^  ^'"^  instruments  that  might  prove  the  sov- 
ereignty of  the  English  monarchs  over  Scotland, 
were  given  up,  and  the  crown,  sceptre,  and  other  regalia, 
helonging  to  that  kingdom,  were  restored,  on  condition  that 
the  Scottish  monarch  should  pay  the  sum  of  thirty  thousand 
marks  as  a  compensation  for  all  these  restitutions.  Shortly 
after  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty,  Mortimer  was  made  carl 
of  March,  in  full  parliament,  as  a  reward  for  his  services. 

A  peace  so  disadvantageous  to  England  was  greatly  disap-^ 
proved  by  the  people,  and  some  of  the  barons  declared  them- 
selves hostile  to  the  queen's  administration.  But  by  the  pru- 
dent advice  of  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  a  reconcilia- 
tion took  place,  and  the  fatal  consequences  of  civil  commo' 
iions  were  avoided.  Mortimer,  now  earl  of  March,  support- 
ed by  the  queen's  mother,  acted  more  like  a  sovereign  than 
a.  minister.  He  disposed  of  all  offices,  as  well  as  of  the  pub- 
lie  revenue  ;  and  his  arrogance,  as  well  as  his  authority,  ren.- 
idered  him  odious  to  the  nobility.  Edmund,  carl  of  Kent,  the 
king's  uncle,  had  inconsiderately  joined  with  the  queen  in 
dethroning  his  brother ;  but  the  licentious  conduiit  of  that 
priiicess,  and  the  arrogance  of  the  favourite,  had  conviuced 
him  too  late  of  his  error.     The  freedom  m  itli  which  he  de- 

•  Ryra.I;"ced.4.p,33r. 


EDWARD    III.  .§97 

elarcd  liis  sentiments,  induced  them  to  resolve  on  his  destriiC' 
tion,  which  they  accomplished  by  one  of  the  most  extraordi- 
nary stratagems  that  ingenious  wickedness  could  devise.* 
Agents,  employed  for  that  purpose,  succeeded  by  a  scries  of 
almost  unparalleled  artifices,  in  persuading  him  that  the  re- 
port of  the  death  of  his  brother,  Edward  II.  was  a  fiction, 
and  that  he  was  still  alive  in  Corfe  castle.  They  then  pro- 
posed a  plan  for  his  deliverance  and  restoration,  to  which  the 
earl  readily  acceded,  and  thus  found  himself  engaged  in  a 
fictitious  scheme  of  treason  and  rebellion,  while  those  with 
whom  he  supposed  himself  to  be  acting  in  co)icert,  had  no 
other  end  in  view  than  his  ruin.  As  soon  as  sufficient  prooft 
could  be  produced,  the  too  credulous  prince  was  arrested, 
brought  to  trial,  condemned,  and  executed  ;  and  thus  fell  a 
victim  to  the  duplicity  and  vengeance  of  a  corrupt  and  in- 
triguing court. 

During  these  transactions  in  England,  the  events  whieli 
look  place  at  the  court  of  France,  were  preparing  an  occa- 
sion for  the  future  display  of  Edward's  martial  abilities. 
Charles  the  Fair  dying  in  the  month  of  February,  1S28, 
without  male  issue,  and  leaving  his  queen  pregnant,  a  dispute 
arose  between  the  king  of  England  and  Philip,  son  of  the 
count  de  Valois,  concerning  the  regency.  Edward  claimed 
that  honour  as  nephew  and  nearest  relative  of  the  deceased 
king,  although  his  descent  was  by  the  female  line.f  Philip 
founded  his  right  on  the  Salique  law,  which,  as  he  asserted, 
excluded  the  descendants  of  females,  as  well  as  the  females 
themselves,  from  the  regal  succession,  and  in  consequence 
from  the  regency.  The  question  Mas  decided  by  the  peers  of 
France  in  favour  of  Philip.  Edward  complained  to  his  par- 
liament of  the  injury  done  to  his  rights ;  but  it  was  not 
thought  requisite  to  involve  the  kingdom  in  a  war  to  support 
his  claim  to  a  regency  which  was  soon  to  expire.  This  ques- 
tion, however,  involved  another  of  infinitely  greater  import- 
ance. If  the  pregnancy  of  the  Avidowed  queen  should  product 

*  See  the  whole  detail  in  Rapin's  Hist,  with  Tindal's  Notes  1.  p.  410- 
•j-  His  mother,  Isabella,  was  daughter  of  Philip  the  Fair,  and  sisler  oi" 
Charies  the.  Fair,  the  late  king. 


S98  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

a  daughter  instead  of  a  son,  the  pretensions  to  the  regency 
would  then  be  converted  into  a  claim  to  the  throne. 

A  period  of  uncertain  expectation  was  terminated  by  the 
birth  of  a  princess.  In  consequence  of  tbis  event  Philip  de 
Valois  ascended  the  throne  of  France,  in  virtue  of  tlie  jiulg- 
aient  that  had  given  him  the  regency.  Edward  claimed  the 
crown  by  his  embassadors ;  but  they  could  not  obtain  a  hear- 
ing ;  and  the  English  monarch,  not  being  in  a  state  to  support 
his  pretensions,  judged  it  expedient  to  conceal  his  designs  until 
a  more  favourable  opportunity.  But  from  this  moment  he 
began  to  form  such  alliances  as  might  be  of  use  in  the  execu- 
tion of  his  great  project,  to  which  all  his  measures  were  in 
some  degree  subservient.  The  concealment  of  his  designs 
was  so  necessary,  that  being  summoned  by  Philip  to 
"^^  ■  do  homage  for  the  dukedom  of  Guienne  and  the 
earldom  of  Ponthien,  the  king  of  England  thought  proper  to 
comply,  and  went  for  that  purpose  to  Amiens,  having  previ- 
ously made,  before  his  council,  a  protestation,  that  by  this  act 
he  did  not  intend  to  renounce  his  hereditary  right  to  the  crowa 
of  France.* 

The  king  was  no  sooner  returned  to  England,  than  he  re- 
solved to  free  himself  from  the  bondage  in  which  he  had 
hitherto  been  held  by  the  queen  aiid  Mortimer.  When  it  was 
perceived  that  he  grew  weary  of  the  guardianship  of  his 
mother  and  the  favourite,  their  enemies  resolved  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  tliis  disposition,  in  order  to  accomplish  their  rum. 
They  caused  him  to  observe  (he  power  and  splendour  of  the 
■earl  of  March,  who  disposed  of  all  public  offices  to  his  crea- 
tures, and  atFeetcd  to  outshine  his  sovereign  in  magnificence. 
They  also  informed  him  of  the  tragical  exit  of  his  father,  and 
developed  the  secret  practices  by  which  his  uncle,  the  earl  of 
Kent,  had  been  brought  to  the  scaffold.  All  this  information 
was  new  to  tiie  king,  who  had  hitherto  been  kept  in  the  dark : 
lis  eyes  were  now  for  the  first  time  opened  to  the  state  of 
affairs ;  and  he  resolved  to  punish  the  authors  of  those  evils 
which  had  so  long  afflicted  the  kingdom.     The  court  being  at 

*  P.  Daniel,  torn.  4  — Rimer's  FckcI.  torn.  4. — Tincl.  notes  on  Rapiii,  vol. 
I.  p.  412.    Note  3. 


EDWARD    HI.  299 

Nottingham,  where  the  parliament  was  to  meet,  the  queen  and 
the  earl  of  March  lodged  in  the  castle  with  a  guard  of  a  hun- 
dred and  eighty  knights,  while  the  king,  with  a  slender  ret- 
inue, had  his  quarters  in  the  town.  From  these  circumstan- 
ces it  appears  that  the  queen  and  the  favourite  were  under 
some  apprehensions.  Their  precautions  did  not  ensure  their 
safety.  Edward,  having  gained  the  governor,  entered  the 
castle  by  a  subterraneous  passage,  now  called  Mortimer's  hole, 
and  proceeded  to  his  mother's  apartments,  accompanied  by- 
several  officers.  The  knights,  who  composed  the  guard,  made 
only  a  feeble  resistance,  and  notwithstanding  the  cries  and  en- 
treaties of  the  queen  to  spare  "  the  gentle  Mortimer,''  the 
minister  was  seized  in  her  presence  and  conducted  to  the 
Tower  of  I/ondon. 

The  affair  having  snocceded  to  his  wish,  Edward  dissolved 
Hie  parliament  vhich  had  been  entirely  devoted  to  the  inter- 
ests of  the  queen  and  the  favourite  ;  and  in  summoning  anoth- 
er, exhorted  the  people  to  chuse  representatives  who,  without 
any  attachment  to  persons   or  parties,  would  have  no  other 

object  than  the  welfare  of  the  state.   The  new  par- 
Nov.  25tli.    ,.  ,  .       ,     T        1  11      T 

A  D  1330.  ''J^'Hent  met    at    L<onuon   with   dispositions   very 

different  from  those  of  the  former.  The  reforma- 
tion of  abuses  was  (he  great  object  in  view.  The  king  sig~ 
nificd  his  intention  of  assuming  the  reins  of  government ;  and 
the  parliament  declared  its  entire  approbation  of  the  measure. 
He  resumed  all  the  grants  made  during  his  minority  ;*  and 
having  reduced  the  exorbitant  dowry  of  the  queen,  his  mother, 
lo  a  pension  of  three  thousand  pounds  per  ann.  he  confined 
her  to  her  caslle  at  Rising,  in  order  to  prevent  her  intrigues 
from  exciting  new  troubles  in  the  state. f  As  for  the  earl  of 
IMarch,  although  his  impeachment  was  brought  before  parlia- 
ment, he  was  condemned  without  being  heard,  in  the  same 
manner  as  he  had  treated  the  Spencers,  and  was  executed  on 
the  common  gallows  at  Tyburn. 

•  Bym.  Feed  4  p.  476. 

t  Tlie   king  afterwards   assigned  her  the  earldom  of  Pontliien  and 
Alontreuil  during^  her  life.     Feed.  4.  p.  62.T,     Isabella  lived  28  years  in 

her  ''onfinnnriit. 


300  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

Edward  having  rectified  the  abuses  that  had  disgraced  his 
Biinority,  and  regulated  the  internal  government  of  liis  king- 
dom, was  now  at  leisure  to  attend  to  his  foreign  concerns.  He 
was  young,  ardent,  and  enterprising  ;  and  France  and  Scot- 
land presented  two  extensive  fields  for  the  display  of  his  mar- 
tial genius.  He  had  in  view  the  conquest  of  both  these  king- 
doms ;  but  as  it  would  have  been  extremely  dangerous  to  at- 
tack them  both  at  the  same  time,  he  resolved  to  begin  with 
Scotland.  David,  the  Scottish  king,  who  was  yet  a  minor, 
was  brother-in-law  to  Edward  ;  but  it  is  well  known  that  affin- 
ity is  only  a  feeble  barrier  against  ambition.  The  English 
monarch  knowing  that  a  civil  war  among  the  Scots  would 
greatly  facilitate  the  reduction  of  their  kingdom,  represented 
to  Edward  Baliol,  the  son  of  John  Baliol,  who  had  been  pla- 
ced on  the  throne  and  afterwards  deposed  by  Edward  1.  that 
Ihe  minority  of  David  afforded  him  a  fair  opportunity  for 
reviving  the  claims  of  his  family.*  To  these  suggestions  he 
added  an  offer  of  his  assistance  to  enable  him  to  ascend  the 
throne  of  his  ancestors.  Baliol  readily  gave  ear  to  the  flat- 
tering proposal.  A  treaty  was  speedily  concluded,  as  Baliol 
thought  that  he  could  not  too  dearly  purchase  a  crown  to 
which  he  could  not  have  aspired  without  a  powerful  support; 
and  Edward,  who  intended  to  reap  all  the  fruit  of  the  enter- 
prise, promised  more  than  could  have  been  expected.  Ed- 
Ward  did  not  publicly  engage  in  the  undertaking,  but  the 
English  nobility  were  privately  encouraged  to  enter  into  the 
service  of  Baliol ;  and  numbers  of  those  who  had  received 
lands  in  Scotland  from  the  bounty  of  Edward  I.  but  had  lost 
them  at  the  revolution  in  that  kingdom,  attached  themselves 
to  his  party.  "While  Baliol  was  making  his  preparations, 
Edward  pretended  punctually  to  observe  his  treaty  with  Scot- 
land, and  even  published  a  jjroclamation  against  such  of  his 
subjects  as  engaged  in  the  service  of  Baliol,  when  it  was  too 
late  to  prevent  them,  expecting  by  this  political  duplicity  to^ 

*  This  prince  was  then  la  an  obscure  retreat  in  France  :  thirty -eight 
years  had  elapsed  since  his  father  was  dethroned,  and  he  little  expected 
to  be  supported  by  the  king  of  England  in  asserting  his  claim  to  the 
crgwn  of  Scotlarid. 


EDWARD  III.  301 

make  the  world  helieve  that  he  had  no  concern  in  an  cnter-^ 
prise  of  which  he  was  the  author. 

Buliol  having  completed  his  preparations  entered  Scotland.* 
His  progress  was  extremely  rapid,  and  having  gained  four 
successive  victories,  great  numbers  of  the  Scottish  barons 
made  their  submission,  and  took  the  oath  of  fealty.  David 
was  obliged  to  fly  with  the  queen  into  France.  Baliol  was 
crowned  at  Scone,  the  usual  place  of  the  inauguration  of  the 
kings  of  Scotland,  and  immediately  after  did  homage  to  Ed- 
ward, with  all  the  ceremonies  denoting  an  entire  subjection. 
He  also  ceded  to  the  king  of  England  the  town  and  castle  of 
Berwick,  which  were  yet  in  the  hands  of  David. 

The  success  of  the  enterprise  induced  Edward  to  throw  ofl* 
the  mask.  He  commenced  his  operations  with  the  siege  of 
Berwick,  and  the  regent,  to  whom  David  had  confided  the 
government  of  Scotland,  made  every  possible  exertion  for  its 
relief.  Having  levied  an  army  he  advanced  tow  ards  Berwick. 
The  king  of  England  waited  his  approach  at  Halydown  hill, 
where  was  fought  a  bloody  battle,  which  terminated  in  the 
total  discomfiture  of  the  Scotch  army.  If  we  may  believe 
the  English  historians,  seven  Scotch  earls,  w  ith  nine  hundred 
knights,  four  thousand  gentlemen,  and  thirty-tvvo  thousand 
common  soldiers  were  slain.  The  Scottish  writers  acknowl- 
edge the  loss  of  only  ten  thousand,  which  must  be  much  near- 
er the  truth.  Thus  does  national  vanity,  in  exaggerating  the 
accounts  of  victory  or  defeat,  of  advantage  or  loss,  add  to  the 
errors  of  misinformation,  and  cause  irretrievable  confusion  in 
history. 

The  victory  at  Halydown  hill  was  followed  by  the  surren- 
der of  Berwick,  after  which  Edward  returned  to  his  own  do^ 
minions,  leaving  with  Baliol  an  army  to  complete  the  conquest 
of  Scotland.  Strengthened  by  this  aid  he  made  a  rapid  pro- 
gress, and  held  a  parliament  at  Edinburgh,  in  which  all  the 
acts  passed  in  the  reign  of  Robert  Bruce  were  annulled  ;  the 
English  lords  recovered  their  lands  in  Scotland  and  RoX" 
borough,  Jedburg,  Selkirk,  Dumfries,  and  the  castle  of  Edin- 
burgh were  put  into  the  hands'of  the  king  of  England  as  a  rt 

♦  His  army  consisted  only  of  3,500  Englishmen.     Rapin  I.  p.  41 4. 


303  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.' 

compense  for  his  assistance.  But  fhese  alienations,  together 
■witli  the  homasje  wliich  subjected  tlieir  crown  to  that  of  Eng- 
land, exasperated  the  Scottish  nobility,  who  suddenly  took  arms 
and  drove  Baliol  out  of  the  kingdom. 

Edward  no  sooner  received  intelligence  of  this 
'^^  '  revolution,  than  he  entered  Scotland  with  a  numer- 
roiis  army?  and  penetrated  without  opposition  to  the  northern 
provinces,  while  the  Scottish  armies  cai'efully  avoided  a  bat- 
tle, and  taking  strong  positions  secured  themselves  from  any 
attack.*  Finding  himself  unable  to  bring  them  to  action  he 
returned  to  England,  and  after  his  retreat  the  Scottish  gener- 
al, Dunbar  retook  several  places.  The  winter  put  a  stop  to 
the  operations  of  the  English  :  but  in  the  ensuing  spring  Ed- 
ward attacked  Scotland  by  land  and  by  sea,  and 
■  advanced  to  the  extremities  of  the  kingdom  ;  but 
as  the  northern  parts  could  not  be  retained  w  ithout  leaving 
there  a  numerous  army,  he  returned  to  Perth,  while  his  broth- 
er, the  earl  of  Cornwall,  ravaged  the  western  provinces.  The 
greatest  part  of  the  Scots,  considering  any  effectual  resistance 
as  utterly  impossible,  made  a  voluntary  submission,  and  ob- 
tained very  favourable  terms.  Edward  now  thinking  Scot- 
land completely  subdued,  ordered  Perth,  Edinburgh,  and  Ster- 
ling, to  be  strengthened  with  additional  fortifications,  and  re- 
turned in  triumph  to  England. 

A  part  of  the  nation  was  determined  never  to  s^ibmit  to  the 
yoke  of  England.  The  Scottish  generals,  Dunbar  and  Doug- 
las, attacked  the  English  army,  commanded  by  the  earl  of 
Athol,  to  whom  Edward  had  committed  the  government  of  the 
kingdom.  The  English,  although  superior  in  numbers,  were 
totally  defeated ;  and  the  earl  himself  was  killed  in  the  bat- 
tle. This  success  reviving  the  courage  of  the  Scots,  Uiey 
assembled  from  all  quarters,  and  formed  a  very  considerable 
army  under  the  conduct  of  those  two  generain,  wlio^e  arms 
made  a  rapid  progress.  Edward,  on  receiving  this  intelligence, 

*  Rapin  says  ih  at  Edward  communicated  to  liis  parliament  a  project 
tliatlie  had  formed  oi"  undertaking  a  croisade  to  the  Holy  Lund,  with  the 
king  of  France  and  several  other  christian  princes,  vol.  1.  p.  415.  But 
when  we  consider  his  designs  upon  France,  wo  cannot  snppose  that  he 
ever  seriously  intended  to  undertal^e  an  expedition  to  rale.st;iie. 


EDWARD  III.  303 

marched  the  fourth  time  into  the  heart  of  Scotland, 
'  ■  "''^'^'  and  ravaged  the  revolted  provinces  iu  a  merciless 
manner.  Having  reduced  to  ashes  the  town  of  Aberdeen  and 
some  otiiers  of  less  note,  he  again  returned  to  England. 

Edward  considering  the  subjection  of  Scotland  as  nearly 
although  not  entirely  completed,  resolved  not  to  suft'er  the  war, 
with  that  kingdom,  any  longer  to  prevent  the  execution  of  his 
grand  design  of  asserting,  in  arms,  his  pretensions  to  the 
crown  of  France.  He  had  long  been  dazzled  by  that  splendid 
object  to  which  he  had  so  plausible  a  claim,  and  he  Jiad  long 
meditated  its  attaimnent,  when  an  unexpected  incident  seems 
to  have  accelerated  his  attempt.  Robert,  count  of  Artois, 
being  deprived  of  that  earldom  by  a  decision  of  tbe  peers  of 
France,  who  had  adjudged  the  inheritance  to  Blanch,  daugh- 
ter of  Philip  the  Long,  was  so  highly  exasperated  as  to  use 
menacing  words  to  the  king.*  For  this  ofienee  he  was  sum- 
moned before  the  court  of  peers,  and  being  condemned  for 
non-appearance,  the  king  confiscated  all  his  estates.  Robert, 
filled  w  ith  indignation  at  this  proceeding,  retired  to  England, 
and  as  he  had  many  friends  iu  France,  Edward  might  regard 
such  a  fugitive,  at  so  critical  a  juncture,  as  no  inconsiderable 
acquisition.  And  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  counsels  of 
this  prince  mlglit  contribute  to  stimulate  the  English  monarch 
to  attempt  the  conquest  of  France.! 

An  enterprise  of  such^  magnitude  required  extraordinary 
preparations,  and  the  support  of  various  alliances  which 
might  counterbalance  the  superiority  of  France  over  England. 
Edward  found  means  to  attach  to  his  interests  the  emperor 
Lewis  of  Bavaria,  the  duke  of  Brahaut,  the  earls  of  Guelder 

•  Presid.  Henault  says,  tlut  Robert  had  endeavoured  to  assassinate  the. 
king  and  queen,  and  their  eldest  son,  and  afterwards  to  destroy  them  by 
witchcraft.     Abreg.  Chron. 

•j-  Historians  have  generally  considered  Robert  d'Artois  as  the  authoi* 
of  this  v/ar,  an  opinion  which  Rapin  confutes  by  unanswerable  arguments. 
Vol  l.p.  416 — The  protestation  of  Edward,  previous  to  his  performance 
of  homage,  and  indeed  liis  whole  conduct,  shews  that  the  object  of  the 
war  was  the  prosecution  of  Iiis  claims  to  the  crown  of  France.  The 
presid.  Henault,  however,  seems  to  consider  the  war  as  originating  with 
Roljcrt  d'Aitois.    Vide  Abrcge  Chronolog,  ad.  Annum, 


§04  HISTOkY  OP  ENGLAND. 

and  Hainault,  liis  brothers-in-law,  the  archbishop  of  Cologne, 
and  several  other  German  princes.  He  also  contracted  for 
the  private  assistance  of  divers  lords  of*  Gasco^iiy,  Flanders, 
Brabant,  Holland,  and  Germany,  who  engaged  to  furnish  sup- 
plies of  men  in  proportion  to  tiie  sums  which  they  were  to  re- 
ceive. But  the  most  advantageous  alliance  was  that  Mhich 
Robert  d'Artois  procured  him  with  James  d'Arti'ville,  a 
brewer  of  Ghent,  who  had  excited  the  principal  cities  of 
Flanders  to  revolt  against  their  earl.  This  man  had  acquired 
so  great  an  influence  over  the  Flemings,  that  ho  i;;led  them 
with  an  absolute  sway.  He  banished  all  the  lords  whom  he 
suspected  of  adhering  to  the  interests  of  the  earl :  he  had 
spies  employed  in  every  town,  who  denounced  tiiose  whom  they 
suspected  of  entertaining  any  designs  against  him ;  and 
he  never  walked  the  streets  without  being  attended  by  a  guard 
of  sixty  or  seventy  men,  who,  at  the  slightest  signal,  killed 
any  person  that  he  regarded  as  his  enemy.  With  tiiis  power- 
ful demagogue  Edward  contracted  a  strict  alliance  on  the 
basis  of  mutual  interest.  The  earl  of  Flanders  had  takea 
refuge  in  France,  and  Philip  had  promised  to  restore  him  to 
liis  former  authority.  Edward  taking  advantage  of  this  cir- 
cumstance, promised  his  protection  to  the  Flemings,  who  were 
apprehensive  of  being  attacked  by  Philip.  This  alliance  was 
attended  v,  illi  great  advantages  to  the  English  monarch,  for 
besides  the  supplies  which  he  expected  from  the  Flemings,  it 
afforded  him  the  conveniency  of  assentbling  in  Flanders  his 
forces  from  every  part  of  the  continent,  and  of  opening  a 
way  into  France  from  that  country. 

The  parliament  approving  of  the  king's  design,  granted  him 
liberal  subsidies;  and  he  raided  one  of  the  finest  armies  that 
liad  ever  been  levied  in  England.  A  part  of  it  was  immedi- 
ately sent  to  assist  the  Flemings,  who  were  vigorously  attack- 
ed by  the  carl  at  the  head  of  a  French  army.  Soon  after  the 
arrival  of  the  English  troops,  Guy,  brother  of  the  earl  of 
Flanders,  was  defeated  in  the  Isle  of  Cadsant,  and  taken  pris^ 
oner.  This  success  excited  those  cities  of  Flanders  which 
had  hitherto  adhered  to  the  earl  to  reject  his  authority,  and 
enter  into  the  alliance  with  England. 

Edward  and  Philip  employed  the  wiijter  in  making  prepa- 


EDWARD    III.  305 

Nations  for  tlie  important  contest  in  wliich  they  m  ore  about  to 
cno-aj'e,  each  of  them  endeavouring,  by  specious  pretexts  and 
studied  manifestoes,  to  prove  the  justice  of  his  cause.  Bene- 
dict XII.  who  then  sat  in  the  papal  chair,  used  his  influence 
with  the  two  kings,  in  order  to  prevent  the  evils  which  their 
quarrel  threatened  to  bring  upon  Christendom,  and  sent  for 
that  purpose  two  cardinals  to  Edward,  who  professed  himself 
willing  to  agree  to  a  peace  on  such  terms  as  were  eompatiable 
with  his  rights.  But  as  the  conditions  which  one  of  the 
parties  might  have  tfiought  strictly  just,  would,  by  the  other, 
have  been  deemed  inadmissible,  their  dispute  could  be  decided 
only  by  arms. 

Having  completed  his  preparations,  and  taken  all  the  pre- 
cautions that  prudeuce  could  suggest,  Edward  sail. 
a"d  i^'SS  ^^  ^'^'""  Orewell,  in  Suflblk,  with  a  fleet  of  five 
hundred  ships,  and  steered  directly  for  Antwerp, 
where  he  landed  his  army.  From  Antwerp  he  proceeded  to 
Cologne,  where  he  had  a  conference  with  the  emperor.  AC 
this  interview  the  two  monarchs  being  seated  on  two  thrones 
in  the  market-place,  attended  by  four  dukes,  three  archbish- 
ops, six  bishops,  and  according  to  the  heralds'  accounts  seven- 
teen thousand  barons,  knights,  and  esquires,*  the  emperor,  in 
the  midst  of  this  splendid  assembly,  appointed  the  king  of 
England  vicar  of  tlie  empire,  in  order  to  furnish  the  German 
and  Flemish  princes  and  lords  with  a  specious  pretext  for 
joining  his  standard  as  general  of  the  imperial  army.  This 
dignity  might  heighten  his  influence  on  the  continent,  and  his 
presence  had  a  powerful  eftect  in  confirming  his  Flemish  alli- 
ance ;  but  he  still  laboured  under  great  embarrassments 
through  the  want  of  money  to  defray  the  expenditure  occa- 
sioned by  the  magnitude  of  his  armaments.  He  borrowed  money 
both  of  princes  and  private  persons,  and  a  modern  reader 
will  be  astonished  to  learn  that  an  English  monarch  was 
obliged  to  pledge  his  crown  to  the  archbishop  of  Triers,  for 
ja  loan  of  fifty  thousand  florins. t 

*  Barnes's  life  of  Edward  III.  and  KnightQii's  Cytlcct  ap.    Tindal's 
"nptes  on  Rapin  1.  p.  41 T. 
f  Rapin,  vol.  1.  p.  4 18. 

.R  r 


306  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

The  long  period  of  a  year  and  almost  two  months  had  been, 
Comsunied  amidst  various  and  iinavoidabl'.-  de'ays,  when  Ed- 
nard  at  length  opened  the  campaii^n  at  the  I:e;id  of  forty  thou- 
sand men.  His  first  enj'ainj)n)ent  was  between 
A*^D  l'^"*9  ^1'1'chiennes  and  Doway  :  He  then  proceeded  to 
Camhray,  and  while  he  halted  before  the  walls  of 
that  city,  he  received  information  that  Philip  was  approach- 
ing with  a  formidable  army.  Edward,  whose  pecuniary  em- 
barrassment ••  obliged  him  to  endeavour  to  bring  the  war  to  as 
speedy  a  termination  as  possible,  immediately  advanced  to 
meet  his  antagonist.  But  Philip,  who  had  no  reason  for  act- 
ing with  precipitancy,  carefully  avoided  a  battle ;  and  the 
campaign  ended  without  producing  any  remarkable  event.  In 
the  meanwhile,  Philip  had,  l)y  (he  agency  of  his  emissaries, 
excited  among  the  Flemings  some  scruples  on  the  subject  of 
taking  arms  against  their  paramount  sovereign,  which  might 
Lave  produced  a  revolution  prejudicial  to  the  English.  But 
Edward,  sensible  of  the  importance  of  n^mes,  readily  adopted 
the  sagacious  council  of  d'Artevillc,  and  assumed  the  title  of 
king  of  France,  and  quartered  the  jleurs  de  lis  with  the  arms 
of  England,  adding  the  motto  "  Dieuet  mon  droit,'^  denoting 
Iiis  confidence  in  God,  and  the  justice  of  his  cause. 

The  campaign  being  ended,  Edward  saw  the  necessity  of 
returning  to  England  to  procure  supplies ;  but  he  left  with 
the  duke  of  Brabant,  the  queen,  the  new-born  prince,*  and 
several  English  lords  of  the  first  distinction.  The  parliament 
granted  him  liberal  subsidies,  and  obtained  a  new  confirmation 
of  Magna  Charta.  The  two  kings  issued  new  manifestoes, 
and  redoubled  their  preparations  for  war.  Edward  having 
increased  the  strength  of  his  fleet,  and  raised  a  more  numer- 
ous army,  again  embarked  for  Flanders.  The 
A  D^l"40  5^1*^"*^'^  fleet,  which  was  greatly  superior  in  num. 
her  of  vessels,  was  stationed  oflf  Sluys  to  wait  his 
approach.!     Edw  ard   did   not  hesitate  to  begin  the  attack. 

*  The  famous  Edward,  the  Black  Prince,  who  was  born  at  Woodstock, 
June  15lh,  1330. 

f  Tlie  English  fleet  consisted  of  three  hundred,  and  that  of  the  French 
of  four  hundred  sail.  Rapin,  1.  p  419.  The  presid.  Ilenault  and  other 
French  historians  say  that  their  fleet  consisted  of  a  hundred  and  tw^ty 
large  ships,  with  forty  thousand  men  on  board*. 


EDWARD    III.  soy 

The  conflict  was  extremely  obstinate  and  bloody.  The  ships 
6f  the  two  hostile  fleets  were  for  the  most  part  closely  grap- 
pled, and  the  enj^agement  lasted  from  eight  in  the  morning 
till  seven  at  night.  But  although  the  French  fought  with 
great  courage,  and  sustained  for  so  many  hours  all  the  eff'orts 
of  the  English,  yet,  in  the  end,  they  were  totally  defeated 
with  a  prodigious  slaughter.  Of  the  whole  French  fleet  no 
more  than  thirty  ships  escaped,  and  thirty  thousand  of  their 
men  are  said  to  have  perished  in  the  action.*  This  was  the 
severest  naval  engagement  that  ever  had  been  fought  in  those 
Seas,  and  the  first  in  which  an  English  king  had  ever  com- 
manded in  person.  Edward,  however,  displayed  not  only  au 
extraordinary  valour,  but  a  degree  of  skill  which  could  not 
have  been  expected  from  his  little  experience  in  naval  affairs. 
After  this  signal  victory,  Edward  having  without  further 
opposition  disembarked  his  troops  in  Flanders,  assembled  the 
finest  army  that  had  ever  been  commanded  by  any  king  of 
England.  It  consisted  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  tliousand  men, 
English,  Germans,  Flemings,  and  French.  This  immense 
force  being  divided  into  two  bodies,  he  laid  siege  to  Tournay 
with  a  hundred  thousand  men,  and  detached  Robert  d'  Artoi<3 
with  fifty  thousand  to  take  post  near  St.  Omer.f  But  thiss 
body,  which  consisted  chiefly  of  the  Flemish  militia,  being 
defeated  near  that  city  by  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  the  soldiers 
were  struck  with  such  a  panic,  that  in  the  following  night  they 
abandoned  their  camp,  and  while  some  joined  the  main  army, 
others  dispersed  themselves  in  the  country.  Philip,  with  ail 
army  superior  to  that  of  Edward,  was,  at  the  same  time,  ad- 
vancing to  the  relief  of  Tournay.  He  was  accompanied  by 
the  king  of  Navarre  and  Bohemia,  and  by  all  the  nobility  of 
France.  Notwithstanding  the  superiority  of  his  force  h^ 
declined  a  battle,  but  never  ceased,  night  or  day,  from  harrass- 

*  Rapin  says  "  the  English  pretend  that  the  French  lost  that  numher," 
from  which  it  appears  that  he  considers  it  as  an  exafjgeration,  vol  1.  p. 
419.  The  presid.  Hcnaidt  observes  that  this  battle  was  lost  tlirough  a 
misunderstanding  between  the  two  French  admirals;  but  he  allows,  that 
in  maratlme  war,  the  French  were  inferior  to  the  English.  Ab.  CfOu. 
ad  An. 

7   Frtr  tlTf*  transactions  of  this  war,  tide  Froissart,  hb.  I. 


308  liiSTOBY  OF  ENGLAND. 

ing  the  besiegers  by  desultory  attacks.  The  king  of  England 
perceiving  that  the  capture  of  Tournay,  in  presence  of 
the  French  army,  would  be  extremely  dilUcuIt,  or  even  impos- 
sible, sent  Philip  a  letter,  with  a  challenge,  to  decide  the 
quarrel  by  single  combat,  or  by  a  hundred  men  on  each  side. 
But  the  letter  being  addressed  to  Philip  de  Valois,  without 
any  other  title,  he  returned  for  answer  that  "  He  had  seen  a 
"  letter,  addressed  to  a  person  called  Philip  de  Valois,  but  as 
"  it  was  not  for  him,  he  could  not  reply  to  the  contents  ;  ne- 
"  vertheless,  he  took  this  occasion  to  acquaint  him  that  he 
•'  hoped,  by  God's  help,  to  drive  him  out  of  his  kingdom.'"* 
The  challenge  sent  by  Edward  is  in  the  true  spirit  of  chivalry, 
^vhich  was  so  prevalent  in  that  age  :  it  was  also  consistent  with 
reason  :  their  dispute  was  entirely  personal,  and  all  such 
quarrels  ought  to  be  decided  by  the  parties  themselves,  or  by 
a  few  chosen  champions  willing  to  devote  their  lives  for  their 
cause,  without  sacrificing  the  blood  of  so  many  thousands  to 
the  interests  or  ambition  of  individuals.  And  humanity  must 
regret  that  Philip  was  furnished  with  a  pretext  for  declining 
a  contest  which  might  have  afforded  a  glorious  example  tt> 
monarehs,  and  a  noble  theme  to  historians. 

Edward  consumed  three  months  before  Tournay  without 
making  any  progress,  yet  he  considered  his  honour  as  con- 
cerned in  continuing  the  siege,  although  with  little  hope  of 
success,  and  exposed  to  the  incessant  attacks  of  the  enemy. 
From  this  embarrassing  situation  he  was  relieved  by  his 
mother-in-law,  the  widow  of  the  earl  of  Hainault,  and  sister 
to  the  French  king,  who,  by  her  interference,  prevailed  on 
her  brother  and  her  son-in-law  to  consent  to  a  truce  for  a  few 
months,  which  was  prolonged  for  two  years  by  the  mediation 
of  the  Pope.  Various  circumstances,  indeed,  contributed  to 
induce  the  king  of  England  to  agree  to  this  truce.  It  saved 
iiim  from  the  disgrace  of  raising  the  siege  of  Tournay,  and 
-from  the  consequences  that  might  arise  from  the  defection  of 
the  duke  of  Brabant,  who  had  drawn  off  his  troops,  and  re- 
turned to  a  state  of  ncutraliry.  The  emperor  soon  after  made 
a  private  peace  with  France,  and  revoked  his  patent  of  vicar 

*  R.vmer's  Feed.  Tom.  5.  p.  199- 


EDWARD   III.  309 

of  the  empire,  a  circumstance  which  induced  some  of  the 
German  princes  to  secede  from  the  league.  But  the  priiici- 
pal  cause  that  impelled  Edward  to  interrupt  the  prosecution 
of  his  designs  against  France  was,  the  inadequacy  of  his  re- 
sources to  the  undertaking,  and  the  straits  to  which  he  found 
himself  reduced  by  the  want  of  money  for  the  support  of  his 
numerous  armies. 

As  soon  as  the  truce  was  concluded,  Edward  rc- 
A.D^  1*340'  turned  to  England.  The  war  had  succeeded  so  ill, 
that  all  his  vast  armaments  had  not  gained  him  one 
foot  of  ground  in  the  kingdom  which  he  had  expected  to  con- 
quer. This  consideration  niight  have  induced  him  to  desist 
from  any  further  attempt,  had  not  an  unforeseen  circumstance 
revived  his  hopes.  On  the  death  of  the  duke  of  Brelagne, 
his  brother,  the  earl  of  Montfort,  took  possession  of  that 
duchy,  and  dreading  the  interest  of  his  competitor,  Charles 
de  Blois,  nephew  of  Philip  de  Valois,  he  came  over  to  Eng- 
land, and  did  homage  to  Edward  as  the  legitimate  sovereign 
of  France.  Being  deprived  of  his  duchy,  and  led  prisoner  to 
Paris,  his  consort  engaged  to  deliver  up  to  Edward  certain 
fortified  places,  in  order  to  procure  his  support.  The  king  of 
England  regarding  this  as  a  favourable  opportunity  for  ob- 
taining a  position  from  which  he  niight  direct  his  future  ope- 
rations against  any  part  of  France,  sent  Robert  d'Artois  with 
an  army  into  Bretagne.  IJobert  fell  in  battle  soon  after  his 
arrival :  and  the  earl  of  Nottingham,  who  succeeded  to  the  com- 
mand, finding  his  army  too  weak  to  keep  the  field,  Edward 
resolved  to  take  the  conduct  of  the  war  in  i)crson,  and  carried 
over  strong  reinforcements.  But  as  neillier  he  nor  the  duke 
of  Normandy,  who  commanded  the  French,  thought  it  proper 
to  hazard  an  engagement,  the  campaign  passed  over  %\ithimt 
any  event  of  importance,  and  a  truce  was  concli!' 
A^D  1"4'2  ^t^^'^  ^'oi*  three  years  by  tlie  papal  mediation. 

^Yllilethe  king  of  England  was  engaged  in  his 
wars  with  France,  the  Scots  had  improved  the  opportunity 
which  that  circumstance  aftorded,  to  attempt  the  recovery 
of  their  national  independence;  and  the  adiierents  of  David 
had  been  so  successful  as  to  compel  Baliol  to  retire  to  the 
English  borders.     Edward-  m  Im  had  fonsid'MTd  tho  S<«nf;=  ns 


310  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

unable  to  give  him  any  further  trouble,  was  now  convinced  of 
his  mistake,  and  resolved  once  more  to  attack  their  country 
by  land  and  by  sea.  But  his  Heet,  which  had  on  board  the 
ammunition  and  provision  for  tbe  army,  being  destroyed  by  a 
storm,  he  consented  to  a  truce.  The  principal  article  was 
that  the  Scots  should  acknowledge  Edward  as  their  sovereign, 
unless  David  should,  before  the  month  of  IVlay  next  ensuing, 
come  with  an  army  sufficient  to  support  his  right  to  the  throne. 
This  condition  laid  the  king  of  France  under  the  necessity  of 
aftbrding  the  Scots  a  more  powerful  assistance  than  he  had 
hitherto  done,  lest  he  should  be  deprived  of  the  advantages 
which  he  derived  from  their  alliance  and  enmity  to  England, 
He  therefore  furnished  David  with  men  and  money,  and  sent, 
liim  to  Scotland,  where  he  assembled  a  numerous  army  of 
French,  Scots,  Danes,  and  Norwegians.  With  these  troops 
lie  entered  England,  and  captured  the  city  of  Durham,  Avhere 
he  put  all  the  inhabitants  to  the  sword.  But  on  hearing  of 
Edward's  approach  he  retired  into  his  own  country,  and  the 
king  of  England  granted  him  a  truce  for  two  years,  in  order 
to  leave  himself  at  liberty  to  attend  to  more  important  con- 
cerns. 

Edward  now  employed  some  time  in  regulating 
■^  ^  the  internal  aftairs  of  his  kingdom  ;  but  while  his 
domestic  concerns  seemed  to  engross  his  attention,  he  did  not 
neglect  foreign  politics,  but  constantly  revolved  in  his  mind 
his  grand  design  of  acquiring  the  crown  of  France,  and  made 
vast  preparations  for  its  execution.  As  he  had  not  derived 
from  his  alliances,  with  the  princes  of  Germany  and  the 
Netherlands,  all  the  advantages  that  he  expected,  he  now 
took  a  quite  different  course.  He  dispatched  to  various  parts 
of  the  continent,  agents  who  were  empowered  to  treat  with 
all  persons,  of  whatever  description,  that  were  willing  to  sup- 
ply him  either  with  men  or  money,  lie  was  sensible  that 
troops  thus  collected  would  produce  tlie  same  effect,  Mith 
nnieh  less  expense,  and  be  more  at  his  own  disposal  than  those 
of  the  princes,  while  the  efforts  of  Philip  to  corrupt  his  al- 
lies would  he  disconcerted  by  this  measure.  In  order  to  draw- 
to  his  court  a  number  of  foreign  lords,  with  whom  he  might 
ncgociate,  Edward  adopted  an  cxpedicat  pe.iectly  agreeable 


EDAVARD    III.  311 

to  the  chivalrous  taste  of  the  age.  He  orderetl  tournaments 
to  be  held,  after  being  previously  published  throughout  Eu- 
rope, and  gave  the  most  honourable  reception  to  all  persons 
of  distinction,  who  eliose  to  he  present,  caressing  them  iu 
such  a  manner  that  tliey  could  not  sufficiently  admire  his  po- 
liteness and  magnificence.  It  was  on  tliis  occasion  t||at  Ed- 
ward instituted  at  Windsor  the  order  of  the  knights 
'"'■  of  the  round  table,  in  memory  of  king  Arthur,* 
During  the  time  of  these  feasts  and  diversions,  the  king 
treated  with  the  foreign  lords  concerning  the  number  of  men 
they  were  able  or  willing  to  furnish.  The  vast  concourse  of 
Spaniards,  Italians,  Germaus,  Flemings,  and  even  of  F'  cnch- 
men,  to  England,  excited  the  jealousy  of  Philip,  who  sus- 
pecting that  Edward  had  some  important  design  in  these 
tournaments,  endeavoured  to  counteract  his  policy  by  estab- 
lishing similar  entertainments  in  his  capital.  Thus  the  noble 
and  the  brave,  from  all  parts  of  Europe,  crowded  to  London 
and  Paris,  in  order  to  be  drawn  into  the  quarrel  between  the 
tings  of  England  and  France, 

Philiji  accelerated  the  renewal  of  hostilities  by  an  act  of 
violence  of  which  historians  have  given  only  confused  and 
contradictory  accounts.  The  known  fact  is,  that  Philip  sus- 
pecting certain  lords  of  Bretagne  of  practices  hostile  to  his 
interests,  caused  them  to  be  seized  and  conducted  to  Paris, 
where  they  were  beheaded  without  any  formalities  of  justice. 
This  w  as  considered  as  a  direct  violation  of  the  truce  ;  and 
Edward  immediately  declared  war  against  Philip.  Having 
constituted  the  earl  of  Northampton  his  lieutenant-general  in 
France,  he  sent  the  earl  of  Derby  to  commence  hostilities  in 
Guienne,  until  he  could  take  the  conductof  the  war  iu  person, 
as  he  intended  to  make  his  principal  effort  in  that  quarter. 

This  design,  indeed,  was  inspired  by  a  circumstance  wholly 
unexpected.  Philip  had  succeeded  in  detaching  the  Flem- 
ings, and  his  intrigues  effected  a  revolution  in  Flanders, 
which  produced  a  considerable  alteration  in  the  plan  of  the 
war.     James  D'Artevillc,  the  demagogue  of  Ghent,  having 

•  The  order  was  so  called  from  \hc  knipjhts  being  feasted  at  a  round 
tabje  to  prevent  any  trouble  in  regard  to  ceremony,  llapin  1.  p.  422.- 


Slid  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

formed  the  project  of  securing  his  fortune  and  raising  his 
family,  by  transferring  the  sovereignty  of  Flanders,  with  the 
title  ot*  Duke,  to  Edward  prince  of  Wales,  was  massacred  by 
the  people,  to  whom  the  proposal  was  not  agreeable.*  His 
death,  which  entirely  changed  the  face  of  affairs  in  the  Xeth- 
crlandsfideprived  the  king  of  England  of  the  opportunity  of 
attacking  France  from  that  quarter,  and  obliged  him  to  make 
choice  of  Guienne  as  the  point  from  which  his  operations 
Blight  be  the  most  effectually  directed.  The  duke  of  Nor- 
maudyt  had  already  entered  that  province  with  an  army  of 
almost  a  hundred  thousand  men,  and  obliged  the  earl  of  Der- 
by to  retire  to  Bourdeaux.:};  Edward,  therefore,  hastened  his 
preparations  to  go  in  person  and  slop  the  progress  of  the  en- 
emy. His  army  consisted  of  four  thousand  men  at  arms,  ten 
thansand  archers,  twelve  thousand  Welsh  footmen,  and  six 
thousand  Irish,  besides  great  numbers  of  the  chief  nobility.§ 
But  being  prevented  by  contrary  winds  from  reaching  Guien- 
ne, he  landed  his  army  at  La  Hogue,  in  Normandy,  and  ad- 
vancing into  the  country  put  all  to  fire  and  sword.  Rapia 
seems  to  consider  these  cruelties  as  a  revenge  for  the  death 
©f  the  lords  of  Bretagne,  whom  Philip  had  illegally  beheaded 
at  Paris.  But  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  thus  ravaged, 
were  undoubtedly  guiltless  of  that  crime.  Nothing  is  more 
common  in  history  than  instances  of  this  kind  of  revenge,  as 
if  the  people  were  only  the  property  of  princes. 

Philip  intended  to  inclose  Edward  between  the  Somme  ami 
ihe  Oyse ;  and  had  his  project  succeeded,  the  w  hole  English 
army  must  have  been  taken  or  destroyed.  EdAvard  having 
discovered  his  design,  immediately  decamped  from  Poissi,  and 
began  his  retreat.  Philip,  at  the  same  time,  was  advancing 
with  an  army  of  a  hundred  thousand  men,  having  previously 
detached  a  body  of  twelve  thousand  to  guard  the  ford  of 
Blanchetaque,  where  he  expected  that  the  English  would  at- 
tempt the  passage  of  the  Somme. If  Edward  passed  that  river 
in  the  face  of  the  enemy,  and  in  the  evening  encamped  at 
Cressy,wliile  Philip  crossed  the  Somme  at  Abbeville. 

•  Froissart,  lib.  1,  c.  119.  f  Tlie  eldest  son  of  Philip  de  Valois. 

i Froiss.  lib.  1.  c.  1Z2.    $  Id.  lib.  1.  c.  124.    If  Id.  lib,  1.  c.  }2i,  SiC.  <o  130. 


EDWARD  III,  343' 

The  English  monarch  being  closely  pursued,  and  seeing 
the  impossibility  of  avoiding  a  battle,  took  an  advantageous 
position  near  Cressy,  and  resolved  to  wait  the  approach  of 
the  enemy.  Philip,n»t  doubting  of  the  victory,  redoubled  his 
efforts. to  come  up  with  the  English.  Without  loss  of  time 
-he  marched  the  next  morning  from  Abbeville,  resolving  to 
attack  them  before  they  should  recommence  their  retreat. 
The  English  army  was  formed  iu  three  divisions,  of  which 
the  prince  of  Wales,  who  was  only  fourteen  years  of  age, 
oommanded  the  first;  the  earls  of  Northampton  and  Arundel 
the  second  ;  and  tlie  king  himself  was  at  the  head  of  the  (hird^ 

which  formed  the  reserve.  About  three  in  the 
a"d  1346  ^'^ftcrnooii  Philip  appeared  in  sight,  and  at  four  he 

made  his  attack  on  the  English  army.  The  gen- 
erally received  account  of  the  beginning  of  this  battle,  seems 
to  be  attended  by  some  improbable  circumstances.  The  Ge- 
noese archers  advancing  to  begin  the  attack,  it  is  said  that  a 
sudden  shower  of  rain  slackening  the  strings  of  their  cross- 
bows, rendered  them  useless  ;  that  seeing  themselves  exposed 
to  a  shower  of  arrows  from  the  English,  they  began  to  retire; 
and  that  the  count  d'Alen^on,  the  king's  brother,  suspecting 
them  of  treachery,  ordered  his  horse  to  make  a  charge  on 
them,  by  which  rash  action  he  threw  the  army  into  confusion. 
If  this  were  the  case,  it  indicates  a  strange  kind  of  misman- 
agement. But  the  historians,  who  relate  this,  do  not  assign 
any  reason  why  the  rain  had  not  the  same  effect  on  the  bow- 
strings of  the  English,  although  the  commentator  on  Rapia 
conjectures  that  they  miglit  have  them  secured  in  cases.  Fro- 
issart  intimates  that  the  French  began  the  attack  in  a  very 
confused  and  disorderly  manner,  and  without  the  king's  orders, 
besides  the  disadvantage  of  having  the  sun  in  their  f\iees.* 
The  president  Renault  seems  to  ascribe  the  loss  of  this  bat- 
tle to  Philip,  who,  as  he  says,  was  defeated  by  making  an  im- 
prudent attack. t  It  is  certain  that  the  count  d'Aleneon,  ma- 
king a  desperate  attack  on  the  division  of  the  prince  of 
Wales,  was  killed  at  the  head  of  his  troops,  who  were  instant- 
ly thrown  into  disorder.     Philip    ihen  directing  a  formidable 

*  Vide  Fi;oiss.  lib.  1.  c.  131.  ^  Hop,  Ah.  C'lron.  ad.  An. 


314  HISTORY  OP  ENGLAND. 

column  a^^inst  that  quarter,  the  young  prince  was  likely  to  ho 
overpowered  by  numbeis.  The  English  nobles,  m ho  admired 
his  I'ourage,  but  were  full  of*  appreiieusions  for  liis  safety, 
sent  to  the  king  for  assistance.  Bui  Edward  having  asked 
if  his  son  w  ere  yet  alive  ?  and  receiving  for  ausw  er  that  he 
was  alive,  and  performing  astonishing  aets  of  valour,  said, 
"  Tell  the  generals  that  so  long  as  my  son  is  alive,  they  must 
*'  send  no  more  to  me,  for  I  am  determined  that  the  honour  of 
"  this  day  shall  be  his,  and  that  he  must  now  merit  his  spurs."* 
This  answer  so  gi  eatly  animated  the  prince,  that  breaking 
through  the  enemies,  by  whom  he  was  nearly  surrounded,  he 
obliged  them  to  give  way,  and  at  length  to  retire  in  eonfusion. 
All  the  divisions  of  the  French  army  were  now  defeated, 
except  the  reserve,  commanded  by  Philip  in  person.  This 
body  maintained  a  long  and  obstinate  contest.  Philip  made 
every  possible  exertion  to  change  the  fortune  of  the  day,  and 
performed  prodigies  of  valour.  The  king  of  Bohemia,  who 
was  blind,  causing  the  bridle  of  his  horse  to  be  tied  to  those 
of  two  knights,  fell  bravely  fighting  at  the  head  of  his  troops  5 
and  his  standard,  on  which  were  embroidered  in  gold,  three 
ostrich  feathers,  with  the  words  "/cA  l>i>n,"  "I  serve,"  was 
brought  to  the  prince  of  Wales,  who,  in  memory  of  that  day, 
ho^e  the  same  device  and  motto.  Edward,  with  the  reserve, 
watched  the  proper  moment,  for  making  a  decisive  charge, 
which  completed  the  victory.  The  French  monarch  made 
many  desperate  but  fruitless  efforts,  and  at  length  rallying 
some  of  his  nobles  and  men  at  arms,  rushed  into  the  midst  of 
the  battle,  in  order  to  animate  his  troops.  In  this  severe  con- 
flict he  was  twice  dismounted,  and  after  being  severely  wound- 
ed in  the  neck  artd  the  thigh,  was  obliged  to  be  carried  off  the 
field.  A  most  dreadful  slaughter  ensued,  which  was  continu- 
ed on  the  following  day,  when  the  French  troops,  flying  in 
every  direction,  were  unable  to  resist  the  pursuers  ;  and  seven 
thousand  militia,  who  being  ignorant  of  Philip's  defeat,  were 
mafching  to  his  camp,  fell  by  the  swords  of  the  English.  In 
the  battle  and  pursuit  there  fell  of  the  French  eleven  princes, 
eighty  bannerets,  twelve  hundred  knights,  and  about  thirty 

*  Alluding  to  his  knighthood. 


EDWARD   III.  315 

vjiousatid  soldiers.*  Amoug  the  slain  were  (he  kitig  of  Bohe^ 
snia.  the  duke  d'z\leneon,  the  duke  of  Lorrain,  the  earl  of 
Flanders,  and  fifteen  other  noblemen  of  distinction.  The 
French  also  lost  eighty  standards. t 

Such  are  the  accounts  which  historians  have  left  of  the 
memorable  battle  of  Cressy.  Never  before  had  England 
gained  so  glorious  a  victory,  nor  France  sustained  so  dreadful 
a  defeat.  The  success  of  this  day  has  always  and  justly  been 
attributed,  in  a  considerable  degree,  to  the  valour  of  prince 
Edward;  but  a  great  part  at  least  of  the  honour  is  due  to  the 
judicious  choice  which  the  English  monarch  had  made  of  a 
position,  where  he  could  not  be  surrounded  nor  attacked  by 
the  whole  army  of  Philip,  but  only  by  single  divisions,  a  cir- 
cumstance which  rendered,  in  a  great  measure,  useless  the  su- 
periority of  his  force. 1: 

The  next  undertaking  of  Edward  was  the  siege  of  Calais. 
At  the  first  view  of  its  fortifications  he  perceived  the  difficul- 
ty of  taking  it  by  force,  and  therefore  resolved  to  reduce  it  by 
famine-  For  this  purpose  he  drew  round  the  town  four  lines 
of  circumvallatioi),  regularly  fortified,  and  seven  hundred 
ships  formed  the  blockade  by  sea.  The  governor  sent  away 
all  useless  mouths  in  order  to  spare  his  provisions.  These 
half  starved  wretches  excited  the  pity  of  Edward  :  he  re- 
ceived them  into  his  camp,  gave  them  a  good  dinner  and  each 
two  shillings  in  money,  and  then  dismissed  them  to  go  where 
they  pleased.§ 

Philip  resolving  to  disconcert  the  measures  of  Edward,  exci- 
ted David,  king  of  Scotland,  to  invade  his  dominions.  The 
Scottish  monarch,  considering  the  opportunity  as  extremely 
favourable,  readily  adopted  (he  measure,  and,  with  an  army  of 
fifty  (housand  men,  entered  England,  and  advanced  as  far  as 
Durham.     This  unexpected  invasion,  at  such  a  juncture,  whea 

*  Froiss  lib.  1.  c.  131,  Sec. 

■\  Rapin  1.  p.  425.     Henault  Ab.  Chron.ad  Annum. 

:[:  The  English  re  said  to  have  first  used  cannon  in  this  battle.  It  is 
somewhat  surprising  that  no  historian  has  recorded  tb©  loss  of  the  Eng- 
lish. 

«  Frols-.  lib.  l.c,J.'5% 


3ld  HISTORY  OP  ENGLAND. 

the  kiu5  and  Ills  formidable  armies  were  fully  employed  in' 
France,  was  extremely  alarming.  But  the  courage  and  activ-» 
ity  of  queen  Philippa  animated  the  spirits  of  the  English, 
and  repelled  the  danger  that  menaced  the  kingdom.  That 
princess  putting  herself  at  the  head  of  an  army,  drawn  to- 
gether from  all  parts  of  the  country  with  incredible  expedition, 
inarched  against  the  enemy.  A  decisive  action  took  place 
wear  Neville's  Cross,  in  the  vicinity  of  Durham.  The  Scots 
were  totally  defeated  with  the  loss  of  fifteen  or  twenty  thou- 
sand men,  and  their  king,  after  displaying  all  the  valour  of  a 
bero,  intermixed  with  the  ferocity  of  a  barbarian,  was  made 
prisoner.  Though  grievously  wounded  in  the  leg, 
AD  l^iY  ^"'^  having  two  spears  hanging  in  his  body,  pre- 
ferring death  to  captivity,  he  endeavoured  to  pro- 
voke the  English  to  kill  him,  and  even  dashed  out,  with  his 
gauntlet,  the  teeth  of  Sir  John  Copland,  who  required  him  to 
surrender.  All  his  efforts,  however,  were  fruitless  ;  and  he  had 
the  mortification  of  seeing  himself  carried  off  the  field  by  the 
English.* 

In  the  mean  while,  the  blockade  of  Calais  was  rigorously 
Continued  by  land  and  by  sea.  The  town  being  reduced  to  the 
last  extremity,  Philip  resolved  to  make  an  effort  for  its  reliefi 
Since  his  defeat  at  Cressy,  he  had,  with  incredible  activity, 
dissembled  another  army  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men, 
with  which  he  approached  Calais,  and  offered  battle  to  the 
English.  But  Edward  keeping  close  within  his  intrenchments, 
which  he  knew  it  was  impossible  to  force,  and  Philip  seeing 
himself  unable  to  draw  him  out  in  the  field,  made  overtures 
of  peace,  which  being  rejected,  he  proposed,  by  a  herald,  to 
decide  their  quarrel  by  a  combat  of  six  champions  on  eacli 
side.  But  the  English  monarch  being  unwilling  to  refer  to 
Bazard  what  he  hoped  to  accomplish  by  patient  perseverance, 
Philip,  who  himself  had  before  refused  a  similar  offer,  saw  , 
Lis  proposal  rejected.  Edward  received  a  reinforcement  of 
seventeen  thousand  men,  brought  by  the  queen  from  England ; 
and  the  inhabitants  of  Calais  despairing  of  relief,  demanded 

*  For  an  account  of  this  action  vide  Knight.  CoU.  2590  ;  and  Froiss.  lib- 
1.  c.  140,  kc.  and  Buchan.  lib,  9. 


EDWARD    III.  317 

a  capitulation.  Edward  exasperated  at  the  obstinacy  of  their 
resistance,  which  had  so  long  occupied  his  arms,  m  ould  only 
grant  them  personal  safety  on  the  hard  condition  of  deliverini» 
ap  six  of  the  principal  burghers  as  victims  to  his  vengeance. 
This  severe  proposal  filled  Calais  with  consternation.  The 
inhabitants  could  not  think  of  preserving  their  lives  by  deliv- 
ering up  any  of  their  companions  in  arms,  who  had  shared  the 
hardships  of  the  siege,  and  contributed  to  the  common  defence. 
History  will  for  ever  commemorate  the  generous  heroism  of 
Eustace  St.  Pierre,  one  of  the  principal  inhabitants,  who  see- 
ing despair  painted  on  every  countenance,  nobly  oftercd  to  be 
one  of  the  six.  A  magnanimity  so  uncommon  made  such  an 
impression,  that  five  more  immediately  followed  the  heroic 
example.  These  self-devoted  victims  went  out  of  the  town, 
barefooted,  in  their  shirts,  with  halters  about  their  necks,  and 
presented  the  keys  to  the  conqueror,  who  immediately  ordered 
them  to  be  led  to  execution.  The  prince  of  Wales  and  the 
English  nobles  pleaded  for  their  pardon  ;  and  when  Edward 
appeared  inexorable,  queen  Philippa  casting  herself  at  his 
feet,  implored  him,  for  Christ's  sake,  to  desist  from  an  action 
that  would  be  an  eternal  blemish  on  his  memory.  Edward 
yielded  to  her  entreaties ;  and  the  good  queen,  not  content  with 
saving  the  lives  of  the  heroes  of  Calais,  ordered  clothes  to  be 
brought  them,  and  after  giving  them  an  entertainment  in  her 
ownpavillion,  disrtiissed  them,  with  a  present  to  each  of  six 
pieces  of  gold.*     They  were  afterwards  honourably  received 

by  Philip,  who  amply  rewarded  their  merit.f  ThuSy 
A  ^^1"47  '"^^^^^  ^  siege,  or  rather  a  blockade  of  eleven  months 

and  some  days,  Edward  became  master  of  Calais- 
Famine  alone  had  compelled  the  town  to  surrender  ;  and  tht 
fortifications  were  as  entire  as  on  the  first  day  of  the  siege.f- 
Edward  was  so  convinced  of  the  importance  of  this  conquest- 
that  he  removed  all  the  inhabitants,  and  peopled  the  town  with 
a  colony  of  English.  After  this  conquest,  Edward  conscntcil 
to  a  truce  proposed  by  Philip,  and  immediately  returned  lo  b\i% 
own  kingdom. 

*  Rapin  1.  p.  426. 

f  Hen.  Ab.  CUran.  a.'.lABnn!T5. 

*.  Hen.  ibid; 


818  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

England  had  never  before  attained  to  sueh  a  pitch  of  greats 
iiess  and  glory.  The  prudence,  valour,  and  good  fortune  of 
the  king,  gave  an  extraordinary  splendour  to  his  croMn  :  and 
the  brilliant  qualities  of  the  heir  apparent  afforded  the  most 
promising  hopes  of  its  continuance.  To  give  an  additional 
lustre  to  Edward's  glory,  ambassa<iors  arrived  the 

•  ■  -^  following  year  from  Germany,  with  an  offer  of  the 
imperial  crown.  Several  of  the  princes  being  dissatisfied  at 
the  election  of  Charles  IV.  were  desirous  of  making  a  new 
choice,  and  cast  their  eyes  on  the  king  of  England,  whose 
fame  was  now  spread  over  the  continent.  But  Edward  was 
sensible  of  the  expenses  and  embarrassments  in  which  he 
should  be  involved  by  accepting  the  imperial  dignity,  and 
regarding  the  crown  of  France  as  a  more  substantial  acqui- 
sition, he  re^^olved  to  direct  his  views  solely  to  that  object, 
and  therefore  declined  the  honour  intended  him  by  the  princes 
of  Germany. 

While  England  was  thus  triumphant  in  arms,  magnificence 
and  luxury  prevailed  to  an  extraordinary  degree  among  the 
higher  ranks  of  society.  The  nobles  and  gentry  were  em- 
ployed in  tilts  and  tournaments,  the  warlike  amusements  of 
this  romantic  age.  An  enthusiastic  spirit  of  chivalry  per- 
vaded even  the  female  sex;  and  nothing  was  more  common 
than  to  see  ladies  dressed  like  cavaliers,  with  swords  by  their 
sides,  and  their  horses  adorned  with  rich  trappings,  riding 
in  troops  to  be  spectators  of  the  tournaments.  Every  public 
exhibition  was  a  scene  of  martial  parade  and  triumphant 
grandeur.*  But  this  state  of  public  prosperity  was  dread- 
fully interrupted  by  a  national  calamity,  which  was  not  pe^ 
culiar  to  England.  A  dreadful  plague  which,  according  to 
the  most  authentic  accounts,  first  made  its  appearance  in  the 
year  1316  in  China  or  the  eastern  parts  of  Tartary,  after 
making  terrible  ravages  in  Asia,  spread  its  direful  contagion 
into  Africa  and  Europe.  After  almost  depopulating  Greece 
and  Italy,  it  passed  into  Spain  and  France,  and  frwui  thence 
in  England,  where  it  made  such  terrible  ravages,  that,  ac- 

*  In  the  year  1348,  St.  Stephen's  chapel,  then  part  of  the  Royal  Palace, 
but  now  the  House  of  Commons,  was  finished. 


EDWARD    III.  319 

cording  to  some,  it  swept  away  half  of  the  inhabitants.  '  la 
Loudon  tlie  mortality  was  so  dreadful,  that,  within  the  space 
of  one  year,  abcive  50,000  persons  were  buried  iii  the  Charter- 
house yard.*  This  terrible  pestilence  raged  in  England  from 
the  beginning  of  August  1348,  till  Michaelmas  the  following 
year;  and  during  tl»e  time  that  it  raged  in  Asia,  Africa,  and 
Europe,  more  than  half  of  the  human  race  is  supposed  to 
have  perisljed.f 

This  tremendous  visitation  of  heaven  did  not  put  a  stop  to 
the  ambition  of  man.  The  pestilence  made  the  same  ravages 
in  France  as  in  England,  yet  amidst  those  scenes  of  deatli 
and  destruction,  and  during  the  continuance  of  the  truce, 
Philip  had  formed  a  plan  for  recovering  Calais  by  bribing 
the  governor.  But  Edward  receiving  intelligence  of  the  de- 
sign, sent  for  the  governor  to  London,  and  promised  him  par- 
don on  condition  of  revealing  the  particulars  of  the  plo|. — 
The  traitor  finding  himself  in  a  per'ilous  situation,  instantly 
accepted  the  ofter,  informed  him  of  all  the  circumstances, 
and  on  the  evening  appointed  for  its  execution,  the  king,  with 
the  prince  of  Wales,  three  hundred  men  at  arms,  and  six 
hundred  archers,  arrived  at  Calais.  The  governor,  accord- 
ing to  his  agreement  w  ith  the  French,  and  the  plan  concerted 
w  ith  Edward,  admitted  twelve  French  knights,  and  a  hundred 
men  at  arms,  into  the  town  by  a  postern.  Edward  being  ready 
to  receive  them,  instantly  made  them  prisoners.  The  next 
morning  he  and  the  prince  of  Wales  sallied  out  of  the  gates, 
and  attacked  a  body  of  French  that  lay  in  ambush  near  the 
town.  In  this  action  the  English  monarch  engaged  in  single 
combat  with  Eustace  de  Ribaumont,  a  knight  of  Picardy,  by 
whose  heavy  blows  he  w  as  twice  brought  down  on  liis  knees. 
The  speedy  relief  which  he  received  from  his  own  men,  de- 
livered him  from  his  danger,  and  even  enabled  him  to  defeat 
the  French  and  take  Ribaumont  prisoner.  Edward,  in  the 
true  spirit  of  chivalry,  treated  him  in  the  most  honourable 
manner,  gave  him  his  liberty  without  any  ransom,  and  pre-- 

*  Stowe's  Ann.  p.  245  and  246.  ; 

■y  Walsinj^ham  says  that  in  many  parts  of  England  nine-tenths  of  the 
people  fell  victi,msto  this  dreadful  disease.    Walsing.  p.  168. 


^0  HISTORY  OP  ENGLAND. 

senleJ  him  with  a  rich  string  of  pearls,  which  he  used  t« 
wear  in  his  own  eap  as  a  tpslimony  of  his  esteem. 

The  attempt  upon  Calais  having  failed,  Philip  denied  hav- 
ing any  couccru  in  the  business ;  and  Edward  not  being  pre- 
pared for  the  renewal  of  the  war,  appeared  to  be  satisfied 
with  this  assertion.  The  truce,  therefore,  still  continued; 
and  Edward,  after  appointing  a  new  governor  at  Calais,  re- 
turned to  England.  During  the  interval  of  leisure  which  he 
now  enjoyed,  he  engaged  in  an  enterprise  which,  if  not  equally 
glorious,  was  af  greater  utility  than  all  his  continental  expe- 
ditions. A  great  number  of  Spanish  corsairs  infested  the 
English  coasts,  and  greatly  injured  the  commerce  of  the  king- 
dom. Oq  receiving  the  complaints  of  the  merchants,  the 
lung  put  to  sea  with  his  fleet,  and  engaging  the  pirates,  took 
twenty-six  of  their  ships,*  sunk  many  more,  and 
A  u!i34q'  'lispersed  the  rest.  Edward,  who  knew  the  ad- 
vantages arising  from  trade,  esteemed  this  victory 
of  so  great  an  importance,  that  he  caused  a  gold  coin  to  be 
struck,  on  which  he  was  represented  in  a  ship  witli  a  cutlass 
in  his  hand,  in  order  to  perpetuate  its  memory.  Philip  de 
Valois,  king  of  France,  departed  this  life  the  following  year, 
Thougli  only  fifty-&even  years  of  age,  he  died  old  and  worn 
©lit  in  the  pursuits  of  love  and  ambition. t  John,  his  son  and 
successor,  renewed  the  truce  till  Whitsuntide  1354;  hut  it 
was  ill  observed  on  both  sides ;  and  in  Bretagne,  Gascony, 
and  Picardy,  frequent  hostilities  were  committed.  These 
gave  oxjcasion  to  mutual  complaints  and  reprisals;  and  during 
this  state  of  illegal  and  irregular  warfare,  the  town  of  Guis- 
Hcs  was  sold  to  Edward  by  the  governor.  On  the  expiration 
«yf  the  truce,  the  two  kings  of  England  and  France  were  .pre- 
pared for  renewing  the  war.  Edward  invested  the  prince  of 
Wales,  his  son,  with  the  duchy  of  Guienne,  and  eonimanded 
him  to  recommence  hostilities.  The  young  prince,  accompa- 
nied bv  the  earls  of  Warwick,  Sufilblk,  Salisbury, 
A  B  15^'  ^"'^  Oxford,  with  only  one  thousand  men  at  arms« 
and  the  same  number  of  archers,  began  his  war- 
•jfikc  operations. 

"  W^^l«;n!,^  p.  169.  f  Hen.  Abreg.  Cbrpr.  An.  1 35^. 


EDWARD  III.  3^ 

Edward  being  about  to  renew  the  war  with  France,  was 
desirous  of  peace  with  Scotland,  and  a  treaty  was  concluded, 
by  which  he  engaged  to  liberate  their  king  oil  receiving  ninety 
thousand  marks  for  his  ransom.  But  before  the  condition  was 
executed,  the  Scots  took  Berwick  by  surprise,  and  thus  en- 
tirely annulled  the  treaty.  The  king  having  obtained  from 
the  parliameut  a  liberal  subsidy,  quickly  raised  an  army,  and 
inarched  into  the  north.  On  his  approach,  the  Scots  aban*- 
doned  Berwick  after  demolishing  the  fortifications,  which  he 
revenged  by  ravaging  their  country  and  destroying  the  city  of 
Edinburgh.*  This  unexpected  rupture,  at  the  moment  when 
a  treaty  of  peace  had  been  concluded,  caused  Edward  to  take 
a  new  resolution  with  regard  to  Scotland.  He  had  always 
acted  more  for  himself  than  for  Baliol ;  and  he  now  resolved 
to  throw  off  the  mask  under  which  he  had  hitherto  concealed 
his  intentions.  As  Baliol  had  enjoyed  only  an  ideal  crown, 
lie  willingly  ceded  his  claims  to  Edward,  in  consideration  of 
an  annual  pension  of  two  thousand  pounds  ;  and  thus  received 
a  substantial  sum  of  money  in  lieu  of  an  imaginary  kingdom, 
vhich  the  English  monarch  expected  to  convert  into  a  real 
possession. 

During  these  transactions  the  prince  of  Wales  had  recom- 
menced the  war  in  France,  and  ravaged  the  southern  prov- 
inces. Having  made  a  sudden  incursion  into  Languedoc,  he 
plundered  Carcassone  and  Narbonne,  and  returned  with  a 
great  booty  to  Bourdeaux.  The  success  of  this  expedition 
encouraged  him  to  undertake  a  second.  He  marched  again  from 
Bourdeaux  with  an  army  of  twelve  thousand  men, 
A  "d  l"56  "^  which  not  more  than  three  thousand  were  Eng- 
lish. Having  traversed  Le  Perigord  and  Le  Li- 
mousin, he  entered  Bcrre,  and  appeared  before  the  gates  of 
Bourge  ;  but  the  approach  of  the  French  king,  at  the  head 
of  above  sixty  thousand  men,  obliged  him  to  begin  a  circuitous 
retreat  towards  Bourdeaux.  John  pursued  him  with  extraor- 
dinary celerity,  and,  by  forced  marches,  came  up  with  him  near 
Poitiers.  The  prince  finding  it  impossible  to  continue  his 
Petreat,  intrenched  his  army  at  Maupertius,  about  six  miles 

•  Vide  Hect  Boet.  lib.  15. 
T  t 


3,^3  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

from  Poitiers,  in  a  strong  position,  incumbered  with  vineyard* 
and  thick  hedges,  which  rendered  it  of  difficult  access.  Two 
legates  were  sent  by  the  Pope  to  mediate  a  peace  ;  and  prince 
Edward,  aware  of  his  difficult  situation,  ofl'ered  to  restore  all 
that  he  had  taken  in  his  incursions,  and  not  to  bear  arms  for 
seven  years  against  France.  But  John,  relying  on  the  superi- 
©rity  of  his  force,  rejected  these  proposals,  and  insisted  that 
the  prince,  with  his  whole  army,  should  surrender  at  discre- 
tion. To  this  Edward  magnanimously  replied,  that  he  would 
die  with  liis  sword  in  his  hand  rathor  than  tarnish  the  glory 
of  the  English  name. 

The  French  monarch  might,  with  ease,  have  surrounded 
this  small  army,  and  forced  it  by  famine  to  surrender ;  and 
all  his  experienced  generals  advised  him  to  adopt  that  meas- 
ure, of  which  the  success  appeared  certain.  But  his  imagin- 
ation being  dazzled  with  the  prospect  of  a  splendid  victory,  he 
rejected  their  counsel,  and  resolved  to  attack,  without  delay, 
the  English  position.  As  it  appears,  from  the  nature  of  the 
ground,  the  cavalry  could  not  act,  he  ordered  them  to  dis- 
mount and  begin  the  battle  on  foot,  which  Rapin  remarks  as  a 
very  great  error,  because  they  were  not  accustomed  to  charge 
on  foot,  and  were  consequently  repulsed  with  great  loss.  But 
the  infantry  advancing  in  their  turn  to  the  attack,  did  not 
meet  with  a  less  determined  resistance.  Whatever  were  the 
errors  which  John  committed  in  beginning  the  battle,  he  dis- 
placed the  most  dauntless  courage  during  the  whole  time  of 
the  conflict,  which  he  maintained  during  the  space  of  four 
hours,  animating  his  troops  by  his  voice  and  example,  and  ex- 
posing his  person  in  places  of  the  greatest  danger.  The 
prince  of  Wales,  at  the  same  time,  performed  acts  of  valonr 
worthy  of  the  greatest  heroes  of  antiquity ;  and  his  soldiers, 
as  well  as  himself^  fought  like  men  determined  to  conquer  or 
peVish.  The  French  w  ere  at  length  thrown  into  confusion  ; 
hut  their  king,  whose  conspicuous  valour  had  drawn  upon 
him  the  bravest  of  the  English  warriors,  though  standing  sin- 
gle and  surrounded  by  his  enemies,  defended  himself  with  a 
courage  inspired  by  despair,  till  at  length  overpowered  by 
the  numbers  of  assailants,  he  surrendered  himself  prisoner  to 
Penis  Morbeck,  a  knight  of  Artoig.     Together  with  the  king 


EDWARD    III.  828 

was  taken  his  young  son  Philip,  who,  thougli  only 
AD  1356!  t'"'"teen  years  of  age,  had  bravely  fought  by  his 
side.*  Of  the  French  there  fell  in  the  field  of 
battle  about  six  thousand,  and  about  fifteen  thousand  were 
taken  prisoners,  among  whom,  besides  the  king  and  his  son, 
were  the  duke  of  Bourbon  and  the  constable  of  France,  with 
fifty  of  the  principal  nobles,  and  eight  hundred  gentlemen  of 
distinction. 

The  prince  of  Wales  received  his  royal  prisoner  with  the 
greatest  modesty  and  politeness.  The  next  day  solemn 
thanks  were  returned  to  God  in  the  English  camp  ;  and  the 
prince  addressed  his  victorious  troops  in  terms  that,  without 
any  mentiofi  of  himself,  ascribed  to  them  all  the  honour  of  the 
day.  He  then  marched  for  Bourdeaux  with  his  prisoners, 
and  an  immense  booty.  It  is  easy  to  conceive  the  joy  which 
the  news  of  so  brilliant  a  victory  excited  in  England.  The 
king  considered  it  as  a  proof  that  heaven  had,  in  a  peculiar 
manner,  protected  his  son,  and  ordered  thanks  to  be  returned 
to  God  for  eight  successive  days  in  all  the  churches  of  the 
kingdom.  The  prince  of  Wales  wintered  at  Bourdeaux,  and, 
through  the  mediation  of  the  Pope,  a  truce  for  two  years  was 
agreed  on  hetween  the  two  crowns,  including  all  their  allies. 
In  the  following  spring  he  brought  his  royal  prisoner  to  Eng- 
land. The  prince  was  received  with  excessive 
■  demonstrations  of  joy  ;  and  every  honour  was  also 
paid  to  the  captive  monarch.  On  making  their  entry  into 
London,  the  prince  of  Wales  rode  on  a  little  black  horse  by 
the  side  of  the  king  of  France,  who  was  mounted  on  a  stately 
white  cotirser,  with  costly  trappings.  He  was  received  by 
the  mayor  and  aldermen  in  all  their  formalities ;  and  in  the 
streets  through  which  he  passed  to  Westminster,  the  citizens 
displayed  their  plate,  tapestry,  and  armour  London  had 
never  before  exhibited  such  a  spectacle.  Edward  impressed 
with  a  view  of  the  instability  of  fortune,  received  the  king  of 
France  rather  as  a  monarch  that  ^^^as  come  to  pay  him  a  visit 

*  Hen,  Charact.  Charles  V.  says,  that  his  {jovernorhad  made  the  three 
elder  princes  retire  at  the  beginning  of  <he  engagement.  Ab.  Chroi*, 
An.  1380. 


3S4!  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

than  as  a  prisoner,  and  assigned   the  palace  of  the  Savoy  for 
the  residence  of  him  and  prince  Philip,  his  son. 

England  had  now  arrived  at  the  acme  of  her  military  splen- 
dour ;  and  her  monarch  had  the  great  and  uncommon  glory 
of  liaving  the  kings  of  France  and  Scotland  his  prisoners. 
Edward  now  appeared  to  be  weary  of  his  harrassing  war* 
with  Scotland  ;  and  although  Baliol  had  resigned  to  him  all 
his  pretensions,  yet,  at  the  moment  when  it  was  least  expected, 
the  king  of  England  consented  to  liberate  David  for  a  hun- 
dred thousand  marks,  to  be  paid  by  instalments,  and  the  pay- 
ment secured  by  the  delivery  of  hostages.*  The  Scottish 
monarch  recovered  his  liberty  on  this  condition ;  and  after 
eleven  years  of  captivity,  returned  to  his  kingdom. 

The  truces  with  France  and  Scotland  having  put  a  stop  to 
foreign  hostilities,  left  Edward  at  liberty  to  direct  his  atten- 
tion to  internal  regulations.  A  considerable  portion  of  this 
period  of  leisure  was  spent  in  feasts  and  entertainments,  of 
which  the  king  of  France,  and  the  other  prisoners  of  distinc- 
tion, were  always  partakers.  A  tournament,  which 
A  1)  1358  ^^^^  held  at  Windsor  to  solemnize  the  feast  of  St. 
George,  the  patron  of  the  Order  of  the  Garter, 
was  the  most  sumptuous  and  magnificent  that  had  ever  been 
seen  in  England.  The  duke  of  Brabant,  with  several  other 
princes,  and  an  incredible  number  of  nobles  and  knights  of 
all  nations,  were  present,  and  splendidly  entertained. 

V/hile  England  flourished  in  peace  and  prosperity,  France 
was  rent  with  intestine  commotions.  The  Parisians,  headed 
hy  Etienne  Marcel,  provost  of  the  merchants,  rebelled  against 
the  Dauphin,  who  governed  the  kingdom  with  the  title  of 
regent. t  The  Dauphin  was  obliged  to  retire  from  Paris  ;  and 
Charles  the  Bad,  king  of  Navarre,  having  a  powerful  party 
in  that  city,  committed  all  kinds  of  enormities.  The  peas- 
ants, at  the  same  time,  rose  in  arms  against  the  noblesse,  by 
whom  they  had  been  grievously  oppressed,  and  threatened  the 
total  extirpation  of  the   whole  order.|    All  France  was  in  a 

•  Rapin  says  that  Edward  yielded  to  the  earnest  entreaties  of  his  sister, 
the  coi.sort  of  David,  king  of  Scotland.    Hist.  Eng.  1.  p,  430. 
•}■  Hen.  \b.  Chron.  ad.  Annum  1358. 
i  Hen.  Ab.  Chron.  ad.  Annum  1358. 


A. D    1359 


EDWARD    III.  3S5 

state  of  anarchy  ;  and  the  government  appeared  entirely  dis- 
solved. Charles,  the  Dauphin,  although  a  prince  of  tran- 
scendant  abilities,  found  it  next  to  impossible  to  steer  the 
vessel  of  the  state  amidst  these  tremendous  tempests  ;  and  the 
disorders  which  menaced  France  with  ruin,  caused  John  to 
be  extremely  desirous  of  returning  to  his  kingdom.  He  there- 
fore concluded  a  treaty  with  Edward,  who  consented  to  res- 
tore him  to  liberty :  but  the  terms  were  so  disadvantageous 
to  France,  that  the  states-general  refused  their  ratification. 
This  refusal  was  a  signal  for  the  renewal  of  th» 
war  ;  and  Fdward  made  immense  preparations  for 
his  new  expedition.  An  army  of  a  hundred  thousand  men 
assembled  at  Calais,  indicated  his  design  of  achieving  the 
conquest  of  France,  while  the  divided  state  of  that  kingdom 
seemed  to  afford  him  so  fair  an  opportunity.  Having  divided, 
his  forces  into  tliree  bodies  ;  the  first  commanded  by  the  duke 
of  Lancaster ;  the  second  by  the  prince  of  Wales  ;  and  the 
third  by  himself  in  person  ;  Edward  advanced  into  France 
w  ithout  opposition.  'I'he  Dauphin  finding  himself  unable  to 
keep  the  field  against  so  formidable  a  force,  commanded  by 
the  best  generals  in  Europe,  adopted  a  system  entirely  defen- 
sive, contenting  himself  with  providing  the  principal  towns 
with  military  stores,  and  carefully  avoiding  any  action. 

Edward  thus  meeting  with  no  resistance,  traversed  Artois, 
and  having  entered  Champagne,  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt 
to  surprise  the  city  of  Rhinies.  The  duke  of  Burgundy,  in 
order  to  preserve  his  country  from  pillage  and  devastation, 
obtained  a  truce  for  three  years,  on  condition  of  paying  the 
sum  of  about  thirty-five  thousand  pounds.*  The  king  of 
England  being  extremely  desirous  of  bringing  the  contest  to 
a  decision  by  a  battle,  the  issue  of  which  he  knew  could 
scarcely  fail  of  being  in  his  favour,  encamped  near  Chartres, 
and  afterwards  advanced  to  the  gates  of  Paris.  But  the  Dau- 
phin prudently  resolving  not  to  hazard  an  action,  kept  him- 
self shut  up  in  his  capital;  and  although  the  English  deso- 
lated the  environs,  and  the  smoke  of  the  villages  set  on  fire  was 
seen  from  the  w  alls,  nothing  could  induce  him  to  alter  his  reso- 

*  Vide  Rym.  Feed.  torn.  6.  p.  161.— Tyrrel,  p.  629. 


ass  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

hitiou.      He  endeavoured,  by  negociation,  to  save  Franco 
from  the  impending  destruction ;  but  Edward  rejected  all  his  . 
proposal*. 

•    The  English  monarch,  however,  made  no  attempt  on  Paris. 
Perceiving  the  siege  of  that  capital  to  be  too  diHicult  an  un- 
dertaking, he  retired  towards  La  Beauce,  accompanied  by  the 
Pope's  legate,  who  continually  pressed  him  to  set  bounds  to 
his  ambition.     Edward  eontimied,  for  some  lime,  deaf  to  his 
remonstrances  ;  but  when  it  was  least  expected,  he  yielded  to 
send  plenipotentiaries  to  Brittany  to  open  a  negociation  for 
peace.     This  sudden  change  of  mind  is,  both  by  the  French 
and  the  English  historians,  ascribed  to  a  cause  to  which  noth- 
ing but  <!ie  superstition  of  the  age  can  give  an  appearance  of 
probability.    AVhile  he  lay  in  his  camp,  in  the  neighbourhood 
«f  Chartres,  there  arose  a  sudden  ajid  dreadful  storm,  accom- 
panied with  hall  of  a  prodigious  size,  which  falling  uptm  his 
army,  killed  six  thousand  horses  and  one  thousand  men.  Lord 
Morley  was  in  the  number  of  those  that  were  slain  ;  and  the 
Lord  Guy  de  Beauchamp,  eldest  son  of  the  earl  of  Warwick, 
being  mortally  wounded  by  a  hailstone,  expired  within  a  few 
days.     So  tremendous  a  couvulsion  of  nature  was  deemed  by 
the  army  a  sign  of  the  wrath  of  heaven,  and  the  king  himself 
appeared  to  be  impressed  with  the  same  opinion.  In  the  midst 
»f  the  storm,  he  turned  his  faee  towards  the  CTJuirch  ©f  Char- 
tres, which  he  saw  at  a  distance,  and  falling  on  his  knees, 
made  a  vow  to  consent  to  an  equitable  peace.     The  unusual 
operations  of  nature  have,  in  all  ages,  been  regarded  by  the 
vulgar  as  miracles ;  and  there  is  no  reason  to  wonder  that  ig'- 
aoraut  soldiers  should  fall  into  so  common  an  error.     Accor- 
ding to  modern  ideas,  and  the  maxims  of  politics,  it  is  some- 
what extraordinary  that  a  thunder  storm  should  so  terrify  an 
ambitions  mGnareh  as  to  induce  him  to  abandon  a  favourite 
project.     But  superstition  was  one  of  the  characteristics  of 
the  age ;  and  Edward,  though  a  great  prince,  was  not  a  phil- 
osopher; or  even  had  he  been  swch,  he  miglit  have  found  it 
impossible  to  remove  the  fatal  impression  from  the  minds  of 
liis  troops ;  and  he  could  not  entertain  any  jflattering  hopes  of 
conquering  a  powerful  kingdom  with  soldiers  who  believed 
thai  the  entei-prise  had  excited  the  indignation  of  heaveik 


EDWARD    III-  S37 

'The  king  of  England  might  have  good  political  reasons  for 
concluding  a  peace.  Although  he  had  led  an  army  of  a  hun- 
dred thousand  men  into  the  centre  of  France,  he  had  only 
ravaged  the  open  and  defenceless  country,  without  being  able 
to  make  any  important  conquest.  Nor  could  he  flatter  him- 
self with  the  hopes  of  more  decisive  advantages.  His  nu- 
merous army  was  daily  diminished  by  sicknevss,  a  circumstance 
\vhieh,  in  conjunction  with  the  litlle  progress  uiade  during 
the  campaign,  miglit  induce  him  to  apprehend  that  a  retreat 
M'ould  siiortiy  be  necessary,  and  in  such  a  sitiiatioH  he  might 
be  glad  that  an  extraordinary  event  afforded  him  so  fair  an 
opportunity  of  pretending  to  consent,  through  motives  of 
generosity  and  piety,  to  a  peace,  the  expediency  of  which 
might  have  been  suggested  by  considerations  of  a  diflerent 
nature. 

But  whatever  might  be  the  case  in  this  respect, 
A  D^  l^e'o  *  treaty  was  concluded  at  Bretigny.  The  princi- 
pal articles  were,  that  the  king  of  England  should 
possess,  in  full  sovereignty,  Calais,  Guieune,  Xaintonge,  An- 
goulesme,  Le  Limosin,  Perigord,  Poitou,  &c.*  and  that  he 
should,' for  himself  and  his  successors,  renounce  all  preten- 
sions to  the  crown  of  France,  as  well  as  to  the  duchy  of  Nor- 
luandy,  the  earldom  of  Aujon,  and  all  the  other  provinces,  &c. 
'in  France,  claimed  or  possessed  by  his  predecessors.  The 
ransom  of  the  king  of  France  was  fixed  at  three  millions  of 
•rowns,  to  be  paid  at  appointed  periods  ;  and  the  great  pris- 
oners taken  at  the  battle  of  Poitiers,  with  several  other 
French  lords,  and  a  number  of  burghers  from  the  principal 
cities,  were  to  remain  as  hostages  with  the  king  of  England 
till  the  complete  execution  of  the  treaty. 

Peace  being  thus  concluded,  the  king  of  France  was  re- 
stored to  liberty  ;  and  Edward  gave  him  a  sensible  proof  of 
his  generosity  in  permitting  him  to  carry  Avith  him  his  favour- 
ite son  Philip,  although  that  young  prince  was  one  of  the 
hostages.  As  soon  as  John  arrived  in  his  kingdom,  he  rati- 
fied the  treatv  of  Bretiajny.  The  followlnar  vear  tlip 
"^    '  king  of  England  erected  Guienne  into  a  priucipalily 

•  The  boundaries  mentioned  in  the  treaty,  as  well  as  the  names  of  sevfv 
ral  castles,  kc.  are  here  omitted  as  uninteresting  to  the  modern  reader. 


338  HISTORY  dF  ENGLAND. 

under  the  name  of  Aqiiitaine,  and  invested  the  prince  of  Wales 
with  the  sovereignty,  obliging   him  only  to  pay  annually  one 
ounce  of  gold  to  the  crown  of  England.     Edward  also  em- 
ployed this  season  of  tranquillity  in  regulating  the  internal 
affairs  of  his  kingdom.      He  ordained,  in  particular,  tiiat  the 
pleadings  in  the  courts  of  justice,  and  all  public  acts   which 
had  hitherto  been  in  French,  should  be  for  the  future  in  Eng- 
lish.    Thus  was  the  nation  freed  from  a  mark  of  sunjcction 
introduced  by  the   Norman    conquest.     In  the  beginning  of 
the  following  year,  the  prince  of  Wales  departed 
.00.  ^^j.  i^jg  government  of  Aquitaine;  and  the  same 
year,  John,  king  of  France,  returned  to  London,  hut  not  to 
surrender  himself  again  as  a  prisoner,  as  some  have  pretend- 
ed.    It  is  generally  supposed  that  he  came  to  treat   for  the 
ransom  of  his  son,  the  duke  of  Anjon,  who  had  made  his 
escape  wliile  an  hostage  ;  hut  all  that  historians   have  said 
concerning  the  motives  of  his  journey   amounts   to   nothing 
more  than   conjecture.*    It  is  certain  that  he  was   received 
with  all  the  respect  due  to  his  rank  and  his  merit.    The  king 
sent  the  princes,  his  sons,  to  conduct  him  from  Dover  to  Lon- 
don ;  and  the  presence  of  the  kings  of  Scotland  and  Cyprus, 
who  were  then  at  the  court  of  England,  rendered  his   recep- 
tion more  splendid,  as  Edward,  on  so  uncommon  an  occasion, 
took  every  care  to  entertain  his  illustrious  guests  with  extra- 
ordinary magnificence.  After  the  king  of  France  had  resided 
at  London  more  than  three  months,  he  was  seized  with  a  dis- 
temper, of  which  he  died  to  the  great  grief  of  Edward,  by 
whom  he  was  highly  esteemed,  being  one  of  the  bravest  and 
most  honourable  princes  of  his  age.     The  year  1366  was  re- 
markable for  the  demand  made  by  Pope  Urban  IV.  of  the  tri- 
bute which  king  John  had  engaged  to  pay  to  the  see  of  Rome, 
and  of  which  thirty  years  payment  was  in  arrear.    The  king 
laid  the  Pope's  demand  before  his  parliament ;  and  that  au- 
gust assembly  declaring  that  the  king  of  England  had  no 
power  to  bring  Ijis  realm  into  subjection  without  tlie  consent 
of  parliament,  displayed  such  firmness  that  the  tribute  was 
never  after  demanded. 

•  Vide  Rapln  1.  p.  437".    Hen  Ab.  Chron,  ad  Annum  1351.    Froisi.lib; 
3 .  c,  220. 


EDWARD    III.  33ft 

The  prince  of  Wales  kept  his  court  at  Bourdeaux,  where  he 
displayed  the  magnificence  of  a  monarch,  and  enjoyed,  du- 
ring the  space  of  three  years,  an  easy  tranquillity.  At  length 
being  weary  of  inaction,  or  dazzled  with  the  glory  of  restoring 
a  deposed  sovereign,  he  espoused  the  cause  of  Pedro  the  Cruel, 
king  of  Castile,  whom  his  subjects  had  expelled  for  his  tyran- 
ny. The  fugitive  monarch  appeared  as  a  suppliant  at  the 
court  of  Bourdeaux;  and  the  prince  being  moved  by  his  en- 
treaties, or  allured  by  his  promises,  marched  with  an  army  of 
thirty  thousand  men  towards  Spain.*  At  the  battle 
A  D.'l367  ^^  Nojara,  on  the  frontier  of  Castile,  prince  Ed- 
ward displayed  the  same  martial  talents  as  at  Cres- 
sy  and  Poitiers.  The  Spanish  army,  aided  by  a  strong  body 
of  French,  was  totally  defeated.  The  famous  Bertrand  du 
Guesclin,  who  commanded  the  French  troops,  was  mada 
prisoner ;  and  in  consequence  of  this  signal  victory,  Pedro  re- 
ascended  the  throne  of  Castile.  This  expedition,  if  success 
alone  be  considered,  was  glorious ;  but  if  the  character  of 
the  man,  for  whose  interests  it  was  undertaken,  be  examined, 
it  loses  all  its  lustre  ;  and  its  consequences  were  fatal  to  the 
English  prince  and  his  army.  Pedro  is  depicted  by  histori- 
ans as  the  most  detestable  of  tyrants ;  and  his  perfidy  was 
equal  to  the  rest  of  his  vices.  He  no  sooner  saw  himself  re- 
placed on  the  throne,  than  he  forgot  all  his  promises,  and  re- 
paid his  protector  with  ingratitude. f  He  would  neither  pay 
the  stipulated  subsidy,  nor  supply  the  English  with  provisions.. 
The  want  of  these  prodticed  a  dreadful  mortality  among  the 
troops;  and  the  prince  seeing  their  numbers  daily  diminished, 
was  obliged  to  retire  in  order  to  save  his  army  from  total  des- 
truction. He  was  even  obliged  to  sell  his  plate  to  provide 
for  the  pressing  necessities  of  his  soldiers  ;  but  what  was  in- 
finitely worse,  he  contracted  a  disorder,  from  which  he  never 
recovered. 

*  For  the  treaty  between  Pedi*o  and  the  prince  of  Aqultaine,  vide 
]?ymer's  Fa?d.  torn  6  p.  512,  he     Barnes,  p.  684,  &c. 

f  Pedro  soon  after  received  the  reward  of  his  ingratitude.  The  Cas- 
iillians  again  revolted  ;  and  Pedro  was  slain  by  his  brother  Henry,  wlw> 
•rt'Tended  th*'  t!ij-onc  without  opposition. 

Tr  11 


33(^  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

History  affords  numerous  iustauces  of  princes  wLo,  after  a 
series  of  the  most  signal  successes,  have  outlived  their  pros^ 
perity,  and  experienced  the  reverses  of  fortune.  Edward 
III.  was  one  of  this  number.  He  had  hitherto  appeared  on 
the  theatre  of  the  world  as  one  of  the  most  glorious  monarchs 
that  had  ever  swayed  a  sceptre.  But  the  end  of  his  reign  af- 
fords a  melancholy  contrast  to  its  commencement.  After  all 
his  great  efforts  and  glorious  achievements,  he  lived  to  seethe 
loss  of  those  splendid  conquests  which  he  had  made  amidst  sd 
many  dangers  and  toils,  and  with  so  great  an  effusion  of  hu- 
man blood.  ^ 

]Vo  sooner  was  John,  liing  of  France,  laid  in  his  grave, 
than  Charles  V.  his  sou  and  successor,  began  to  meditate  the 
renewal  of  the  war.  He  used  a  variety  of  subterfuges  for 
evading  the  unexecuted  part  of  the  treaty  of  Bretigny,  and 
neglected  to  pay  the  ransom  of  the  king,  his  father.  In  the 
mean  while  some  of  the  hostages  had  made  their  escape,  and 
some  were  dead  :  some  had  been  liberated  by  Edward's  gene- 
rosity, and  others  had  purchased  their  freedom  with  money, 
so  that  only  a  few  remained  in  England,  although  about  two 
millions  of  the  ransom  money  still  was  unpaid.  But  as 
Charles  thought  it  expedient  to  dissemble  till  he  had  acquired 
sufficient  strength  for  renewing  the  war,  he  professed  a  great 
willingness  to  execute  all  the  articles  of  the  treaty,  and  ac- 
cumulated money  under  the  pretence  of  paying  his  father's 
ransom  ;  but,  in  reality,  for  a  very  different  purpose.  During 
the  space  of  five  years,  Charles  continued  his  professions  of 
peace,  and  his  preparations  for  war.  At  length  he  threw  off 
the  mask,  and  found  a  pretence  to  quarrel  w  ith  England.  The 
prince  of  Wales  having  laid,  on  the  inhabitants  of  Guienne, 
a  tax  called  fouage  or  chimney-money,  in  order  to  pay  the 
arrears  of  the  troops  which  had  been  levied  for  the  Spanish 
expedition,*  some  discontented  lords  encouraged  the  com- 
plaints of  their  vassals,  which  being  ill  received  by  the 
(prince,  they  applied  to  the  French  king,  who,  notwithstand- 
ing the  renunciation  of  the  treaty  of  Bretigny,  still  pretended 
to  the  paramount  sovereignty  of  Guienue,  and  cited    the 

*rroisa.  lib.  I.e.  239. 


EDWARD    III,  S31 

prince  of  Wales  to  appear  before  him  to  answer  for  his  con- 
duct.* He  also  pretended  that  the  treaty  of  Bretigny  was 
void,  because  the  prince  had  npt  prevented  some  of  his  dis' 
banded  troops  from  entering  France  and  pillaging  several 
parts  of  the  country. f  But  statesmen,  when  peace  is  incom- 
patible with  their  interests,  can  always  find  pretexts  for 
war. 

The  ill  state  of  health  of  the  prince  of  Wales  accelerated 
the  measures  of  the  French  king,  who  considered  the  oppor- 
tunity as  favourable  for  the  commencement  of  hostilities. 
The  transactions  of  this  war  are  destitute  of  that  brilliant 
character  which  rendered  the  former  so  memorable  in  history; 
although  the  result  was  equally  important.  On  the  side  of 
the  English  it  was  a  continued  series  of  disasters.  The  prince 
of  Wales  being  disqualified  by  his  disease  for  tlhc 
A  D^  1379'  ***^'*  ^^  government  and  war,  returned  to  England, 
and  his  departure  was  fatal  to  the  aifairs  of  the 
English  in  Guienne.  After  the  loss  of  this  celebrated  com* 
mander,  they  were  nnfortunate  by  land  and  by  sea.  Under 
the  conduct  of  the  earl  of  Hereford,  their  fleet  defeated  that 
of  the  Flemings,  who  had  declared  for  France.  But  their 
arms  were  not  long  triumphant  on  the  ocean.  Henry,  king 
of  Castile,  who  had  been  raised  to  the  throne  of  Pedro  the 
Cruel,  by  the  aid  of  the  French  monarch,  recompensed  the 
kindness,  by  sending  a  fleet  for  the  naval  blockade  of  Ro^ 
chelle.  A  desperate  action  took  place  between  the  Spanish 
and  English  fleets,  the  former  commanded  by  admiral  Boc- 
canegra,  a  Genoese,  and  the  latter  by  the  earl  of  Pembroke.{; 
The  conflict,  which  lasted  two  days,  terminated  in  the  total 
defeat  of  the  English  ;  aud  their  admiral,  the  earl  of  Pem- 
broke, was  carried  prisoner  into  Spain.  This 
.^^n  ~,ii\  defeat  ruined  the  afl\iirs  of  the  English.  Bv  land 
they  were  still  more  unprosperous.  The  celebra- 
ted Bertrand  du  Guesclin,  on  whom  the  French  king  had  con- 
ferred the  command  of  his  army,  subdued  the  greatest  pait 
of  Guienne,  and  recovered  the  other  provinces,  towns,  &c. 
ceded  to  England  by  the  treaty  of  Bretigny.     This  war  afl^brds 

*  Froiss.  lib.  1.  c.  241.         f  Froiss.  lib.  1.  c.  3/I.'J. 
i  Froi.s5art,  lib.  1 ,  c.  ^7. 


333  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

no  particulars  that  merit  attention.  The  successes  of  the 
French  were  continual,  and  the  English  towns  and  fortresses 
often  surrendered  at  tlie  first  appearance  of  the  enemy.* 
Through  the  mediation  of  the  Pope,  a  truce  put  an  end  to 
this  singular  scene  of  hostility.  By  this  treaty  England  lost 
all  that  she  had  gained  by  the  treaty  of  Bretiguy,  and  retain- 
ed little  in  Fiance,  except  Calais  and  Bourdeaux. 

In  the  last  years  of  his  reign,  Edward  III.  appears  to  have 
laid  aside  his  martial  inclinations,  which  had  so  greatly  exal- 
ted his  fame,  and,  like  the  celebrated  king  of  Israel,  spent 
the  concluding  part  of  his  life  in  a  manner  less  conducive  to 
lis  reputation.  Being  enamoured  of  Alice  Pierce,  who  had 
been  lady  of  the  bedchamber  to  his  deceased  queen  Philippa, 
he  lavished  on  her  the  money  raised  for  public  purposes,  to 
the  ereat  discontent  of  the  nation.  On  attaining 
'  the  fiftieth  year  of  his  reigu,  he  caused  it  to  be 
celebrated  as  a  jubilee,  and  published  a  general  pardon  for 
all  offences. 

This  season  of  joy  was  soon  followed  by  an  universal  sor- 
row, occasioned  by  the  death  of  Edward,  prince  of  WaleSd 
Eminent  for  every  virtue,  and  rivalling  the  great- 
a"d^  l"76  ^^^  heroes  of  antiquity,  he  had  long  been  the  glory 
of  the  English  nation,  which  sincerely  lamented 
his  loss.f  The  parliament  attended  his  corpse  to  Canterbury, 
where  he  was  interred,  according  to  his  choice.  His  father 
was  for  some  time  inconsolable.  And  the  king  of  France, 
although  he  had  little  cause  to  be  sorry  for  his  death,  gave  an 
honourable  proof  of  respect  to  his  memory,  by  attending  in 
person  at  a  solemn  service  celebrated  in  the  cathedral  of 
Notre  Dame,  at  Paris,  for  the  repose  of  his  soul. J:  Edward 
III.  survived  his  renowned  son  very  little  more  than  a  year. 
But  before  he  left  the  world,  he  had  the  mortification  of  see- 

*  It  may  appear  somewhat  extraordinary  that  the  duke  of  Lancaster 
having  landed  at  Calais  a  sJiort  time  before  the  truce,  traversed  France 
and  came  to  Bourdeaux  without  opposition.     Tyrrel,  p.  744,  &c. 

I  He  acquired  the  surname  of  the  JBlack  Prince  from  the  colour  of  bi^ 
armour.     Eapin  1.  p.  444. 

t  Henault  Ab.  Chron.  ad  Annum  1376.    Rapin  1.  p.  44'lft 


.   EDWARD  III,  333 

ing  the  world  leave  him.  His  favourite  concubine,  who  attend- 
ed him  in  his  sickness,  suffered  few  persons  to  enter  the  room. 
As  soon  as  she  saw  him  in  the  agonies  of  death,  she  seized 
every  thing  of  value  that  she  could  find,  and  took  even  the 
rings  from  his  fingers,  after  which  she  withdrew.  The  rest 
of  the  courtiers  were  equally  inattentive  to  the  dying  monarch. 
Not  one  reuialued  with  him  to  console  him  in  his  last  moments. 
In  this  manner,  the  once  miglity  Edward,  forsaken  hy  all,  lay 
struggling  in  the  agonies  of  death,  when  a  priest  accidentally 
entered  the  room,  and  approaching  his  bed,  endeavoured  to 
console  him  by  pious  exhortations.  The  king  endeavoured 
to  reply;  but  his  voice  was  too  inarticulate  to  be  understood. 
The  only  word  distinctly  pronounced  was  the  name  of  Christ, 
after  which  he  instantly  expired.     In  this  neglected  state  did 

the  renowned  Edward  III.   close  the  last  scene  of 
a"d  "I'^T?  ''''^   ^^^^   ^^   Shene,  now  Richmond,  in  Surrey,  in 

the  sixty-fifth  year  of  his  age,  and  the  fifty-first  of 
his  reign. 

The  character  of  Edward  III.  is  sufficiently  developed  in 
the  history  of  his  reign.  He  was  not  only  the  most  powerful 
prince,  but  the  greatest  general  at  that  time  in  Europe.  He 
possessed  all  the  military  skill  of  the  age ;  and  in  personal 
courage  and  valour  he  equalled  the  greatest  heroes  of  ancient 
or  modern  times.  In  person  he  was  very  tall  and  well  made  : 
his  aspect  was  noble  and  majestic,  and  his  looks  commanded 
respect.  His  disposition  was  humane,  magnanimous,  and 
merciful.  Generous  to  all,  he  was  particularly  the  friend  of 
the  poor,  the  fatherless,  and  the  widow.  In  conferring  hpn- 
ours  and  rewards,  he  proportioned  them  to  merit,  with  so 
much  judgment,  that  few  princes  have  been  better  served 
either  in  the  cabinet  or  in  the  field.  His  behaviour  was  affa- 
ble, and  his  conversation  agreeable  and  easy,  but  always 
tempered  with  gravity  and  discretion.  In  all  the  occurrences 
of  life  he  displayed  a  constant  equanimity,  being  never  de- 
jected by  adversity,  nor  elated  by  prosperity.  His  splendid 
victories  and  his  distinguished  valour,  which  was  admired  by 
all  Europe,  never  inspired  him  with  pride  ;  and,  without  as- 
suming any  honour  to  himsglf,  he   ascribed  all  his  successes. 


SS4i  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND, 

^o  the  iw'oteetion  of  heaven.  His  internal  administraiiou  was 
guided  by  the  most  judicious  policy.  A  variety  of  other  cir- 
cumstances concurred,  >vith  his  martial  fame,  to  give  him 
greater  power  over  his  subjects  than  his  predecessors  had  en- 
jovcd.  The  dissentions  between  the  clerajy  and  the  Poj»c  had 
contributed  to  strip  the  veil  of  sanctity  from  the  cluirch,  and 
to  diminish  the  veneration  in  which  it  had  been  held  by  the 
people.  But  nothing  had  a  greater  tendency  to  establish  and 
exalt  tlic  royal  authority  than  the  introduction  of  a  pecuni- 
ary commutation  for  personal  service  in  war,  a  principal 
•which  had  long  been  operating,  and  of  M'hich  the  natural 
tendency  was  to  transfer  the  power  of  the  sword  from  the 
nobles  to  the  king.  Before  the  introduction  of  this  system^ 
any  baron,  altliough  summoned  to  the  war,  might  refuse  to 
appear ;  and  his  dependants  acknowledging  no  subjection  to 
the  king,  but  only  to  their  own  master,  were  obliged  to  follow 
Iiis  example.  The  king  was,  therefore,  entirely  dependant, 
on  the  nobility,  mIio  were  the  acting  as  m'cH  as  the  delibera- 
ting power.  But  by  the  commutation  of  personal  service 
into  pecuniary  tax,  iu  conjunction  with  the  increase  of  the 
people,  and  the  more  extensive  use  of  money  instead  of  bar- 
ter, armies  began  to  be  indiscriminately  raised  and  paid  by 
ihe  king,  acknowledging  no  other  authority  than  his,  and  re- 
garding him  as  the  sole  source  of  preferment  or  disgrace. 
Thus,  in  the  reign  of  Edward  III.  the  clergy,  the  nobles,  the 
pe0])le,  and  the  annies,  were  quite  different  from  what  they 
Iiad  formerly  been ;  and  all  these  changes  contributed  to  in- 
crease the  power  of  the  king,  which  began  to  cxten<l  from 
the  highest  to  the  loAvest  <)f  his  subjects. 

But  though  Edward  possessed  a  power  so  much  greater 
than  that  of  his  predecessors,  he  always  used  it  with  moder- 
ation, and  eouducted  all  his  measures  in  perfect  harmony  with 
his  parliament.  Far  from  aiming  at  dcifpotism,  he  was  a 
friend  to  the  liberties  of  his  people.  He  both  understood  and 
promoted  the  commercial  interests  of  his  kingdom.  And  in 
none  of  the  preceding  reigns  had  there  been  enacted  so 
many  statutes  conducive  to  the  lioTiefit  of  the  subject.  The 
greatest  blemish  that  history  can  throw  on  his  memory,  is  the 
dishonouvabie  manner  in  which  he  broke  the  peace  nith  Scot- 


EDWARD  iir.  335 

laiul,  iu  order  to  dispossess  a  minor  kiiig,MLo  Mas  his  brother- 
in-law.  In  regard  to  his  eftbrts  for  the  conquest  of  Frai>ce, 
the  obscurity  and  uncertainty  of  the  la\i  s  relating  to  the  suc- 
cession, may  furnish  an  apology  for  his  conduct.  Ou  the 
whole,  however,  it  would  be  difficult  to  exculpate  his  charac- 
ter from  the  charge  of  ambilion.  In  his  youth,  continence 
was  reckoned  among  the  number  of  his  virtues  :  he  lived  iu 
constant  harmony  with  his  queen  Philippa,  who  was  always 
the  sole  mistress  of  his  aftections  ;  and  his  amour  with  Alice 
Pierce,  in  his  old  age  and  widowhood,  may  be  placed  to  the 
account  of  human  frailty. 

The  reign  of  Edward  III.  is  the  most  splendid  and  striking, 
and  one  of  the  most  important  recorded  iu  English  history. 
It  merits  consideration  in  a  threefold  point  of  view,  as  exhib- 
iting the  political,  militarj',  and  social  state  of  the  kingdom 
in  that  age.  The  great  political  objects  of  this  reign  were 
the  conquests  of  Scotland  and  France.  The  attempt  to  annei 
Scotland  to  England  cannot  be  said  to  be  founded  in  equity; 
but  it  might  be  excused  on  the  plea  of  expediency,  the  leading 
doctrine  of  political  creeds.  The  union  of  the  two  kingdoms 
at  whatever  time,  or  by  whatever  means  it  might  have  been 
eftected,  must  have  proved  an  incalculable  benefit  to  both. 
But  the  conquest  of  France,  whether  founded  in  equity  or 
injustice,  would  have  been  highly  detrimental  to  England. 
The  presence  of  the  monarch  would  have  been  almost  always 
necessary  in  France,  a  station  more  proper  than  England  for 
the  transaction  of  business  with  the  different  powers  of  Eu- 
rope, and  possessing  a  more  agreeable  climate.  The  court 
and  the  nobility  would  have  been  attracted  to  that  country. 
England  would  soon  have  been  regarded  as  no  more  than  au 
insular  appendage  to  France.  Paris  would  have  been  Ui^ 
metropolis  of  the  united  Anglo-Francic  empire ;  and  London, 
forsaken  by  the  court  and  the  nobles,  would  have  dwindled 
into  a  provincial  capital.  Yet  the  parliament  zealously  sup 
ported  the  pretensions  of  the  monarch ;  and  tlie  people,  daz- 
zled with  the  ignis  fatuus  of  an  ideal  conquest,  seconded  with 
ardour  his  views,  the  realization  of  which  must  have  bceu 
jfatal  to  the  indepeudeuce  of  England.*   A'  nioderu  writer  has 

•  TliG  parliament  seems  to  have  had  same  apprehenslnns  of  f.illm§'  un- 


836  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

observed  that  tlie  claim  of  Edward  III.  to  the  French  suc- 
cession, "  tliough  neither  foinidcd  in  Jijslice  nor  expediency, 
'•'  was  yet  sufficiently  plausible  to  palliate  that  love  of  exten- 
"  sive  dominion,  with  which  not  only  princes,  but  even  the 
*'  people  in  all  ages  and  countries  have  been  almost  constantly 
*'  intoxicated.''*  The  people  of  France  were  scarcely  less 
blameable  in  so  obstinately  rejecting  than  the  English  in  so 
enthusiastically  supporting  his  claims.  The  peers  and  great 
lords,  who  engrossed  the  offices  of  honour  and  emolument, 
might  wish  to  oppose  the  introduction  of  an  English  nobility  ; 
but  the  French  nation  ought  to  have  favoured  a  succession 
which  would  have  spared  oceans  of  blood,  and  millions  of 
money,  besides  aggrandizing  the  monarchy  by  so  important 
an  accession  as  the  kingdom  of  England.  Historians  and 
orators  often  declaim  against  the  ambition  of  kings  ;  might 
they  not  with  equal,  or  greater  propriety,  reprobate  jkhe  folly 
of  nations. 

The  military  view  of  this  victorious  reign  merits  a  partic- 
ular attention.  According  to  the  fundamental  law  of  the 
feudal  system,  the  armies  originally  consisted  entirely  of  the 
barons,  at  the  head  of  their  vassals,  a  loose  and  disorderly 
force,  almost  independent  of  the  king,  and  constantly  tending 
to  disorganization.!  In  the  reign  of  Henry  II.  or,  as  some 
think,  previous  to  that  period,  it  became  not  unusual  to  accept 
of  pecuniary  aids,  in  lieu  of  personal  service.^  These  fines, 
which  obtained  the  name  of  seutage,  or  service  moaey,§  were 
at  the  first  arbitrarily  imposed  by  the  crown,  or  settled  by 
private  contract  between  individuals  and  the  king.  This 
commutation  being  a  couveniency  to  many  of  the  subjects, 

der  a  French  g-overnment ;  and  stipulated  for  the  independence  of  the 
English  monarchy,  and  the  preservation  of  the  English  laws.  Vid<  Stat. 
14.  Edward  III.  But  the  natural  order  of  things  would  have  proved  too 
strong  for  these  precautions. 

*  Millar's  Hist.  Eng.  Gov.  vol  2.  p.  161. 

f  A  feudal  army  was,  properly,  an  assemblage  of  several  sn^al!  armies 
under  different  chiefs,  and  ever  which  the  authority  of  tlie  king  was  ex'- 
tremely  limited . 

t  Vide  Tindal's  Notes  onRapin  1.  p.  780. 

$  Fi-om  scutum  a  shield. 


EDWARD  im  33y 

while  it  brought  money  into  the  cofters  of  the  prince,  became 
gradually  more  common,  and  was  brought  under  the  regulation 
of  parliament.*  The  king  found  his  power  increased  by  the 
acceptance  of  scutage,  as  it  enabled  him  to  raise  soldiers  that 
were  more  at  his  disposal  than  the  feudal  levies. f  This  prac- 
tice had  begun  greatly  to  prevail  before  the  time  of  Edward 
III.  and  during  his  reign  it  became  still  more  general.  Thea 
we  find  that  the  numerous  armies,  with  which  he  carried  ou 
his  wars  in  France,  were,  in  a  great  part,  composed  of  foreigii 
mercenaries,  collected  from  different  parts  of  the  continent 
The  splendid  success  which  attended  his  arms,  may,  in  a 
great  measure,  be  ascribed  to  this  circumstance.  In  France 
the  military  force  consisted  almost  wholly  of  feudal  levies, 
and  on  every  occasion  ihey  were  found  inferior  in  discipline 
to  Edward's  mercenary  troops.  The  greatest  difficulty  that 
he  experienced  was  the  raising  of  money  for  the  payment  of 
his  army4  lu  that  age  commerce  had  not  begun  to  introduce 
a  general  aftiucnce,  except  in  Italy,  the  Mahomcdau  part  of 
Spain,  and  the  Netherlands  ;  in  every  other  part  of  Europe 
specie  was  extremely  scarce.  The  English  parliament  g  ant- 
ed the  monarch  liberal  subsidies,  which  were  levied  chiefly  on 
wool,  the  staple  commodity  of  th#  kingdom.§  But  the  im- 
possibility of  raising  money  for  the  wool  tax  obliged  the  col- 
lectors to  take  it  in  kind,  and  send  it  to  the  merchants  of 
Flanders  to  be  disposed  of  for  the  use  of  the  king.lF  So  slow 
and  circuitous  a  mode  of  raising  money  for  the  public  expen- 
diture was  very  diflerent  from  the  expeditious  system  of 
finance  which  prevails  in  modern  times  ;  and  it  requires  no 
great  effort  of  judgment  to  perceive  >vhat  influence  it  must 
have  had  on  the  operations  of  war. 

*  Vide  Magna  Cliarta,  Johan.  c,  14. 

t  Vide  Mill.  Hist.  Eng.  Gov.  2.  p.  31  &c. 

t  Gold  was  first  coined  in  England  in  the  year  1345,  the  iStli  of  Edward 
Yir.— Rym.  Fa-d.  torn.  5.  p.  403. 

§  Of  this  a  variety  of  instances  may  be  seen  in  Knighton's  Collect. 
Cott.  Abridg.  Rym.  Fred  &c. 

^  In  the  year  1340  twenty  thousand  sacks  of  wool  were  sent  into  Flan- 
ders for  the  king's  use.     Tide  Ujm,  Fad.  torn.  5.  Cott.  Abridg.  p.  19. 

XX 


338  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

Yet  amidst  tins  scarcity  of  money,  which  so  greatly  em- 
barrassed kings  aud  commanders,  the  vocation  of  the  soldier 
was,  in  tliat  age,  far  more  lucrative  than  at  present.  The  pay 
of  the  army  which  Edward  conducted  to  Antwerp  in  the  yean 
J338,  as  stated  by  Dr.  Brady,  will  enable  us  to  make  a  com- 
parison. In  that  army,  besides  the  prince,  whose  pay  is  stat- 
ed at  ±1.  per  day,  there  were  fourteen  earls,  including  the 
bishop  of  Durham,  each  at  6s.  8d.  per  day  ;  forty-four  bar- 
ons and  bannerets  at  4s.  1046  knights  at  2s.  per  day.  The 
number  of  esquires,  captains,  &c.  was  4022,  each  of  >vhom 
had  Is.  per  day.  The  pay  of  the  Serjeants  and  archers  on 
horse-back,  &c.  was  6d.  per  day  ;  of  archers  on  foot  3d.  per 
day  ;  of  the  masons,  carpenters,  smiths,  tentmakers,  miners, 
gunners,  &c.  some  had  Is.  some  lOd.  others  6d.  and  others  only 
3d.  per  day.  There  was  also  a  body  of  Welsh  troops,  of 
which  the  Serjeants  had  only  4d.  and  the  privates  2d.  per 
day.*  With  the  exception  of  these  it  appears  that  the  pay 
of  the  meanest  soldier  was  3d.  per  day,  equivalent  in  weight 
to  9d.  of  modern  money.  According  to  the  Chronicon  Pre- 
tiosum  of  bishop  Fleetwood,  the  average  price  of  wheat,  in 
those  times,  was  about  4s.  or  12s.  of  modern  money  per  quar- 
ter. AVhite  wine  was  about  6d.  and  red  about  4d.  per  gallon, 
or  Is.  6d.  and  Is.  respectively  in  modern  money.  Beer,  but- 
cher's meat,  poultry,  &,c.  were  proportionally  cheap.  Sugar 
and  other  groceries  were  little  used  ;  Tea,  coffee,  aud  tobac- 
co were  wholly  unknown.  If  we,  therefore,  compare  the 
relative  value  of  money  and  the  prices  of  provisions,  &c.  in 
the  fourteenth  and  the  nineteenth  centuries,  we  shall  find  the 
pay  of  a  common  soldier,  in  the  reign  of  Edward  III.  equiva- 
lent to  more  than  6s.  per  day  at  the  present  time. 

But  pay  was  far  from  being  the  chief  emolument  of  the 
soldier.  The  frequency  of  plunder  offered  him  much  greater 
advantages,  and  two  or  three  successful  campaigns  were 
sttflicient  to  make  his  fortune.  Military  men,  of  all  ranks, 
returned  from  the  wars  laden  with  spoils,  which  enabled 
them  to  make  a  distinguished  figure  and  live  in  a  luxurious 
style.  Not  only  fine  table  linen  but  gold  and  silver  plate, 
and  jewels  which  had  formerly  been  seen  only  among  the  no- 

*  This  statement  is  from  Dr.  Brady's  .-ippend.  vol.  3, 


EDWARD    III.  339 

bility,  now  became  common  in  the  houses  of  private  persons 
who  had  enriched  themselves  in  the  wars.  Among  these  were 
several  Englishmen  who  had  accompanied  Guy  de  Lusignan, 
king  of  Cyprus,  and  returned  home  laden  with  the  spoils  of 
the  east.  This  was  among  the  English  an  age  of  military 
adventure ;  and  several  persons  of  an  inferior  class  raised 
themselves  by  their  valour  from  indigence  and  obscurity  to 
wealth  and  eminence.  Sir  John  Hawkwood,  a  journeyman 
tailor  in  London,  quitting  his  trade  for  the  profession  of 
arms,  went  as  a  sjldicr  to  France,  Avhei-e  he  «as  knighted 
for  his  valour.  After  the  peace  of  Bretigny  he  was  one  of 
the  leaders  of  the  Compagnies,  so  famous  for  their  ravages 
in  France,  and  their  refusal  to  acknowledge  the  authority  of 
any  sovereign.*  Being  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  body  of 
these  soldiers  of  fortune,  who  were  averse  to  every  profession 
hut  war,  and  had  no  dependance  but  on  their  swords,  he  went 
into  Italy  and  engaged  in  the  service  of  the  Marquis  of  Mont- 
serrat.  He  was  afterwards  so  greatly  in  favour  with  the 
lluke  of  Milan  that  he  espoused  his  natural  daughter.  After 
the  death  of  that  prince  Hawkwood  served  the  republic  of 
Florence  with  such  distinguished  success  that  he  acquired  the 
glory  of  being  considered  as  the  restorer  of  military  discipline 
in  Italy.  The  Florentines  were  so  sensible  of  his  merit  that 
after  his  death  they  erected,  in  the  cathedral,  a  monument  to 
perpetuate  the  memory  of  his  martial  talents  and  eminent 
services.  The  fortune  of  an  individual  who,  from  the  lowest 
rank  in  life,  raises  himself  to  the  highest  station,  and  renders 
his  name  an  honour  to  his  country,  is  a  more  striking  object 
of  contemplation  than  the  successes  of  an  Edward  or  even  of 
an  Alexander. 

The  martial  and  romantic  genius  of  the  king,  diffused  a 
similar  taste  throughout  the  nation.  It  has  been  already  ob- 
served that  tournaments  were  the  favourite  diversion,  and  that 
military  parade  was  the  ruling  taste.  Some  historians  repre- 
sent the  kingdom  as  immersed  in  debauchery  and  licentious- 
ness ;  but  these  are  only  loose  and  general  remarks,  not  sub- 
stantiated by  the  evidence   of  facts.      The  history  of  this 

*  These  were  a  mixture  of  French,  Flemings,  Italians,  Germans,  and 
English,  who,  refusing  to  disband  themselves,  remained  in  arms,  and  rav- 
aged many  parts  of  France. 


340  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

reign  is  far  from  proving  that  either  the  court  or  (he  nation 
was  more  vicious  than  in  the  ages  preceding.  The  contrary 
even  appears  to  be  the  case.  The  spirit  of  chivalry,  -which 
\^as  a  mixture  of  love,  generosity,  and  valour,  served  to  soften 
the  ferocity  of  the  age.  Luxury  indeed,  had  greatly  increa- 
sed in  this  reign  ;  but  whatever  Monkish  writers  or  modern 
fanatics  may  say  on  the  subject,  increasing  luxury  is  a  mark 
of  increasing  civilization. 

The  luxury  and  splendour  which  characterised,  in  a  pecu- 
liar manner,  the  reign  of  Edward  III.  were  far  from  resem- 
bling the  ditFused  elegance  of  modern  times.  It  was  entirely 
confined  to  the  prelates,  the  nobles,  the  military  men,  and  a 
few  opulent  merchants.  The  free  burghs  had  increased  in 
wealth,  population,  and  influence;  but  the  peasantry  were 
still  in  the  same  abject  state  of  indigence  and  slavery  as  they 
Lad  been  from  time  immemorial.  The  following  statement  of 
exports  and  imports  in  the  year  1354-,  exhibits  an  accurate 
view  of  English  commerce,  and  gives  a  more  just  idea  of  the 
contracted  limits  of  the  national  luxury  than  couid  be  cent 
veyed  by  any  indefinite  description.* 

EXPORTS. 

l.        s.  d. 

Wool  and  fells     ....;....    277,606    2  9 

Leather 96     2  6 

Coarse  cloth  and  worsted  ......       16,266  18  4 

Customs 215  13  7 

294,184  17    2 
3 

Amount  in  modern  money    i    ,     .   /.882.554  11     6 

IMPORTS. 

I.        s.  d. 

Fine  cloth 11,083  12  0 

Wax      ...:.,.« 815    7  5 

Wine,  1829g  Tons,  at  21.  per  ton,  amouiit-7  „  g^.   jg  q 

ing,  with  customs,  to    ......    J  ^* 

Linens,  merceries,  groceries,  &c.      .     .     .  22,943    6  10 

Customs  on  ditto 285  18  3 

48,970    3    6 


Amount  in  modern  money    .    .    /.146,910  10    6 

*  Records  of  theExcheq.  27th  year,  Edward  III.  ap.  And.  Hist,  CommJ 
vol.  1. 


EDWARD    III.  341 

From  tlie  amount  of  the  imports,  it  is  evident  that  luxury 
was  confined  to  a  very  small  part  of  the  nation,  that  trade 
was  yet  at  a  very  low  ebb,  and  that  the  customs  made  only  a 
very  inconsiderable  part  of  the  public  revenue.  It  is  equally 
evident  that  the  woollen  manufacture,  which  dates  its  com- 
mencement from  this  rei^n,*  was,  notwithstanding  the  efforts 
of  the  king  and  the  parliament,  yet  in  a  state  of  insignifi- 
cance.t  The  state  of  commerce  in  different  ages  is  the  best 
criterion  of  the  general  state  of  society,  and,  by  a  compara- 
tive view  of  the  exports  and  imports  of  the  fourteenth  and 
the  eighteenth  or  nineteenth  century.  Me  may  form  a  tolerably 
accurate  idea  of  the  superior  elegance  and  refinement  of 
modern  times. 

*  It  is  asserted  by  some  authors  that  the  coarse  woollen  manufactures 
of  Yorkshire  were  established  in  the_reign  of  Henry  II.  Vide  Littleton's 
Hist.  Henry  II.  vol.  1. 

•J-  Mill.  Hist.  Eng.  Govern.  2.  p.  383.— In  the  tenth  year  of  Edward  IH. 
A.  D.  1337,  an  act  was  passed  prohibiting  the  exportation  of  wool ;  but 
it  was  soon  found  necessarj'  to  grant  licences  to  export  that  commodity, 
as  the  English  were  not  sufficiently  expert  in  the  manufacture  of  cloth. 
Vide  Rym.  Toed.  Tom.  4.  p.  72Z,  24C.  Mill  Hist..  EngUsh  Govern,  2.  p. 
382. 


3^ 


RICHARD  IL 


RicHAUD,  son  of  the  Black  Prince,  snccecded  to  the  thron* 
of  his  grandfather,  Edward  III.  The  jonng  king  was  onlj 
ten  years  of  age,  but  tlie  memory  of  his  illustrious  progeni- 
tors endeared  him  to  the  English,  and  he  was 
A  D^  1377  crowned  amidst  the  acclamations  of  his  subjects. 
His  uncle,  the  duke  of  Lancaster,  assumed  the 
Feints  ef  government  during  his  minority  j  but  he  found  the 
administration  of  affairs  perplexed  with  various  difficulties. 
His  support  of  WieklifFe  had  rendered  him  an  object  of  dis- 
like to  the  Londoners  :  by  the  abuse  of  his  power  towards 
the  end  of  the  last  reign,  he  had  incurred  the  ill  will  of  the 
nation  ;  and  under  these  and  other  disadvantages  he  had  to 
contend  with  the  superior  genius  and  enterprising  spirit  of 
Charles  V.  king  of  France,  whose  watchful  eye  observed 
every  circumstance  that  could  redound  to  his  advantage. 

The  unaccountable  neglect  of  public  affairs  which  charac- 
terized the  court  of  Edward  HI.  towards  the  close  of  his 
reign,  was  sensibly  felt  soon  after  the  accession  of  his  grand- 
son. The  truce  between  England  and  France  had  expired  on 
the  Ist  of  April  preceding  the  coronation  of  Richard,  with- 
out any  preparations  being  made  by  the  English  for  renewing 
the  war.  The  case  was  extremely  different  in  France,  where 
Charles  was  diligently  employed  in  preparing  a  military  and 
naval  force.  When  that  monarch  was  informed  that  the 
iufinnities  of  Edward  had  rendered  him  unable  to  act,  he 
gave  orders  for  levying  troops  in  all  parts  of  Franco,  so  that 
when  he  heard  of  his  death,  he  was  ready  to  bring  five  armies 
into  the  field,  and  soon  made  himself  master  of  all  Guienne, 


RICHARD    II.  34<3 

except  Bourtleaux.*  He  also  equipped  a  numerous  fleet,  and 
as  the  Engl'  a  were  >vliolly  unprepared,  the  French  iiutde 
descents  on  diftcrent  parts  of  their  coast ;  and  having  Isurned 
Hastings,  Ffrtsniouth,  Dartmouth,  and  Plymouth,  defeated  a 
body  of  tr;  ops  assembled  by  the  prior  of  Lewis,  and  j»!un- 
dered  the  isle  of  Wight,  they  retired  with  a  plentiful  bonify. 
All  these  disasters  were  imputed  to  the  duke  of  Lancaster, 
and  his  brother  the  earl  of  Cambridge  ;  and  the  people  open- 
ly complained  of  their  neglect  in  not  guarding  the  coasts, 
without  considering  that  they  had  neither  a  fleet,  nor  troops, 
nor  money.  The  castle  of  Roxborough  also  being  surprised 
by  the  Scots,  this  loss  increased  tlie  popular  discontent,  as 
every  misfortune  was  attributed  to  the  negligence  of  the  min- 
isters. 

While  (lie  nation  was  thus  dissatisfied,  the  parliament  met 
in  the  month  of  October,  and  settled  the  administration  of 
the  government  during  the  king's  minority.  Proper  persons 
were  appointed  to  take  care  of  the  king's  education,  and  his 
three  uncles,  the  Dukes  of  Lancaster  and  Buckingham,  and 
the  earl  of  Cambridge,  with  the  bishops  of  London  and  Sal- 
isbury, and  several  lords  and  knights,  were  declared  joint 
regents.  This  was  no  small  mortification  to  the  duke  of 
Lancaster,  who  had  flattered  himself  with  the  expectation  of 
being  sole  regent ;  but  the  parliament  resolved  not  to  trust 
the  whole  management  of  aflairs  to  those  who  were  suspect- 
ed of  having  private  views  that  were  incompatible  with  the 
public  welfare.  At  the  same  time  a  liberal  subsidy  was  grant- 
ed for  carrying  on  the  war  against  France ;  but  the  money, 
instead  of  being  intrusted  to  the  ministers,  was  placed  in  t!ic 
hands  of  Philpot  and  Walworth,  two  aldermen  of  London, 
who  were  ordered  to  direct  its  application. 

Various  expeditions  were  undertaking  both  against  France^ 
and  Scotland,  but  none  of  them  were  attended  with  success  : 
and  while  England  was  unable  to  defend  her  own  coasts,  the 
people  were  astonished  to  see  an  armament  sent  to  the  assis- 
tance of  the  king  of  Portugal,  against  John,  king  of  Castile. 
This  measure  originated  in  the  private  views  of  ihe  duke  ol' 

*  Hen.  Ab,  Clii-on,  ad  An,  137S. 


344*  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

Lancaster,  wIjo,  in  consequence  of  Lis  marriaj^  with  Con- 
atantia,  the  daughter  of  Pedro  the  Cruel,  had  assumed  the 
title  of  king  of  Castile,  and  considered  an  alliance  \vilh  Por- 
tugal as  necessary  to  the  support  of  his  pretensions.  Although 
the  duke  was  not  a  favourite  with  the  nation,  he  had  so  much 
influence  with  the  council  and  the  parliament,  that,  hy  repre- 
senting the  expediency  of  preventing  the  aggrandisement  of 
the  king  of  Castile,  the  ally  of  France,  he  obtained  a  grant 
of  supplies  for  the  assistance  of  Portugal,  and  sent  out,  un- 
der the  command  of  his  brother  the  earl  of  Cambridge,  an  ex- 
pedition, which,  in  its  trivial  result,  resembled  those  against 
France  and  Scotland.  These  unimportant  wars,  languidly 
carried  on,  and  productive  of  no  remarkable  events,  scarcely 
merit  historical  commemoration,  as  they  can  be  little  interest- 
ing to  posterity.  The  most  remarkable  occurrence  of  this 
reign  was  the  violent  struggle  of  the  lower  orders  of  the  peo- 
ple to  overturn  the  baronial  system,  and  to  annihilate  all  the 
distinctions  established  in  society.  Notwithstanding  the 
increased  population  of  the  boroughs,  and  the  numbers,  who 
by  war  and  other  means  had  acquired  i*reedom,  yet  the  mass 
of  the  peasantry  remained  in  a  state  of  villanagc,  slaves  to 
their  lords,  and  transferable  with  the  lands  which  they  culti- 
vated. These  men  had  seen  the  charms  of  liberty,  and  pant- 
ed for  the  enjoyment ;  but  they  found  the  weight  of  their 
yoke  increased  with  the  increasing  luxury  of  their  superiors. 
The  triumphant  reign  of  Edward  III.  had  been  the  age  of 
expensive  gallantry,  as  well  as  of  martial  splendour ;  a  spirit 
of  profusion  had  entered  with  the  taste  for  tournaments  and 
military  pomp  :  the  luxurious  magnificence  of  the  great 
rendered  them  rapacious,  as  their  v.ants  could  only  be  sup- 
plied by  oppressing  their  poor  dependents. 

Tluough  a  long  succession  of  ages,  the  people  of  every 
country  in  Europe  had  been  the  patient  slaves  of  the  nobles  : 
and  whenever  they  were  roused  to  arms,  it  was  only  to  deter- 
mine who  should  be  their  masters,  and  not  to  procure  their 
own  emancipation.  It  has  already  been  observed,  that  ever 
since  the  subversion  of  the  Roman  empire,  tlie  system  of  vil- 
lanage  had  been  established  througlioiit  Europe;  and  the 
causes  of  its  dovvnfal  have  been  in  every  country  the  same, 


RICHARD    II.  345 

although  various  circumstances  have  prevented  its  decline 
from  being  every  where  equally  rapid.  The  inhabitants  of 
cities  first  perceived  their  own  strength,  and  kings  willingly 
granted  them  freedom  in  order  to  counterbalance  the  power 
of  the  barons.  In  the  fourteenth  century  the  spirit  of  liberty 
began  to  be  diffused  among  the  peasants,  whom  rigorous  and 
absurd  laws  had  attached  to  the  soil.  Reason,  hoM'cver,  will 
suggest,  and  history  shews,  in  numerous  instances,  that  the 
lower  orders  of  the  people  must  be,  in  a  certain  degree,  enlight- 
ened and  refined  before  they  are  properly  qualified  for  eman- 
cipation from  a  yoke  to  which  they  have  been  from  time  im- 
memorial accustomed.  At  the  period  now  under  considera- 
tion, a  desire  of  liberty  diffused  among  immense  multitudes 
of  semi-barbarians  exerted  itself  in  rude  and  terrible  efforts, 
which  threatened  the  total  subversion  of  society. 

The  spirit  of  barbarous  freedom  had  appeared  in  France 
about  twenty-three  years  before,  and  produced  such  dreadful 
convulsions  as  to  threaten  universal  destruction.*  In  the 
minority  of  Richard  II.  it  manifested  itself  with  not  less  fury 
in  England.  A  capitation,  or  poll-tax,  had  been  imposed  by 
parliament,  and  being  let  out  to  farm,  was  rigorously  collect- 
ed. The  peasantry  Mere  already  exasperated  by  the  abuses 
of  villanage.  The  people  of  Kent  and  Essex,  in  particular, 
complained  of  the  negligence  of  the  government  in  not  pro- 
tecting their  coasts  against  the  frequent  descents  of  the 
JFrench ;  and  a  general  discontent  was  excited  against  the 
Judges  and  all  the  agents  of  the  law,  who  ruined  the  people  by 
their  extortions.  While  these  predisposing  causes  were 
gradually  operating  to  produce  a  revolt,  they  accidently  re- 
ceived a  sudden  and  violent  stimulus.  A  collector  of  the 
poll-tax,  demanding  of  Walter  Tyler,  of  Deptford,  the  sum 
requisite  for  one  of  his  daughters,  the  father  aflirmed  that  she 
was  under  the  age  specified  by  the  act.  The  brutal  collector 
attempting  to  ascertain  the  truth,  by  an  act  of  indecency,  the 

•  In  the  year  1358,  when  king  John  was  prisoner  in  England,  the  peas- 
antry of  France,  exasperated  ahiiost  to  madness,  by  the  oppression  of  tlieir 
Lord!^,  resolved  to  extirpate  all  tlie  nobles,  and  were  not  reduced  until 
they  had  made  the  most  dreadful  devastations.  The  whole  military  force 
of  the  kingdom  was  found  necessary  to  suppress  this  ins\yrection. 


346  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

incensed  father  instantly  knocked  out  liis  brains  with  a 
liammer.  The  spectators  applauded  the  action  :  In  an  in- 
stant the  populace  of  Deptlbrd  rose  in  arms;  and  from  that 
place  the  spirit  of  rel)ellion  rapidly  spread  through  Kent  and 
Essex,  where  the  minds  of  the  people  were  already  in  a  fer- 
ment. Tn  a  short  time  Walter,  commonly  called  Wat  Tyler, 
who  was  chosen  by  the  insurgents  as  their  leader,  saw  himself 
at  the  head  of  a  hundred  thousand  men.  This  ferocious  mul- 
titude liberated  all  the  prisoners  confined  in  the  difterent 
gaols.  Among  these  was  a  priest  of  Maidstone,  named 
John  Ball,  who,  by  his  seditious  sermons,  raised  the  fury  of 
the  populace  to  the  utmost  height.  The  doctrine  which  he 
inculcated  was  that  all  men  being  descended  from  Adam, 
there  ought  to  be  no  distinction,  and  in  consequence  that  it 
was  the  duty  of  the  insurgents  to  reduce  the  world  to  a  per- 
fect equality.  In  conformity  to  this  principle  they  resolved 
to  extirpate  all  the  nobility,  and  destroy  all  that  held  any  dis- 
tinguished office.  They  accordingly  cut  off  the  heads  of  all 
the  lords,  gentlemen,  judges,  and  professors  of  the  law,  that 
were  so  unfortunate  as  to  fall  into  their  hands.  After  glutting 
tlieir  fury  M'ith  numerous  victims,  they  advanced  toM'ards 
London,  and  halted  at  Blackheath,  where  Wat  Tyler  re- 
viewed his  army. 

Ilichard,  on  receiving  intelligence  of  their  approach  to  the 
ca|>iial,  gent  to  know  their  demands.  They  replied  that  they 
desired  the  king  to  come  aud  confer  with  them  in  person. 
Their  request  being  debated  in  the  council,  was  rejected  by 
the  advice  of  Simon  Sudbury,  archbislfcp  of  Canterbury,  and 
Robert  de  Hales,  prior  of  St  John,  high  treasurer  of  England. 
On  this  the  insurgents  immediately  marched  to  London,  and 
possessed  themselves  of  the  borough  of  Southwark,  London 
bridge  had  then  gates,  which  being  shut  at  their  approach, 
might  for  some  time  have  stopped  their  impetuosity  ;  but  the 
city  mob  opened  them  in  spite  of  the  magistrates.  They  then 
entered  the  city,  where  their  ravages  were  such  as  might  be 
expected  from  so  numerous  and  ferocious  a  rabble.  They 
immediately  began  to  annihilate  all  appearances  of  grandeur 
and  distinction,  and  set  fire  to  the  houses  of  those  whom  they 
deemed  their  enemies.    The  Savoy,  the  duke  of  Lancaster's 


RICHARD    11.  347 

palace,  (lie  hospital  of  St.  John's,  Clerkenvvell,  the  archbish* 
6p's  palace,  the  Temple,  with  all  the  ■writings  kept  there, 
were  consumed  by  the  flames ;  and  the  houses  of  the  judges, 
lords,  and  principal  citizens,  shared  the  same  fate.  The 
foreign  merchants,  particularly  the  Flemings,  against  whom 
they  were  extremely  incensed,  being  above  all  others  the  ob- 
jects of  their  vengeance,  were  dragged  from  the  churches, 
where  they  had  taken  sanctuary,  and  instantly  massacred. 
Amidst  this  tremendous  scene  of  universal  confusion,  while 
London  resembled  a  town  taken  by  storm,  and  immense  quan« 
titles  of  rich  furniture,  plate,  and  valuable  merchandise  were 
destroyed  5  it  is  worthy  of  remark  that  the  insurgents  appro- 
priated nothing  to  their  omd  use,  but  committed  all  to  the 
flames. 

Having  met  with  no  oi)position  in  the  city,  the  rebels  re- 
solved to  attack  the  Tower,  the  garrison  of  which,  consisting 
of  twelve  hundred  men,  being  intimidated  at  their  approach, 
opened  the  gates.  Here  they  found  the  archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury and  the  high  treasurer,  and  instantly  cut  off  their 
heads.  After  tliis,  dividing  themselves  into  three  bodies^ 
Wat  Tyler,  with  about  thirty  thousand  men,  remained  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  Tower:  Jack  Straw,  with  the  insurgents  of 
Essex,  amounting  to  about  sixty  thousand,  marched  into  the 
city ;  and  the  third  body  encamped  upon  Mile-end  Green. 

During  these  transactions,  the  king  and  his  council  perceiv- 
ing the  impossibility  of  stemming  the  course  of  so  overwhelm- 
ing a  torrent,  were  in  the  utmost  perplexity.  The  urgency  of 
the  case  suggested  the  necessity  of  offering  the  insurgents  a 
charter,  abolishing  villanage,  and  granting  a  general  pardon^ 
The  people  of  Essex,  although  they  were  in  full  possession 
of  the  city,  readily  accepted  the  proposal ;  and  the  charter 
being  properly  authenticated,  they  returned  peaceably  home. 
Tyler  and  his  associates  proved  less  tractable  ;  but  as  he  pro- 
fessed a  willingness  to  enter  into  a  negociation  w  ith  the  king 
himself,  Richard,  with  a  few  attendants,  repaired  to  Smith- 
field,  and  sent  to  invite  him  to  a  conference.  The  demagogne 
immediately  moved  forward  at  the  head  of  his  troops;  and 
arriving  at  the  place  of  conference,  Tyler  and  the  king  being 
on  horseback,  the  former  demanded  not  only  the  abolition  of 


348  HISTORY  OF  ENGLA.ND. 

villauage,  but  also  that  all  parks,  chaces,  and  warrens,  sliouM 
be  thrown  open  and  made  common,  so  that  every  man  might 
have  liberty  to  hunt,  fish,  and  fowl,  in  every  part  of  the 
kingdom.  While  he  was  making  these  demands,  he  lifted  up 
his  sword  several  times  in  a  menacing  manner.  This  inso- 
lence 60  excited  the  indignation  of  Sir  William  Walworth, 
mayor  of  London,  who  attended  the  king,  that,  without  con- 
sidering the  danger  to  which  he  exposed  his  royal  master,  he 
discharged  such  a  blow  with  his  sword,  on  the  head  of  the 
demagogue,  that  he  laid  him  dead  at  his  feet.*  The  insur- 
gents, seeing  the  fall  of  their  leader,  exhorted  one  another  to 
revenge  his  death  ;  and  their  bows  were  already  bent  for  the 
execution  of  their  purpose,  when  the  king,  although  not  yet 
sixteen  yeai's  of  age,  riding  up  to  them,  with  an  admirable 
presence  of  mind,  cried  out,  "  What,  ray  lieges,  will  you  kill 
your  king  ?  be  not  concerned  for  the  loss  of  your  leader :  I, 
myself,  will  be  your  general :  follow  me  into  the  field  and  you 
shall  have  whatever  you  desire." 

The  insurgents  immediately  desisted  from  their  purpose. 
Struck  with  the  condescension  of  their  king  they  followed 
him  as  if  by  a  mechanical  impulse.  No  sooner  were  they 
come  into  the  fields,  than  they  saw  marching  towards  them  a 
body  of  a  thousand  armed  citizens,  whom  the  mayor  had  ex- 
peditiously raised,  and  placed  under  the  conduct  of  an  expe- 
rienced officer.  Terrified  at  the  sight,  they  imagined  that  the 
whole  city  was  ready  to  attack  them  ;  and  the  foremost  ranks 
throwing  down  their  arms  begged  for  quarter.  The  rest  im- 
mediately followed  their  example,  and  thus,  in  a  few  moments, 
this  numerous  and  ferocious  multitude  was  dispersed  in  a 
manner  almost  miraculous. 

But  it  was  not  in  Kent  and  Essex  alone  that  the  spirit  *of 
insurrection  possessed  the  lower  orders  of  the  people.  While 
the  peasantry  of  these  counties  were  threatening  the  court 
and  the  metropolis  with  destrnclion,  John  Ball  and  John 
Wraw,  two  seditious  priests,  excited  the  populace  of  Suifolk 
to  revolt,  and,  assembling  a  mob  of  fifty  thousand  men,  com- 

*  This  scene  is  well  represented  by  aa  excellent  painting  now  in  ihc 
CuildhaU  at  London. 


RICHARD    II.  349 

mitted  numberless  enormities.  Among  others  the  chief  justice, 
Sir  John  Cavendish,  fell  a  victim  to  their  fury.  They  also 
hurned  all  the  ancient  charters  in  the  abbey  of  St.  Ednmnd's- 
Bury,  and  in  the  university  of  Cambridge.  At  the  same  time 
Littester,  an  inn-keeper,  or,  according  to  others,  a  dyer,  of 
Norwich,  headed  another  body  of  insurgents,  and  put  to  death 
all  the  judges  and  lawyers  that  fell  into  his  hands.  As  for 
the  nobles  and  gentlemen  this  insolent  demagogue  obliged 
them  to  serve  him  on  their  knees,  or,  in  case  of  their  refusal, 
immediately  ordered  his  followers  to  strike  oif  their  heads* 
While  these  tremendous  scenes  of  popular  fury  threatened 
the  extinction  of  the  higher  classes,  and  the  total  subversion 
of  social  order,  it  was  impossible  that  the  government  should 
act  with  the  promptitude  required  by  an  emergency  w  hich 
was  without  any  example  in  the  history  of  the  kingdom.  In 
such  a  state  of  universal  confusion,  it  became  necessary  that 
private  persons,  without  waiting  for  orders  from  the  court, 
should  endeavour  to  free  themselves  from  the  impending  dan- 
ger. Henry  Spencer,  bishop  of  Norwich,  a  prelate  of  great 
courage,  thought  it  his  duty  to  make  use  of  arms  as  well  as 
of  prayers  on  so  extraordinary  an  occasion,  when  the  clergy 
and  laity  were  equally  menaced  with  ruin.  Putting  himself 
at  the  head  of  a  few  loyal  subjects,  he  attacked  .ind  defeated 
the  insurgents  with  a  terrible  slaiighter.  Two  of  (heir  priii- 
cipal  leaders,  Littester  and  Wraw,  being  taken  prisoners,  {he 
priest  was  beheaded  on  the  spot ;  and  his  colleague  was  sen'' 
to  London  to  receive  the  reward  of  his  crimes. 

This  insurrection  being  so  speedily  crushed  by  the  vigo  • 
rous  exertions  of  the  bishop   of  Norwich,  the   king,  by  the 
advice  of  his  council,  resolved  to  chastise  the  rebels.     Hith 
erto  we  have  seen  with  horror  the  ferocity   of  the  people  :  af 
this  moment  we  are  called  to  reprobate  the  injustice  of  tbr 
court.     The  charter  of  privileges  and  pardon,  granted  to  thc 
iiisurgents,  was  revoked  by  a  royal  proclamation,  and  thf 
barons  were  ordered  to  levy  troops  of  mirjucstio'i 
A.  D.  13*81.  ^^^^^  loyally  and   lead  them   directly   to   London, 
An  army  of  forty  thousand  men  being  expeditious- 
ly raised,  was  divided  into  two  bodies,  one  of  which  proeee<* 
cd  into  Kent,  and  thu  king  at  the  head  of  the  olhor  mwchr^l 


350  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

against  tlie  people  of  Essex,  who  were  agaiu  lieginuiiig  to  rise 
ill  consequence  of  tin-  revocation  of  the  charters.  The  sud- 
den approach  of  the  royal  army,  however,  totally  discon- 
eerted  their  measures  ;  and  they  were  easily  defeated.  Great 
numbers  fell  with  arms  in  their  hands  ;  and  above  fifteen 
hundred,  among  whom  Merc  many  of  their  principal  leaders, 
are  said  to  fiave  died  by  the  hand  of  the  executioner.* 

This  insurrection  of  the  peasantry,  when  considered  in  eve- 
ry point  of  view,  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  portions  of 
English  history,  and  far  more  important  than  the  cabals  of 
barons  and  bishops  and  the  intrigues  of  courtiers,  which  dis- 
grace the  annals  of  almost  every  reign.  The  demands  of  the 
insurgents  have  been  condemned,  by  historians,  as  insolent  and 
unreasonable.  Such  they  would  undoubtedly  appear  to  their 
lordly  oppressors ;  but  their  principal  objects  were  only  that 
freedom  which  is  so  gloriously  established  and  secured  by  the 
present  constitution  of  England.  Their  demand  of  the  abo- 
lition of  villanage  must,  in  our  days,  meet  with  universal  ap- 
probation :  that  of  Wat  Tyler,  who  required  a  general  liberty 
of  hunting,  fishing,  and  fowling,  was,  indeed,  less  founded  on 
reason  :  such  a  privilege,  without  being  necessary  to  the  com- 
fortable subsistence  of  the  poor,  would  have  been  inimical  to 
their  industry,  and  have  withdrawn  their  attention  from  agri- 
cultural and  mechanical  pursuits.  But  the  people,  when  pos- 
sessed of  power,  seldom  confine  their  expectations  within  the 
limits  of  reason  and  utility  ;  and  it  is  no  wonder  that  a  haugh- 
ty demagogue,  who  was  master  of  the  metropolis,  should  be 
somewhat  extravagant  in  his  demands. 

The  circumstances  attending  this  insurrection,  must  be  con- 
sidered as  extraordinary.  History  scarcely  records  an  action 
more  daring,  and  at  the  same  time  more  imprudent,  than  that 
of  the  mayor  of  London,  who  killed  the  leader  of  so  ferocious 
a  body,  at  the  head  of  thirty  thousand  followers,  conscious  of 
their  own  strength,  and  already  prepared  by  scenes  of  blood 
and  destruction  for  the  most  desperate  enterprises.  Nor  does 
history  afford  any  instance  of  an  action  so  unprincipled,  a<? 
well  as  so  inconsiderate,  being  followed  by  so  peacea'iie  coase- 

•  Eapin  1.  p.  458. 


kichArd  ir.  3j1 

quences.  This  was  undoubfedly  owing  to  the  admirable  pre- 
sence of  mind  displaye<l  by  Richard,  and  not  to  have  been  ex- 
pected from  a  prince  of  liis  age.  Royal  condescension  is  often 
more  powerful  than  arms,  and  popular  commotions  arc  always 
directed  by  irregular  impulses ;  but  yet  it  is  somewhat  wonder- 
ful that  a  body  of  thirty  thousand  insurgents,  who  had  already 
shewn  themselves  so  daring  and  ferociou?,  should  throw  down 
their  arms  and  beg  for  mercy  on  the  first  appearance  of  a  few 
armed  citizens.  This  circumstance  serves  strongly  to  shew  the 
inefficiency  of  a  mob,  and  how  little  the  populace,  withont 
able  leaders,  without  combination  of  plans  and  regularity  of 
movements,  is  able  to  accomplish  any  great  design. 

The  revocation  of  the  charters  of  freedom  and  pardon 
granted  on  this  occasion,  and  the  numerous  executions  which 
followed  in  consequence,  are  mentioned  by  historians  with  only 
a  slight  degree  of  censure.  These,  however,  ought  to  be 
marked  with  disapprobation  by  every  friend  of  humanity. 
But  our  ancient  annalists  were  neither  philosophers  nor  phi- 
lanthropists. Influenced  by  the  spirit  of  the  times,  they  con- 
sidered the  interests  of  bishops  and  barons  alone  as  worthy  of 
attention,  and  forgot  that  the  people  had  any  claim  to  the 
common  rights  of  mankind.  Even  when  their  statement  of 
facts  may  be  regarded  as  accurate,  their  moral  pictures  are 
generally  misrepresentations.  The  frequent  insurrections  of 
the  barons  against  their  king,  are  called  struggles  for  their 
privileges,  or  at  least  are  spoken  of  without  any  severe  cen- 
sure. The  insurrection  of  the  plebians  against  the  barons  is 
branded  with  all  the  virulence  of  reproach.  The  punishment 
of  insurgent  nobles  is  called  cruelty  :  the  punishment  of  men 
struggling  for  their  native  freedom  is  denominated  justice.  In 
those  days  of  oppression  a  prince  might  butcher  his  poorer 
subjects  by  thousands,  without  incurring  much  censure  from 
historians  :  it  was  only  when  he  laid  hands  on  some  of  the  no- 
bles, or  controlled  their  pretensions,  that  he  was  denominated 
a  tyrant.  At  this  period  the  rude  outlines  of  the  constitution 
had  indeed  been  drawn ;  but  the  state  of  feudal  slavery  was 
nothing  ameliorated  ;  and  after  these  struggles  for  freedom, 
the  fetters  of  the  peasantry  were  rendered,  if  possible,  more 
galling.  Two  acts  of  parliament,  passed  in  this  reign,  shews 


35^  HISTOKY  OF  ENLILAND. 

ihe  sta(e  oT  oppression  in  uliieh  that  class  of  people  were 
lield.  One  of  these  of  the  12th  Rich.  II.  enacts,  that  uo  peas- 
ant above  twelve  years  of  age,  shall  he  permitted  to  learii 
any  trade.  By  the  other  it  is  enacted  that  no  artificer,  labour- 
er, or  servant,  male  or  female,  shall  go  out  of  one  hundred 
into  another,  without  a  testimonial  under  the  king's  seal,  on 
pain  of  being  set  in  the  stocks,  and  reconducted  to  his  or  her 
respective  hundred  or  wapentake,  unless  sent  on  business  by 
his  or  her  "  lord  and  master.**'  These  statutes,  contrasted 
with  the  freedom  which  every  Englishman  now  enjoys  under 
our  happy  constitution,  shew  that  the  complaints  of  the  ple- 
bians  were  not  unfounded,  and  that  their  demand  of  the  abo- 
lition of  villanage  was  just  and  reasonable  ;  but  their  manner 
of  endeavouring  to  acquire  freedom  was  irregular  and  incon- 
sistent with  public  safety.  The  grand  misfortune  was,  that 
in  those  times,  no  liberties  could  be  obtained,  unless  they  were 
extorted  by  force. 

The  military  events  of  this  reign  are  scarcely  worth  men- 
tioning, and  the  political  transactions  of  Richard  II.  with 
■foreign  nations  have  had  no  influence  on  the  state  of  posteri- 
ty. A  wild  croisade,  undertaken  in  this  reign,  may  be  rank- 
td  among  the  many  instances  of  the  madness  of  nations.  A 
schism  had  long  divided  the  church,  and  at  this  period  two 
Popes,  Urban  and  Clement,  divided  the  suftVages  of  chris- 
tians by  their  pretensions  to  the  chair  of  St.  Peter.  Two  in- 
fallibles  in  opposition  to  each  other,  exhibited  a  phoenomenon 
«uificicut  to  puzzle  a  philosopher,  and  it  was  impossible  that 
the  people  should  know  wliich  was  the  true  vicar  of  Christ. 
England,  however,  adhered  to  Urban,  as  France  did  to  Clem- 
ent, Each  of  them  liberally  bestowed  on  tlie  other  shoMcrs 
of  excommunications  and  anathemas ;  but  Urban  resolved  to 
join  temporal  to  spiritual  arms,  as  in  using  the  latter  alone 
*)oth  parties  had  equal  advantages.  He  therefore  published 
stgaiust  Clement  and  his  adherents  a  croisade,  with  the  same 
itidiilgencies  and  privileges  as  had  formerly  been  granted  to 
ihose  who  took  arms  for  the  deliverance  of  Jerusalem  from 
*he  lufulels.  Henry  Spencer,  bishop  of  Norwich,  wasdpclared 

*  Vide  And.  Hist.  Comm,  1.  p.  383. 


RICHARD  II.  35a 

geaeralj  anJ  all  classes    of  people  in  England,  nobility, 
clergy,  gentry,  and  plebians,  engaged  with  ardour  in  this  anti- 

christian  enterprise.  The  parliament  approving 
■  ■  "^  ^'  the  undertaking,  granted  a  liberal  subsidy,  and 
the  bishop,  with  an  army  of  tifty  thousand  foot  and  two  thou- 
sand horse,  passed  over  to  Calais.  Having  captured  Grave- 
line,  Mardyke,  and  Dunkirk,  and  totally  defeated  the  earl  of 
Flanders  with  great  slaughter,  he  advanced  to  Ypres.  A 
mutiny  in  his  army  obliged  him  to  raise  the  siege  of  tliat 
place,  and  to  abandon  his  cannon  ;*  but  he  afterwards  gained 
a  considerable  victory  over  the  French.  This  was  the  ter- 
mination of  his  success.  Charles  VI.  king  of  France,  ad- 
vancing witli  a  numerous  army,  found  means  to  surround  the 
English  ;  and  the  bishop  general  was  obliged  to  purchase  his 
retreat  to  England  by  surrendering  the  places  which  he  had 
taken.  TIius  ended  this  extravagant  eroisade  which  had 
cost  England  a  great  number  of  men  and  vast  sums  of  money, 
without  being  compensated  by  any  advantage  or  rendering 
any  service  to  the  Pope. 

The  expedition  of  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  for 
'  the  purpose  of  placing  himself  on  the  throne  of 
Castile,  Avas  less  romantic  but  equally  pernicious  to  Eng- 
land. This  grand  object  of  the  Duke  had  no  small  influence 
on  the  politics  of  the  court  of  London ;  and  by  the  forces  of 
England  and  Portugal,  he  considered  its  attainment  as  possi- 

siblc.  Having  lauded  his  army  at  Corunna,  and 
\  if  1386.  ^'^'^"^^^^   the    province  of  Gallicia,  he   obtained 

from  the  king  of  Castile  a  sum  of  money,  in  con- 
sideration of  which  he  resigned  his  pretensions.  He  also 
roncludcd  a  treaty  of  marriage  between  his  daughter  and  the 
eldest  son  of  that  monarch,  and  by  that  transaction  paved  the 
vray  for  his  posterity  to  ascend  the  throne  of  Castile. 

Thus  the  pu1)lic  inter<;st  was  sacrificed  to  the  private 
views  of  the  great.  Although  the  posterity  of  John  of  Gaunt 
was  eventually  aggrandized  by  this  expedition,  the  nation 
n  as  burdened  with  the  expense,  and  even  saw  its  safety  en- 

*  Wals.  p.  299.  It  appears  that  since  the  battle  of  Cregsy,  cannon  hsttl 
hcr.omc  coismon  in  the  ICr.g'lish  and  Frencji  armies. 

Z  Z 


354  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

dangered  by  the  formidable  preparations  of  BVauce,  while 
the  best  troops  of  England  were  employed  in  Spain.  Charles 
VI.  taking  advantage  of  an  opportunity  which  appeared  so 
favourable,  resolved  to  make  a  grand  effort  for  the   conquest 
of  England.     His  fleet  is  said  to  have  consisted  of  twelve 
hundred  and  eighty-seven  ships,  and  his  army  of  sixty  thou- 
sand men.*     All  Europe  was  astonished  at  his  preparations, 
and  anxiously  expected  the  result.     The  expedition,  liowever, 
was  frustrated  by  some  intrigues  at  the  court  of  France,  and 
the  jealousy  of  the  Duke  of  Berry ,t  who,  desirous  of  render- 
ing the  project  abortive,  delayed  the  embarkation 
A^D  1"86  ^^^^  *^*^  season  was  too  far  advanced,  and  the  Eng- 
lish had  so  far  completed  their  preparations  as  to 
have  little  to  fear  from  an  enemy.  The  levies  had  been  raad» 
with  such  expedition  and  success,  that  an  army  of  two  hun- 
dred  thousand  men  was  speedily  collected.    A  great  part  of 
these  troops  were  cantoned  within  twenty  miles  round  Lon- 
don, but  being  ill  paid  they  lived  at  discretion  and  plundered 
V  the  country.:^      The   fear  of  invasion  soon  subsided.      The 
French  fleet  was  almost  destroyed  by  a  storm,  and  most  of 
their  ships  w  ere  wrecked  on  the  English  coasts.     x\fter  this 
no  military  events  of  importance   took  place  between  Eng- 
land and  France,  although  it  was  not  till  the  year  1396  that 
a  truce  of  twenty-eight  years  was  concluded  between  the  two 
crowns,  and  confirmed  by  a  treaty  of  marriage  between  Richard 
and  Isabella,  daughter  of  Charles  VI.§    The  wars  with  Scot- 
land also  present  only  a  scene  of  predatory  expeditions,  inter- 
rupted from  time  to  time  by  temporary  truces. 

The  internal  administration  during  this  reign  would  aftbrd 
ample  materials  for  those  historians  who  delight  in  fatiguing 
their  readers  with  tedious  details  of  the  intrigues  of  a  corrupt 
court,  and  the  cavils  of  bishops  and  barons,  who  endeavoured 
sometimes  to  correct  and  sometimes  to  encourage  royal  weak- 
ness and  ministerial  profligacy.  In  his  early  youth  Richard 
had  comjJetely  alienated  the  affections  of  the  lower  orders  j 

•  Froiss.  lib.  2.  c.  178.— TyrreLp.  904^ 
•}•  Mezeral.  Hen.  Ab.  Chron.  An,  1386. 
4  Wals.  p.  323. 
$  Ilym.  Focd.  torn,  7-  p.  802,  &.c.-,   j 


RICHARD    II.  355 

and  It  only  remain,ed  to  make  the  nobility  liis  euemics.  He  had 
scarcely  attained  his  seventeenth  year  when  he  began  plainly 
to  manifest  his  inclinations.  But  Richard  was  ruined  by  flat- 
terers, who  inspired  him  not  only  with  extravagant  notions  of 
the  royal  prerogative  but  with  too  high  an  opinion  of  liis  o^>n 
merit.  His  favourites  obtained  over  him  an  entire  ascenden- 
cy, and  when  the  parliament  presented  an  address,  desiring 
their  dismissal,  he  rashly  answered,  that  "  To  please  the  par- 
liament he  would  nut  turn  OiUt  the  meanest  scullion  in  his 
kitchen." 

Richard,  by  the  advice  of  his  ministers,  formed  the  design 
of  rendering  himself  absolute,  and  the  judges  were  prevailed 
on  to  declare  that  the  king  was  above  the  laws.  The  parlia- 
ment was  also  to  be  converted  into  an  engine  of  despotism  ; 
and,  for  that  purpose,  he  attempted  to  pack  the  House  of  Com* 
mons  by  ordering  that  no  members  sliould  be  returned  except 
such  a.%  the  king  and  his  council  should  nominate.  But  it  was 
found  somewhat  difficult  to  deprive  the  boroughs  of  their 
right  of  election,  and  the  sheriffs  informed  him  tl)at  it  was 
impossible  to  comply  with  his  orders.  In  spite,  therefore,  of 
the  endejivours  of  the  king,  a  free  parliament  was  assembled, 
and  its  decisions  proved  fatal  to  the  ministers.  Tlie  arch- 
bishop of  York,  with  the  bishops  of  Durham  and 

A    T)    1  "88 

•  ooo.  cjijgijgster,  and  a  number  of  lords  and  even  of 
ladies,  who  had  favoured  the  designs  of  the  court,  \vere  bant 
ished,  and  their  estates  confiscated.  The  judges  suffered  the 
same  punishment;  and  judge  Trcsilian,  one  of  the  chief  ad- 
visers of  Richard's  arbitrary  measures,  was  hanged,  together 
with  a  number  of  knights  and  gentlemen.  From  these 
severities  towards  the  ministers  this  was  called  the  merciless 
parliament.* 

Tlie  privy  council  wfffe  now  completely  changed ;  but  no 
change  was  effected  in  the  disposition  of  the  king.  Finding 
the  maxims  of  the  new  ministers  different  from  those  which 
lie  had  imbibed,  he  dismissed  them  and  appointed  others  who 
were  more  compliant  with  his  will,  and  by  whose  advice  he 
seized  his  ancle,  the  duke  of  Glouscester,  the  favourite  of  the 

*  Bapin  and  Tindal'S  notes,  vol.  1.  p.  465. 


356  HISTORY  OV  ENGLAND. 

nation,  and  caused  Iiiiu  (o  be  secretly  conveyed  to  Calai-i; 
M'here  lie  was  iniinlered  iu  prison.*  In  the  mean  while 
Richard,  who  loved  jiomp  and  magnificence  more  than  any 
of  his  predecessors,  spent  immense  sums  in  tournaments  and 
splendid  entertainments  ;  and,  although  England  was  dread- 
fully afflicted  with  pestilence  andfamine,  he  discontinued  none 
of  his  diversions  nor  retrenched  any  of  his  expenses.  In  his 
kitchen  alone  three  hundred  domestics  were  employed,  and 
the  queen  had  the  same  number  iu  her  service;  and  it 
is  said  that  this  prince  daily  entertained  six  thousand  per- 
sons.! Ambitious  of  surpassing  in  magnificence  all  the  mon- 
archs  of  Europe,  he  aft'ected  in  every  thing  as  great  a  pro- 
fuseness  as  if  he  had  possessed  iiiexhausiible  treasures.  As 
his  revenues  were  totally  inadequate  to  his  extravagant  ex- 
penses, he  tried  to  borrow  money  of  the  Londonei's ;  and  this 
appears  to  have  been  one  of  the  means  by  which  he  intended  to 
render  himself  independent  of  parliament.  At  first  he  sound- 
ed the  inclinations  of  the  citizens  by  asking  a  loan  of  only 
a  thousand  pounds.  His  views  were  frustrated  :  he  experien- 
ced a  mortifying  refusal ;  but  he  soon  met  with  an  opportu- 
nity of  revenging  the  affront.  Under  the  pretext  of  a  tumult 
of  little  consequence,  raised  by  a  baker's  apprentice,  he  strip- 
ped the  city  of  all  its  privileges,  and  took  away  its  charter, 
■which  the  citizens  Avcrc  obliged  to  redeem  with  a  present  of 
ten  thousand  pounds  and  two  crowns  of  gold.f  But,  by  these 
extortions,  Richard  made  the  city  of  London  his  enemy,  a 
circumstance  which  at  length  contributed,  iu  no  small  degree, 
to  his  ruin. 

Arbitrary  power  was  an  object  of  which  this  monarch  never 
lost  sight.  To  this  all  his  measures  had  a  tendency,  and  al- 
though hated  both  by  the  people  and  the  nobles,  he  found 
means  at  length  to  accomplish  his  purpose.    Renewing  his 

•  The  king  coming  to  the  duke's  house  in  Essex,  and  pretending  that 
his  presence  was  necessary  at  a  cabinet  council,  persur.ded  liim  to  go  with 
him,  in  the  night,  to  London.  In  passing  over  Epping  forest  he  was 
seized  by  some  troops,  placed  in  ambush,  andrconveyed  on  board  a  ship 
which  was  ready  in  the  Thames  for  that  purpose.  Froiss.  hb.  4.  c.  33,  &c. 

t  This  must  be  a  mistake  of  historians.  It  must  rather  be  supposed 
'that  this  number  was  entertained  not  daily  but  on  particular  occasions. 

i:  Rapin  1,  p.  465. 


KICHARD  II.  357 

former  attempt  to  liave  a  parliament  devoted  to  his  will,  lie 
acted  with  deeper  policy  and  met  with  greater  success.  His 
first  precaution  was  to  change  all  the  sherifts  in  the  kingdom, 
and  to  admit  none  into  that  office  hut  such  as  promised  to  be 
wholly  subservient  to  his  designs.  He  had  taken  the  same 
j)recaution  with  respect  to  all  officers  that  had  credit  and 
power  in  counties  and  boroughs  :  so  that  by  means  of  these 
agents  he  caused  such  representatives  to  be  chosen  as  he 
liad  previously  secured.  If  any  whom  the  king  disapproved 
were  elected,  the  sheriffs  had  orders  not  to  return  them,  but  to 
cause  others  to  be  chosen  ;  and  as  the  members  of  the  House 
of  Commons  were  the  judges  of  the  affairs  of  election,  he  was 
able,  by  these  means,  to  confirm  or  reject  whomsoever  he 
pleased.  This  is  mentioned  by  historians  as  the  first  instance 
of  packing  a  parliament.* 

The  national  representation  being  thus  modelled, 
'  the  bishop    of  Exeter  opened  the  session  with  a 

speech  in  which  he  laboured  to  prove  that  the  power  of  the 
king  was  unlimited,  and  that  those  who  attempted  to  set  bounds 
to  his  authority  deserved  the  highest  punishment.  In  pursu^ 
ance  of  this  principle  (he  parliament  made  no  scruple  of  sac- 
rificing, to  the  passions  of  the  monarch  and  the  interested 
views  of  his  favourites,  the  most  distinguished  lords  of  the 
realm.  The  archbishop  of  Canterbury  was  impeached  of 
high  treason,  for  having  been  one  of  the  commissioners,  ap- 
pointed by  the  parliament  of  1386,  for  inspecting  the  adminis- 
tration of  public  affairs,  and  on  this  singular  charge  was  con- 
demned to  banishment,  and  his  estate  Avas  confiscated  to  the 
king's  use.  The  earls  of  Arundel  and  Warwick  being  ac- 
cused of  having  formerly  opposed  the  royal  authority,  and 
for  which  crime  they  had  received  the  king's  pardon  nine 
years  ago,  received  sentence  of  death  :  the  former  w  as  execu- 
ted, and  the  punishment  of  the  latter  was  changed  into  per- 
petual exile.  Under  the  pretext  of  dispatcliing  more  regu- 
larly the  public  business,  the  parlimcnt  then  invested  a  cer- 
tain number  of  commissioners  with  the  authority  of  the  whole 

•  This  year,  1507,  Richard  caused  Westminster  Hall  to  be  taken  down 
.ind  Ijcgan  to  rej)ujr  it  as  it  now  stands.  Stowe  B.  6tb,  p.  48.  Camcf. 
Mi  ddlcscx. 


338  HISTORY  OF  England, 

House  ;  and  by  an  unprecedented  act,  the  whole  power  of 
the  nation  was  devolved  on  the  king,  twelve  peers  and  six 
commoners.*  These  were  all  at  the  king's  devotion,  and  thus 
the  government  of  England  was  rendered  as  despotic  as  that 
of  Turkey. 

Nothing  now  seemed  able  to  shake  the  absolute  authority 
which  Richard  had  assumed.  Those  who  Mould  have  been 
the  most  capable  of  opposing  his  views  had  been  put  to  death 
or  sent  into  exile  :  others  were  gained  by  oflices,  honours, 
and  liberal  grants.  The  great  officers  of  the  crown  and  the 
governors  of  counties  and  towns  were  all  devoted  to  the  king ; 
and  all  the  magistrates,  and  men  of  credit  and  influence  iu 
the  boroughs,  were  ready  to  support  the  regal  power  in  its 
greatest  extent.  Had  Ilichard,  indeed,  been  endowed  with 
the  prudence  of  Augustus  and  some  other  princes,  who  en- 
joyed the  affections  of  their  subjects,  and  endeavoured  to  con- 
ceal the  authority  which  they  possessed,  or  had  he,  like  Ed- 
ivard  III.  dazzled  the  eyes  of  the  people  by  his  martial  ex- 
ploits, his  despotism  might  now  have  been  firmly  established. 
But  this  infatuated  and  unfortunate  prince  possessed  neither 
political  sagacity  nor  military  fame.  Surrounded  by  flat- 
terers he  imagined  their  voice  to  be  that  of  the  public,  and 
considered  five  or  six  hundred  persons,  who  composed  his 
parliament,  Avith  a  few  magistrates  and  leading  men  in  the 
counties  and  boroughs,  as  the  whole  of  the  nation. 

Fatal  experience  at  length  convinced  Richard  of  his  mis- 
fake.  The  giddy  monarch,  having  attained  the  summit  of 
despotism,  reposed  in  a  false  security,  and  suftered  himself 
to  be  deluded  by  the  flattering  prospect  of  a  nation  at  his 
feet.  Every  day  produced  some  instance  of  his  capricious 
exercise  of  that  arbitrary  power  whidli  he  ought  to  have  con- 
cealed under  the  masque  of  moderation  and  equity.  The 
tluke  of  Hereford  having  accused  the  duke  of  Norfolk  of 
speaking  disrespectfully  of  the  king,  the  latter  denied  the 
thaige,  and  for  want  of  evidence  the  lords  in  parliament  de- 
creed that  the  matter  should  be  decided  by  single  combat. 
Coventry  was  the  place  appointed  for  the  duel,  at  which  the 

*  Tyrrcl  p.  985.    Cott-  abridg.  p.  374. 


RICHARD    II,  35^ 

king  was  resolved  to  be  present.  But  at  llie  moment  when 
the  two  dukes  had  entered  the  lists,  Richard  forbad  them  to 
proceed,  and  ordered  the  heralds  to  interpose.  And  al- 
though neither  were  convicted  of  any  crime,  and  only  one  of 
them  could  be  guilty,  he  sentenced  both  to  banishment,  the 
duke  of  Norfolk  for  life,  and  tlie  duke  of  Hereford  for  ten 
years  :  the  former  went  to  Venice  where  he  soon  after  died : 
tlie  latter  retired  to  France. 

This  act  of  arbitrary  power  was  followed  by  another  wliicTl 
equally  showed  the  avarice  and  injustice  of  the  tyrant.  Soon 
after  the  departure  of  the  duke  of  Hereford,  his 
AD  1^398  ^^^^^'''  •^'*^"  °f  Gaunt,  duke  of  Lancaster,  died, 
and  his  honours  and  vast  estates  devolved  on  his 
son.  But  the  bait  was  too  alluring  not  to  be  seized  by  an 
avaricious  and  absolute  monarch.  Richard,  by  a  sentence 
more  unjust  even  than  the  former,  decreed  that  the  exile  of 
the  duke  of  Hereford  should  be  perpetual,  and  confiscated 
his  estates. 

The  despotism  of  the  king  and  the  rapacity  of  his  minis- 
ters now  knew  no  bounds.  Pretences  were  no  longer  necessary 
for  the  demanding  of  subsidies.  Every  lord,  bishop,  and 
rich  burgess  in  the  kingdom  was  obliged  to  lend  money  to  the 
sovereign,  although  it  was  known  that  repayment  was  never 
intended.  On  a  charge  of  having  supported  the  confederate 
lords  and  the  parliament  of  1388,  seventeen  counties  were 
condemned  as  guilty  of  treason,  and  the  property  of  the  in- 
habitants being  adjudged  to  the  king,  the  lords,  gentlemen, 
and  rich  burgesses  were  forced  to  redeem  their  estates  by  sign- 
ing obligations,  in  which  a  blank  was  left  for  the  sum  which 
ihe  king  pleased  afterwards  to  insert.*  It  was  impossible 
that  a  nation  should  long  bear  such  extortions  ;  and  the  Eng-r* 
lish  soon  met  with  an  opportunity  of  shaking  off  the  yoke. 

A  revolt  in  Ireland  requiring  the  presence  of  Richard,  he 
passed  over  into  that  country  with  a  numerous  army :  and 
•in  several  encounters  with  the  rebels,  ho  displayed  a  valour 
which  shewed  that  his  disincliuation  to  war  was  to  be  as- 
cribed to  his  euncation  raiher  than  to  a  want  of  personal 

•  Rapln  1.  p.  •i':'^. 


360  HISTORY  OF  ENGLANJii. 

((jourage.  But  while  his  vanity  was  flattered  by  his  successes 
in  Ireland,  a  conspiracy  was  formed  in  England  to  deprive 
liim  of  his  crown.  Tliose  who  Mere  most  devoted  to  his 
interests  had  accompanied  him  in  his  Irish  expedition ;  and 
he  had  left  behind  him  a  whole  nation  of  malcontents.  After 
several  conferences,  information  was  transmitted  to  the  exiled 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  that  all  England  was  ready  to  rise, 
that  nothing  was  wanted  but  a  leader  of  distinction,  and  that 
if  the  duke  of  Hereford,  now  duke  of  Lancaster,  Avould  un- 
dertake to  deliver  the  nation  from  tyranny  he  might  rely  on  a 
powerful  support.  The  duke,  stimulated  by  personal  in- 
juries and  by  ambition,  gladly  accepted  the  offer.  Accompa- 
nied by  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  only  eighty  men,  he 
landed  at  Uavenspur,*  in  Yorkshire,  and  was  soon 
AD  l"99  j**"^^^  ^y  ^''^  ^^'"^  ^^  Northumberland,  Henry  Percy 
his  son,  the  earl  of  Westraorcland,  and  several 
others  of  the  nobility.f  This  was  only  the  beginning  of  his 
success.  The  concourse  of  people,  who  flocked  to  liis  stan- 
dard, was  so  great,  that  he  soon  saw  himself  at  the  head  of  au 
army  of  sixty  thousand  men. 

In  the  mean  while  the  duke  of  York,  the  king's  uncle,  Avho 
•acted  as  regent,  together  with  the  lords  of  the  council,  knoM'- 
ing  the  disposition  of  the  citizens  of  London,  retired  to  St. 
Albans.  Soon  after  their  departure  the  metropolis  declared 
for  the  ^uke  of  Lancaster,  who,  without  discovering  that  he 
had  any  designs  on  the  crown,  published  a  manifesto,  in  which 
he  pretended  that  he  had  taken  arms  only  to  redress  his  own 
grievances  and  those  of  the  nation.  The  regent  attempted 
;o  levy  troops  but  witliout  success,  and  the  lords  of  the  coun- 
cil, seeing  tliemselves  in  danger  of  being  sacrificed  to  the 
public  hatred,  retired  to  Bristol  and  shut  themselves  up  in  the 
■castle. 

The  duke  of  Lancaster  did  not  neglect  to  improve  his  ad- 
vantages. Being  invited  to  London  by  the  citizens,  he  en- 
tered the  metropolis  in  triunjph,  and  immediately  afterwards 
marched  to  Bristol.     The  gates  of  that  city  beiug  opened  at 

*  l{:ivcnspur  was  siUialod  near  the    Spiini   Poinl,  In  Iloldemess,  and 
has  lon}^  since  been  swallowed  up  by  the  sea. 
f  T\'iTel  p.  9%. 


lUCHARD   II,  361 

his  approach,  lie  assaulted  the  castle,  where  the  lords  of  the 
council  were  retired,  and  in  the  space  of  four  days  forced  it 
to  surrender  at  discretion.  The  fury  of  the  people  against 
the  earl  of  Wiltshire,  and  the  other  ministers,  was  so  great, 
that  the  duke  of  Lancaster,  judging  it  expedient  to  sacrifice 
them  to  the  public  vengeance,  ordered  them  to  be  led  to  exe- 
cution. These  successes  induced  the  whole  kingdom  to  de- 
clare in  favour  of  the  duke ;  and  the  regent  himself,  seeing 
it  impossible  to  stem  the  torrent,  followed  the  general  ex- 
ample. 

While  these  things  were  transacting  in  England,  Richard 
was  in  Ireland  totally  ignorant  of  the  defection  of  his  sub- 
jects. The  contrary  winds  which,  during  the  space  of  more 
than  three  weeks,  interrupted  the  communication  between  the 
two  countries,  prevented  him  from  receiving  any  intelligence. 
But  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  duke  of  Lancaster's  invasion, 
be  resolved  to  return  immediately  to  England,  and  give  bat- 
tle to  the  enemy.  But  the  want  of  vessels  to  transport  his 
whole  army  at  once  caused  a  delay  that  contributed  to  his  ruin. 
He  had  sent  the  earl  of  Salisbury  to  levy  troops  in  Wales, 
promising  to  follow  within  the  space  of  six  days ;  but  the 
wind  changing  to  the  east,  kept  him  eighteen  days  longer  in 
Ireland.  The  earl  succeeded  so  well  as  to  levy  an  army  of 
forty  thousand  men  ;  but  the  king  not  appearing  at  the  time 
appointed,  and  a  report  being  spread  of  his  death,  this  numer- 
eus  force  immediately  dispersed. 

Richard  landing  soon  after  at  Milford  Haven  proceeded  to 
Carmarthen,  to  join  the  earl  of  Salisbury.  But  on  being  in- 
formed of  the  dispersion  of  the  Welsh  troops  and  the  gene- 
ral revolt  of  the  nobility  and  the  people,  he  perceived  his  case 
to  be  desperate.  Some  of  his  officers  persuaded  him  to  lead 
them  to  battle  against  the  enemy  :  some  advised  him  to  return 
and  fortify  himself  in  Ireland ;  and  others  thought  it  the  most 
eligible  to  take  refuge  with  the  king  of  France,  his  father-in- 
law,  by  whose  powerful  aid  he  might  recover  his  kingdom.. 
But  amidst  this  variety  of  councils,  the  unfortunate  and  in- 
fatuated king,  seeing  dangers  on  every  side,  and  not  knowing 
whom  to  trust,  resolved  to  throw  himself  on  the  generosity  of 
liis  enemy,  the  wor«(  measure  that  could  be  adopted  by  a 
A  a  a. 


SllJj  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

prince  in  his  situation.  Pursuant  to  this  pusilanimons  and 
fatal  resolution,  he  withdrew  privately  from  his  army,  and 
shut  himself  up  in  Conway  castle,near  Chester,  from  whence 
he  sent  to  inform  the  duke  of  Lancaster  that  he  was  ready 
to  submit  to  such  terms  as  the  latter  should  think  lit  to  pre- 
scribe. The  archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  the  earl  of 
Northumberland  being  sent  to  begin  the  negociations,  the 
kiug  ottered  to  resign  his  crown  and  retire  to  a  private  life. 
He  then  requested  a  personal  interview  with  the  duke  :  the 
proposal  was  accepted,  and  both  parties  met  at  Flint  for  that 
purpose.  The  king  received  his  rival  with  a  cheerful  coun- 
tenance, saying,  "  Cousin  of  Lancaster,  you  are  welcome." 
The  duke  bowing  three  times  to  the  ground,  replied,  "  My 
"  lord,  the  king,  I  am  come  sooner  than  you  expected,  because 
*'  the  common  report  of  your  people  is,  that  you  have,  for  one 
"  and  twenty  years,  governed  with  rigour  and  indiscretion,  so 
"  that  they  are  far  from  being  satisfied  with  your  administra- 
**  tion  ;  but  if  it  please  God  I  will  help  you  to  govern  them 
''  better  for  the  future."  To  this  declaration  the  king  an- 
swered, "  Fair  cousin,  since  it  pleases  you  it  pleases  us  also.''* 
After  this  conversation  the  duke  of  Lancaster  carried  the 
king  to  Chester,  and  from  thence  to  London.f  On  their  ap- 
proach to  the  metropolis,  the  people,  issuing  in  crowds  from 
the  city,  received  the  duke  with  acclamations  of  excessive  ap- 
plause, while  they  loaded  the  king  with  the  bitterest  reproach- 
es. The  unfortunate  monarch  was  then  conducted  to  the 
Tower,  w  here  he  Avas  confined  till  the  duke  of  Lancaster  com- 
pleted the  revolution.  T^his,  however,  was  speedily  perform- 
ed. The  duke  having  the  king  in  his  power  made  use  of  his 
name  and  authority  to  summon  a  parliament.  Previous  to 
its  meeting  he  repaired  to  the  Tower,  attended  by  a  great 
number  of  lords,  in  whose  presence  Richard  delivered  up 
the  crown  and  sceptre  with  all  the  other  ensigns  of  royalty, 
and,  by  an  ii>strument  signed  with  his  own  hand,  confessed 

*  The  author  of  the  Chronicle  says,  these  were  the  very  words,  and 
that  he  liimself  lieai-d  them  spoken,    Tindal's  notes  on  Rapiii,  1.  p.  472. 

j  Rapin  remarks  that  in  fof ty-seven  days  after  his  landing  at  Raven- 
spur,  the  duke  had  marclied  to  London,  Bristol,  and  Chester,  and  back 
iigain  to  London,    Yel.  1.  p,  472. 


RICHARD    II.  363 

himself  unworthy  and  unfit  to  reign.  But  as  soon 
A.^D.  1399*  ^^  ^'^^  parliament  met,  the  two  Houses  not  deem- 
ing his  voluntary  resignation  sufficient  to  sanction 
their  proceedings,  ordered  articles  of  impeachment  to  he 
drawn  up,  and  in  consequence  of  the  crimes  laid  to  his  charge, 
the  king  was  solemnly  deposed,  after  having  sat  twenty-two 
years  on  the  throne  of  England. 

Thus  ended  the  reign  of  Richard  II.  a  reign  peculiary  dis- 
tinguished in  English  history,  by  the  luxurious  magnificence 
of  the  court,  and  the  schemes  of  the  king  and  his  ministers 
to  render  the  monarchy  absolute.  It  is  indeed  a  matter  which 
must  excite  wonder,  that  so  weak  and  indolent  a  prince  as 
Richard,  assisted  by  counsellors  of  the  same  description, 
should  have  so  far  succeeded  in  so  difficult  an  undertaking. 
But  this  success  proved  his  ruin.  Although  he  attained  the 
summit  of  his  wishes,  he  did  not  possess  the  abilities  neces- 
sary for  maintaining  his  standing ;  and  he  was  easily  hurled 
from  his  high  elevation.  When  we  consider  the  state  ctf  the 
kingdom  in  those  times,  and  the  early  age  at  which  he  had 
raised  himself  to  absolute  authority,  it  appears  not  improba- 
ble that  if  Richard  II.  had  possessed  the  same  talents  as  some 
princes  who  are  mentioned  in  history,  lie  might  have  lived 
long  enough  to  consolidate  the  fabric  which  he  had  taken 
such  pains  to  erect ;  and  the  government  of  England  might 
have  been  as  despotic  as  any  that  ever  existed  in  Europe.* 

*  In  this  reign  was  introduced  the  custom  of  weai-ing  shoes  with  enor- 
mously long  piked  toes,  fastened  to  the  knees  with  chains  of  silver,  and 
also  the  fashion  among  ladies  of  riding  on  side  saddles,  for  before  they 
always  rode  astride.  The  ladies  Wore  high  attire  o>i  th^  heads,  piked 
horns,  and  long  trained  gowns.    S^^^c's  Ann. 


364 


HENRY  IV. 


Neither  the  resignation  nor  the  deposition  of  Richard  could 
give  the  duke  of  Lancaster  a  right  to  the  crown.  As  the 
king  had  no  issue,  the  presumptive  heir  was  Edmund  Morti- 
mer, earl  of  March,  Avho  was  descended  from  Lionel,  duke  of 
Clarence,  third  son  of  Edward  lU.  Tlie  duke  of  Lancaster 
being  the  son  of  John  of  Gaunt,  the  fourth  son  of  Edward  IIL 
was  one  degree  further  from  the  throne.  The  right  of  Roger 
Mortimer,  father  of  the  earl  of  March,  had,  in  1385,  heen  re- 
cognised by  the  parliament,  which  had  declared  him  the  suc- 
cessor of  Richard,  in  case  that  prince  should  die  without  issue. 
But  the  duke  of  Lancaster  having  on  his  side  the  parliament 
and  the  whole  nation,  claimed  the  crown  in  these  words  :  "  In 
*'  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost, 
"  I,  Henry  of  Lancaster,  challenge  this  realm  of  England, 
''  and  the  crown,  &e.  as  I  am  descended  by  the  right  line  of 
*'  the  blood  from  the  good  lord  king  Henry  III.  and  through 
*'  the  right  that  God  of  his  grace  hath  given  me,  with  help 
*'  of  my  kin  and  my  friends  to  recover  it,  the  which  realm 
*'  was  in  point  to  be  undone  for  default  of  governors,  and  un- 
"  doing  of  the  good  laws."  The  duke  having  thus  preferred  his 
claim,  in  which  he  ax'tfuUy  omitted  any  mention  of  Edward 
III.  but  deduced  his  descent  from  Henry,  and  reminded  the 
nation  of  his  own  services,  the  parliament  decreed 

A ^D  1399  ^^^^  Henry  of   Lancaster  should  be   proclaimed 

king,  which  was  performed  the  same  day,  and  the 

right  of  the  earl   of  March  being  thus  set  aside,  laid    the 

foundation  of  a  contest  which,  at  a  future  period,  drenched 

!E!ngland  with  blood.* 

•Edmund, earl  of  March,  vns  the  grandson  of  Philippa,  only  daugh- 


HENRY    IV.  365 

Henry  IV.  ascended  the  throne  at  the  mature  and  vigorous 
age  of  thirty-three.  He  was  crowned  with  great 
?*^h  ^^^.^k  solemuity,  a,nd  in  order  to  counterpoise  the  defect 
of  his  title,  and  inspire  the  people  with  venera- 
tion for  Hieir  new  sovereign,  he  caused  himself  to  be  anointed 
with  a  particular  oil,  said  to  be  brought  by  the  Virgin  mother 
of  God  to  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury.  A  plausible  story 
■was  invented  to  account  for  its  not  being  employed  in  the  unc- 
tion of  former  kings  ;  and  every  device  was  used  to  authenti- 
cate the  holy  legend,  which  political  craft  had  fabricated  in 
order  to  impose  on  popular  ignorance.  So  long,  indeed,  as 
the  world  exhibits  a  mixture  of  vice  and  folly,  mankind  will 
never  be  governed  by  reason  alono  without  some  degree  of 
deception ;  and  history  shews  that,  on  extraordinary  occa- 
sions, some  political  or  religous  imposture,  so  framed  as  to 
suit  the  current  ideas  of  the  times,  has  mostly  been  thought 
necessary  to  influence  the  minds  of  the  multitude. 

Heniy  had  need  of  every  precaution.  Popular  affection 
and  popular  fury  are  frequently  vic;lent,  but  generally  fluctua- 
ting. The  tyranny  of  Richard  had  drawn  upon  him  the 
enmity  of  the  people  5  but  misfortunes,  especially  those  of 
the  great,  have  the  peculiar  effect  of  converting  hatred  into 
pity.  The  calamities  of  the  deposed  king  began  to  excite  the 
compassion  of  the  nation ;  and  the  right  of  Henry  was  con- 
troverted by  several  of  the  nobles.  While  the  new  king  m  as 
employed  in  taking  measures  for  his  own  security  and  the 
regulation  of  the  kingdom,  the  dukes  of  Albemarle,  Surrey, 
and  Exeter,  with  the  bishop  of  Carlisle  and  the  earls  of 
Gloucester  and  Salisbury,  formed  the  design  of  depriving  him 
of  his  life,  and  replacing  Richard  on  the  throne.  The  plan 
of  the  conspiracy  was  to  assassinate  the  king  at  a  tournament 
at  Oxford,  and  it  was  almost  by  a  miracle  that  he  escaped  the 
danger.  Each  of  the  conspirators  had,  in  writing,  a  copy  of 
all  the  particulars,  in  order  to  be  certain  of  the  part  that  he 

tcr  of  Lionel  the  third  son  of  Edward  III.  and  great  grandson  of  Roger 
Mortimer,  who,  in  the  beginning  of  (he  reign  of  Edward  III.  was  execu- 
ted as  a  traitor  ;  but  as  he  was  condemned  without  any  trial,  the  sen- 
tence was,  in  1354,  reversed  by  the  parliament    Cotton's  abridg.  p.  309. 


3G6  HISTORY  or  England. 

tias  to  aet;  and  the  duke  of  Albemarle  being  on  a  visit  to  Lis 
father,  the  duke  of  York,  let  fall  his  paper,  which  the  latter 
having  found  and  examined,  discovered  the  whole  plot.*  The 
duke  of  York,  who  was  surety  for  the  allegiance  of  his  son^ 
being  sensible  of  the  danger  to  which  his  own  life  was  expos- 
ed, resolved  to  give  information  of  the  matter  to  the  king,  and 
for  that  purpose  immediately  set  out  for  Windsor.  The  son 
being  apprized  of  his  father's  intention,  went  by  a  shorter 
way  and  obtained  his  pardon.  Henry,  indeed,  at  iirst  doubted 
of  the  truth  of  the  duke  of  Albemaflfle's  report,  suspecting  it 
to  be  a  scheme  of  that  nobleman  to  ruiti  the  dukes  of  Exeter 
and  Salisbury,  and  the  others  whom  he  had  named.  But 
the  arrival  of  the  duke  of  York,  with  the  paper,  only  a  few 
moments  after,  put  an  end  to  his  doubt.  The  king,  therefore, 
being  convinced  of  his  danger,  instead  of  proceeding  to  Ox- 
ford, where  he  was  expected  the  next  day  by  the  conspirators, 
began  to  take  vigorous  measures  for  his  security. 

The  lords,  in  the  mean  while,  seeing  that  neither  the  king 
nor  the  duke  of  Albemarle  came  to  Oxford,  began  to  appre- 
hend that  their  plot  was  discovered  ;  and  the  result  of  the 
inquiries  which  they  made  soon  confirmed  their  suspicions. 
Their  situation  being  desperate,  they  resolved,  if  possible,  to 
accomplish  by  force  what  they  had  failed  of  effecting  by 
stratagem.  They  had  engaged  in  the  plot  a  priest  named 
Maudlin,  who  so  exactly  resembled  Richard  II.  as  scarcely  to 
be  distinguishable  from  that  prince  either  by  stature,  feature, 
or  countenance.!  This  man,  being  arrayed  in  royal  robes, 
pretended  to  be  Richard  himself,  who  had  escaped  from  pri- 
son, and  was  come  to  implore  the  assistance  of  his  subjects. 
Maudlin  personated  so  well  the  deposed  monarch,  and  the 
imposture  was  so  well  supported  by  the  lords,  that  numbers 
of  people  flocked  to  their  standard.  The  army  of  the  con- 
spirators soon  became  considerable,  and  they  marched  to 
Windsor  with  the  intention  of  seizing  the  king.  But  finding 
that  Henry  had  retired  to  London,  a  diversity  of  opinions, 

*  Rapin  says  that  tlie  duke  of  York  snatched  the  paper  from  his  sob's 
Jjosnm.    Vol.  1.  p.  489. 

t  Tindal's  notes  on  Kapun— Tindal  says  he  had  been  one  of  Richard's 
chaplains. — Rapla  calls  him  a  (Jomegtic.    Vol.  1 .  p-  488, 


ilENRY  IV.  367 

concerning  their  future  operations,  occasioned  delays  which 
afforded  him  sufficient  leisure  not  only  to  secure  the  metropo- 
lis, but  to  levy  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  men.  With  this 
force,  though  greatly  inferior  to  those  of  the  rebels,  he  resolved 
to  give  them  battle,  and  supposing  that  they  w  ould  take  the  road 
for  Loudon,  he  encamped  on  Hounslow  Heath.  This  resolution 
of  Henry  was  of  incalculable  advantage  to  his  affairs.  It  inspir- 
ed his  partisans  with  courage,  and  caused  numbers  to  join  his 
standard,  Mhile  it  intimidated  the  rebels  who  dared  not  to  haz- 
ard an  action.  Tfiey  retii'ed,  therefore,  to  6irencester,  where 
they  encamped :  the  generals  took  up  their  quarters  in  the 
town :  the  army  lay  without  in  the  camp.  The  duke  of  Sur- 
rey and  the  earl  of  Salisbury  lodged  at  one  ian,  and  the  duke 
of  Exeter  and  the  earl  of  Gloucester  at  another.  But  their 
want  of  experience  in  war  causing  them  to  neglect  to  place 
guards  at  the  gates,  the  mayor  of  the  town  took  advantage 
of  this  oversight  to  render  a  signal  service  to  the  king.  Hav- 
ing privately  mustered  the  inhabitants,  he  assaulted,  at  once, 
the  two  inns  where  the  four  generals  were  lodged.  The 
duke  of  Surrey  and  the  earl  of  Salisbury,  after  bravely  de- 
fending themselves  a  great  part  of  the  night,  being  grievous- 
ly wounded,  were  made  prisoners,  and,  by  the  order  of  the 
mayor,  instantly  beheaded.  The  duke  of  Exeter  and  the 
earl  of  Gloucester  escaped  out  of  the  town,  but  found  the 
camp  deserted ;  for  the  soldiers  hearing  the  tumult,  and  im- 
agining that  the  king's  army  was  there,  were  seized  witli  a 
panic  and  sought  safety  in  flight.  The  two  lords  endeavour- 
ed to  escape  out  of  the  kingdom,  but  were  taken,  and  losi^ 
their  heads  on  the  scaffold.  Maudlin  the  priest  met  with  no 
better  fate :  being  taken  in  his  flight  towards  Scotland,  he 
was  brought  to  London,  where  he  was  hanged  and  quartered. 
In  all  probability  this  rash  and  ill  conducted  enterprise 
accelerated  Richard's  fate.  All  historians  agree  that  his 
death  was  unnatural ;  but  the  diversity  of  their  account^ 
shews  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  correct  information  in  rc^< 
gard  to  actions  and  events  that  are  not  public  and  conspicu- 
ous. The  account  given  by  Fabian,  and  generally  received 
by  modem  historians,  is,  that  Sir  Piers  Exton,  with  eight  at- 
tendauts.  coming  to  Ponte.fvact  castle,  where  the  unfortunate 


868  HISTORY  or  England. 

monarch  was  confined,  Richard  no  sooner  saw  him 
'  enter,  than  considering  himself  as  a  lost  man,  he 
resolved  to  sell  his  life  as  dearly  as  possible,  and  wresting  a 
poll-ax  from  one  of  the  assassins,  laid  four  of  them  dead  at 
]ii«  feet ;  but  being  overpowered,  he  was  at  length  killed  by 
a  blow  of  a  battle-axe.  But  Stowe  says  that  he  was  kept 
for  fifteen  days  without  victuals  or  drink,  till  he  died  of  hun- 
ger and  cold.  Polydor  Virgil  also  affirms  that  he  was  starved 
to  death.  And  Hector  Boethius  has  attempted  to  persuade 
the  world  that  he  made  his  escape  into  .Scotland,  where  he 
gave  himself  up  to  a  contemplative  life,  and  died  in  peaceful 
obscurity  !  ! !  Such  are  the  uncertain  accounts  of  historians, 
of  which  this  is  far  from  being  an  uncommon  instance.* 

These  commotions  encouraged  the  Scots  to  break  the 
truce  that  subsisted  between  the  two  kingdoms ;  and  a  series 
of  hostilities  ensued,  which,  however,  produced  no  important 
result.  The  AVelsh,  at  the  same  time,  considered  this  as  a 
favourable  juncture  for  recovering  their  independence.  Owen 
Glendour,  whose  name  is  yet  famous  in  Wales,  inspired  them 
with  the  design,  and  put  himself  at  their  head.  This  man, 
thong  only  a  private  gentleman,  possessed  every  qualifica- 
tion requisite  for  such  an  undertaking,  if  forces  so  inconsid- 
erable as  those  of  the  Welsh  could  have  afforded  any  hopes 
of  success.  Notwithstanding  the  inferiority  of  his  means, 
he  gained  several  victories,  which  could  procure  him  only  a 
temporary  triumph  without  any  lasting  advantage.  In  the 
north  the  English  armies  were  successful.  The  Scots  having 
invaded  England,  the  earl   of  Northumberland,  with  Henry 

Hotspur  his  son,  defeated  them  with  great  slaugh- 
A^D^1402    ^^^  ^'  Halidown  Hill.f     According  to  the  general 

accounts  ten  thousand  Scots   fell  in   this  battle  j 

*  Some  English  historians  say  that  Charles  VI.  king  of  France,  made 
vast  preparations  for  invading  England,  in  order  to  restore  Richard  to 
his  throne.     But  none  of  the  French  historians  mention  any  such  design, 

any  such  preparations.     It  is  certain  that  Henry  pretended  to  appre- 
hend an  invasion  from  France ;  but  it  seems  to  have  been  only  .1  device 
of  his  policy  for  amusing  the  people,  and  reconclluig  them  to  the  death 
of  Richard  as  a  necessary  measui"e 
Vide  Buchaa.  Hist.  lib.  10. 


HE>fRY   IV.  369 

and  their  general,  the  earl  of  Douglas^  ivilli  many  other  lord* 
and  officers  of  distinction  were  made  prisoners. 

This  victory,  in  appearance  so  advantageous  to  Henry, 
gave  rise  to  a  quarrel  which  threatened  the  subversion  of  his 
throne.  He  required  that  the  persons  of  quality  taken  at 
Halidown  Hill  should  be  at  his  own  disposal ;  but  the  earl  of 
Northumberland,  who  expected  large  sums  for  their  ransom, 
refused  to  deliver  up  his  prisoners.  This  nobleman  had  con- 
tributed, more  than  any  other,  to  place  Henry  on  the  throne, 
and  he  considered  himself  as  able  to  hurl  him  from  that  ele» 
vated  station.  He  therefore  projected  a  scheme,  in  which 
the  Scots  and  the  Welsh  were  to  combine  and  assist  him  with 
their  forces  in  placing  Mortimer,  earl  of  March,  on  the  Eng- 
lish throne.  The  proper  measures  being  taken  with  Owen 
Glendour  and  the  Scots,  the  confederates  appeared  in  arms 
before  the  king  was  apprized  of  their  design.  Henry  hav- 
ing an  army  in  readiness,  immediately  put  himself  at  its  head. 
The  carl  of  Northumberland  falling  sick  at  that  juncture, 
his  brother  and  son  marched  to  join  the  Welsh  army  which 
had  entered  Shropshire.  The  king,  in  the  meanwhile,  put 
his  troops  in  motion,  and  advanced  against  the  confederates, 
M'ho  were  encamped  near  Shrewsbury.  At  that  place  the 
contest  was  decided  by  a  bloody  battle,  in  the  beginning  of 
which  the  rebels  had  greatly  the  advantage.  The  king  had 
his  horse  killed  under  him,  and  his  son,  the  prince  of  Wales, 
was  wounded  in  fighting  by  his  side ;  but  by  seasonably  call- 
ing in  his  body  of  reserve,  he  changed  the  fate  of 
j^  "jj  J4Q3  the  day,  and  gained  a  complete  victory.  Henry 
Percy,  surnamed  Hotspur,  son  of  the  earl  of  North- 
umberland, and  reputed  the  bravest  man  at  that  time  in 
England,  was  slain  in  the  battle ;  and  his  four  quarters  were, 
by  the  king's  command,  fixed  on  poles,  and  exposed  at  the 
side  of  the  highway.  The  earl  of  Worcester,  being  made 
prisoner,  was  beheaded,  and  his  head  was  placed  on  London 
bridge. 

Henry  had  no  sooner  obtained  this  signal  success,  than  he 

marched  towards  the  northern  counties,  which  he  considered 

as  the  focus  of  the  rebellion.     On  his  arrival  at  York,  he 

look  every  possible  means  to  secure  the  fidelity  of  the  inh^b*' 

ebb 


370  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

itants ;  and  being  desirous  of  terminating  this  tronbleson>« 
affair,  he  ottered  a  full  pardon  to  the  earl  of  Northumber- 
land, on  condition  that  he  should  submit,  annexing  a  dreadful 
menace  in  case  he  should  persist  in  opposing  his  sovereign. 
The  earl  having  heard  of  the  death  of  his  son  and  his  broth- 
er, and  seeing  himself  Avithout  any  other  resource,  gladlj  ac- 
cepted the  oftered  favour.*  But  it  was  not  long  before  his 
restless  disposition  caused  his  ruin. 

This  rebellion  was  scarcely  extinguished  before  another 
broke  out.  Richard  Scrope,  archbishop  of  York,  engaged 
several  lords  in  a  confederacy  for  dethroning  the  king.  The 
earl  of  Northumberland,  notwithstanding  his  late  pardon,  to- 
gether with  Thomas  Mowbray,  earl  marshal,  the  lords  Bar- 
dolph,  Hastings,  Fauconbridge,  and  several  other  lords  and 
gentlemen,  entered  into  the  plot,  and  assembled  a  very  consid- 
erable army  at  York,  the  place  appointed  for  their  general 
rendezvous,  where  they  published  a  manifesto  against  the 
king,  and  posted  it  upon  the  doors  of  the  churclies.f 

Some  time  before  the  king  received  intelligence  of  this 
new  revolt,  he  had  dispatched  a  body  of  troops  under  the 
command  of  Ralph  Neville,  earl  of  AVestmoreland,  to  oppose 
the  Scots,  who  seemed  inclined  to  recommence  hostilities. 
The  earl  was  near  York  when  he  first  heard  of  the  insur- 
rection ;  but  finding  his  force  not  sufficiently  numerous  to 
cope  with  the  rebels,  he  resolved  to  have  recourse  to  strata- 
gem. In  cflis  view  he  sent  a  messenger  to  their  chiefs,  to  in- 
form them  that  as  he  was  so  well  convinced  of  their  prudence, 
as  not  to  doubt  but  the  object  of  their  taking  arms  was  for 
the  public  good,  he  desired  to  be  acquainted  with  their  designs. 
The  confederates  imagining  that  his  loyalty  was  already 
shaken,  returned  a  favourable  answer.  A  negociation  com- 
menced ;  and  the  earl  of  Westmoreland,  pretending  an  in- 
clination to  join  tliem,  acted  his  part  with  so  profound  a  dis- 
simulation, as  to  allure  the  archbishop  and  the  earl  marshal 

*  The  king  left  him  all  his  estates,  except  the  Isle  of  Man,  which  he 
bad  given  him  in  tlie  commencement  of  his  reign. 

f  The  motive  assigned  for  this  rebellion  of  the  archbishop,  was  a  de- 
sire of  avenging  the  death  of  Richard  II.  by][\vliom  he  had  been  promoted 
to  tlie  see  of  York.    Tlapin  1.  p.  496. 


HENRY    IV.  ST't 

to  an  interview,  where,  by  his  dexterous  management,  these 
two  chiefs  of  the  rebellion  were  seized  and  conducted  to  the 
royal  army.  This  transaction  threw  the  rebels  into  such  con- 
sternation, that  the  earl  of  Northumberland  was  deserted  by 
his  troops,  and  obliged  to  fly  for  refuge  to  Berwick,  of  which 
place  he  was  governor.  Henry  coming  soon  after  to  Ponte- 
fract,  the  archbishop  and  the  earl  marshal  were  condemned 
to  death,  and  publicly  beheaded.  The  archbishop  suffered 
with  great  fortitude,  and  was  honoured  by  the  people  as  a 
martyr,  till  the  king,  by  his  authority,  put  a  stop  to  their  su- 
perstition. From  Pontefract  the  king  went  to  York,  and 
punished  the  inhabitants  with  the  loss  of  their  municipal 
privileges.  Advancing  further  north,  he  took  prisoners  the 
lords  Hastings  and  Fauconbridge,  who  met  with  the  same  fate 
as  the  archbishop  and  the  earl  marshal.  On  his  approach, 
the  earl  of  Northumberland  and  lord  Bardolph  fled  into 
Scotland.  And  Henry,  after  making  himself  master  of  Ber- 
wick, returned  to  London. 

The  king,  however,  was  not  without  apprehensions  of  soon- 
er or  later  losing  his  crown.  He  could  not  be  easy  while  the 
earl  of  Northumberland,  whose  interest  was  so  powerful  in 
the  north,  enjoyed  an  asylum  in  Scotland.  He  therefore  en- 
deavoured by  a  secret  negoeiation  to  get  that  nobleman  and 
lord  Bardolph  into  his  hands.  For  this  purpose  he  made  an 
offer  to  several  Scotch  lords,  whose  relatives  and  friends  were 
prisoners  in  England,  to  release  them  without  ransom,  on  con- 
dition that  they  should  deliver  up  his  two  rebel  subjects.  The 
proposal  was  gladly  received ;  but  the  earl  of  Northumber- 
land and  lord  Bardolph  being  apprized  of  the  business,  re- 
tired into  Wales,  and  placed  themselves  under  the  protection 
of  Owen  Glendour. 

From  that  period  the  two  English  fugitives  were  employed 
jointly  with  Glendour,  in  forming  projects  for  dethroning 
Henry.  The  Welsh  made  great  preparations,  and  strength- 
ened their  army  with  numbers  of  French  and  Flemish  adven- 
turers, who  were  allured  by  the  promise  of  great  booty  in 
England.  The  earl  of  Northumberland,  at  the  same  time, 
had  secured  the  assistance  of  the  people  in  the  north ;  and 
as  soon  as  matters  were  ripe,  he  and  Bardolph  returned  pri 


SyS  HISTORY  OF  ENGL\ND. 

vately  to  Scotland,  from  whence  they  entered  England  at  the 
head  of  some  Scotch  troops,  levied  with  the  connivance  of 
the  duke  of  Albany,  regent  of  the  kingdom.  On  their  ap- 
pearance in  Northumberland,  wlicre  the  people  were  already 
gained,  such  numbers  flocked  to  their  standard,  that  their 
array  soon  beeame  considerable. 

The  king  not  being  prepared  to  repel  this  sudden  and  un- 
expected aliack,  the  earl  of  iSorthuniberland  retook  several 
of  his  castles,  and  advanced  into  Yorkshire,  as  the  possession 
of  that  county  was  necessary  to  enable  liim  to  form  a  junc- 
tion with  the  Welsh.  In  the  mean  while  Sir  Thomas  Rokeby, 
sheriff  of  York,  had  levied  some  troops  to  ojipose  the  pro- 
gress of  the  rebels.  The  earl  of  NorthumLerhiiul  thinking  it 
to  be  of  the  utmost  importance  to  disperse  this  body  'before  it 
could  receive  reinforcements,  marched  to  tlic  attack,  and  flat- 
tered himself  with  the  hope  of  an  easy  victory.  But  the 
event  proved  contrary  to  his  expectation.  The 
j^^jj*  j^^Qj^'sherift',  notwithstantJing  ilie  infiirioriiy  of  his  force, 
totally  defeated  the  rebels.  I'he  earl  of  Northum^ 
berland  was  killed  in  the  battle,  and  lord  Bardolph  being 
made  prisoner,  died  soon  after  of  his  woi-nds.  Their  heads 
were  sent  to  the  king,  and  placed  upon  London  bridge.  Sev^ 
eral  others  were  executed  at  York,  and  some  were  suffered  to» 
redeem  their  lives  with  money.  Thus  fell  that  restless  baron 
the  earl  of  Northumberland,  who  had  been  the  chief  instru- 
ment in  placing  Henry  on  the  throne  ;  but  whose  repeated  re- 
volts embittered  the  reign  of  that  monarch,  and  terminated 
in  his  own  destruction. 

After  the  suppression  of  this  rebellion,  the  revolt  of  the 
Welsh  subsided  by  degrees.  The  people  deserted  their  lea- 
der and  submitted  to  Henry.  The  affairs  of  Wales  were 
finally  settled  by  a  general  pardon,  which  the 
AD  1411  ^"'S  granted  to  all  his  subjects  except  Owen  Glen- 
dour,  and  those  who  still  adhered  to  his  cause.* 
This  celebrated  chief  found  means  to  avoid  the  vengeance 
of  his  enemies  :  he  passed  the  residue  of  his  days  in  some 
concealed  retreat,  and  the  time  of  his  death  is  unknown. 

*  Bym.  Feed.  Tom.  8.  p.  711. 


HENRY    IV.  373 

During  the  time  that  Henry  reigned,  England  cannot  be 
said  to  hare  been  either  at  war  or  at  peace  with  France.  The 
truce  of  twenty-eight  years,  which  Richard  II.  concluded 
with  Charles  VI.  was  alternately  infringed  and  renewed.  On 
every  occasion  the  French  supported  the  Welsh  in  their  re- 
volt, and  several  vassals  of  the  crown  of  France,  as  the 
dukes  of  Burgundy,  Orleans,  and  others  not  only  attacked,  at 
difterent  times,  (he  dominions  of  Henry,  but  even  insulted  his 
person.  The  duke  of  Orleans  in  particular  sent  him  a  chal- 
lenge to  fight  in  single  combat,  branding  him  with  the  oppro- 
brious names  of  traitor,  usurper,  and  regicide,  to  which  he 
replied  by  charging  the  duke  with  sorcery.  It  would  be  an 
endless  task  to  enumerate  all  the  negociations  and  trifling  ex- 
peditions of  those  times,  in  which  the  French  and  the  English 
Bations  were  almost  constantly  engaged  in  a  kind  of  predato- 
ry warfare  without  the  consent  or  at  least  the  command  of 
their  sovereigns.  But  these  petty  and  unimportant  transac- 
tions, which  could  not  effect  any  alteration  or  transfer  of  pow- 
er, nor  serve  to  display  political  or  military  talents,  scarcely 
merit  a  place  in  the  chronicles  of  a  kingdom.  The  weak 
and  disorderly  government  of  Charles  VI.  who  laboured  un- 
der a  kind  of  mental  derangement,  was  neither  calculated 
for  maintaining  peace  nor  for  carrying  on  war  ;  and  Henry 
carefully  avoided  foreign  hostilities  in  order  to  be  always  pre- 
pared for  the  suppression  of  domestic  revolt,  a  demon  by 
which  his  reign  was  perpetually  infested.  For  this  reason  he 
saw  it  necessary  to  overlook  the  insults  of  the  French  rather 
than  engage  in  a  war,  which  might  furnish  the  malcontents 
of  his  kingdom  with  the  opportunity  of  executing  their  designs. 
Henry,  indeed,  seems  to  have  always  dreaded  some  mischief 
from  France,  till  the  troubles  which  agitated  that  kingdom, 
and  the  mutual  animosity  of  the  two  great  factions  of  Orleans 
and  Burgundy,  delivered  him  from  his  apprehensions. 

Having  now  surmounted  all  his  difficulties,  he 
A  D  1412  • 

enjoyed  a  profound  tranquillity,  such  as  he  had  not 

before  experienced  since  his  accession.  The  Welsh  were 
brought  to  submission  :  the  Scots  were  desirous  of  continuing 
the  truce  :  he  had  nothing  to  fear  from  France ;  and  the  prin- 
cipal malcontents  of  his  kingdom  had  perished  in  the  field  or 


374>  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

on  the  scaffold.  During  this  calm  the  king  endeavoured  to  ef* 
face  the  impressions  which  his  severity  had  made  on  the  minds 
of  the  people,  by  affecting  a  sincere  regard  for  their  welfare. 
But  while  he  thus  laboured  to  retrieve  his  reputation,  his 
«on,  the  prince  of  Wales,  was  by  his  debaucliery  incurring 
the  public  aversion.  He  was  constantly  surrounded  by  profli- 
gates, who  allured  him  into  the  most  riotous  and  extravagant 
excessess.  The  king  was  extremely  mortified  at  the  degenp- 
racy  of  a  son,  who  had  already  exhibited  proofs  of  noble  and 
luanly  qualities,  which  he  now  seemed  to  renounce ;  and  the 
whole  nation  observing  the  licentious  conduct  of  a  prince 
who  was  one  day  to  sit  on  the  throne,  eould  not  fail  of  dread- 
ing  the  consequences.  In  the  midst  of  bis  excesses,  however, 
the  nobleness  of  his  heart  seemed,  at  intervals,  to  imerge 
from  the  gulph  in  which  it  was  plunged.  One  of  his  domes- 
tics being  tried  for  a  misdemeanor  and  condemned,  although 
he  had  used  all  his  interest  in  his  favour,  the  prince  was  so 
exasperated  that  he  struck  the  judge  on  the  bench.  This 
magistrate,  whose  name  was  Sir  W.  Gascoigne,  behaving 
with  a  dignity  becoming  his  office,  ordered  the  prince  to  be 
instantly  seized  and  committed  to  prison.  The  prince  at  the 
same  time  repenting  of  this  intemperate  sally  of  passion, 
quietly  submitted  to  the  order  of  the  judge,  and  suffered  him- 
self to  be  conducted  to  prison  without  ottering  any  resistance.* 
The  courage  of  tlic  judge  and  the  moderation  of  the  prince 
were  equally  pleasing  to  the  king;  and  from  this  time  the 
nation  began  to  indulge  a  hope  that  the  native  virtues  of  the 
heir  apparent  would,  in  time,  rise  superior  to  the  eiieets  of 
flattery  and  ill  example. 

The  next  year,  Henry  was  attacked  by  a  disteni- 
■  ■  '^'  per  which,  in  three  months,  brought  him  to  his  end. 
But  not  imagining  that  his  dissolution  was  so  near,  he  resolv- 
ed to  undertake  a  croisade  for  the  deliverajice  of  Jerusalem 
from  the  power  of  tlie  Mahommedans,  and  was  beginning  to 
make  preparations  for  that  expedition,  when  his  increasing 
disease  obliged  him  to  think  of  a  journey  of  greater  impor- 
tance.    He  had  lived  in  constant  apprehension  of  being  dc- 

*  Stowe's  Ann.  p.  342. 


HENRY  lY.  S75 

ihroned,  and  as  his  constitution  decayed,  his  fear  of  losing  the 
tjrovvn  increased  even  to  a  childish  anxiety.  Every  time  that 
he  lay  down  to  sleep,  he  caused  the  royal  diadem  to  be  placed 
under  his  pillow,  lest  it  should  be  seized  before  he  was  dead. 
One  day  being  in  so  violent  a  paroxism,  that  he  was  supposed 
to  have  resigned  his  last  breath,  the  prince  of  Wales  tookthi^ 
crown  and  carried  it  away.  The  king,  on  recovering  his 
senses,  immediately  missed  it,  and  being  informed  that  the 
prince,  his  son,  had  taken  it  away,  asked  him  if  he  designed 
to  rob  him  of  his  dignity  before  his  death.  The  prince  re- 
plied, that  he  had  never  any  such  intention  ;  but  that  bolitv- 
ing  him  to  be  dead,  he  had  taken  the  crown  as  his  lawful 
inheritance,  adding,  that  as  he  was  yet  alive,  he  restored  it 
with  niucli  greater  pleasure,  and  besought  the  Almighty  to 
grant  him  many  happy  days  to  enjoy  it  in  peace.  He  then 
replaced  the  crown  on  the  pillow  and  received  his  father's 
blessing. 

Tlie  king  being  seized  w ith  a  violent  fit  while  he  was  at 
his  devotions  before  the  shrine  of  St.  Edward,  in  Westmin- 
ster Abbey,  was  carried  to  the  lodgings  of  the  abbot,  and 
placed  in  a  chamber  called  Jerusalem.  On  recovering  his 
senses  and  speech,  he  inquired  where  he  was  :  on  being  told 
the  name  of  the  chamber,  he  called  to  mind  a  prediction 
w  hich  said  that  he  should  die  in  Jerusalem,  and,  concluding 
that  its  fulfilment  was  at  hand,  he  began  immediately  to  pre- 
pare for  his  approaching  dissolution.  Before  he  expired  ht'; 
sent  for  the  prince  of  Wales,  and  gave  him  some  excellent 
instructions,  among  which  he  could  not  forbear  shew  ing  some 
doubts  concerning  his  right  to  the  throne.  The  prince  an- 
swered that  being  his  lawful  heir,  he  shouhl  endeavour  to 
keep  the  crown  by  the  same  methods  that  he  had  used  for 
preserving  it  during  his  life.  The  king  said  notliing  more 
except  that  he  recommended  him  to  the  protection  of  heaven, 
and  a  few  moments  after  expired,  in  the  forty- 
A^D  1413'^'^^'^  y^*^^  of  his  age,  and  the  fourteenth  of  a 
troublesome  reign. 

The  most  distinguished  qualities  that  appear  in  the  charac- 
ter of  Henry  IV.  are  the  prudence  and  vigour  by  which  he 
prtsjcrved  a  crown  acquired  in  a  way  not  universally  approved. 


876  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND, 

On  several  occasions,  but  particularly  at  the  battle  of  Shrews* 
bury,  lie  exhibited  indisputable  proofs  of  valour  and  martial 
abilities.  If  he  suffered  many  insults  from  foreigners  with- 
out shewing  a  proper  resentment,  his  conduct,  in  this  respect, 
may  be  justly  attributed  to  his  critical  situation,  constantly 
exposed  to  the  malevolence  of  domestic  enemies.  Indeed  he 
employed  all  his  thoughts  on  the  means  of  preserving  his 
crown,  and  avoiding  every  measure  by  which  it  might  be  en- 
dangered. This  was  the  main  spring  of  all  his  actions  and 
the  source  of  all  his  virtues  and  vices.  His  seizure  of  the 
crown  being  sanctioned  by  the  parliament  can  scarcely  be 
called  an  usurpation  ;  but  the  death  of  his  predecessor,  Rich- 
ard II.  is  an  indelible  stain  on  his  memory. 

The  history  of  this  reign  shews  that  a  very  great  change 
had  taken  place  in  the  balance  of  power,  between  the  crown 
and  the  aristocracy,  since  the  times  of  Henry  III.  Previous 
to  the  accession  of  Edward  I.  the  barons  were  often  taken  in 
open  rebellion,  and  generally  pardoned.  But  in  the  reign  of 
Henry  IV.  rebels,  how  high  soever  their  rank,  if  taken,  were 
doomed  to  suffer  the  utmost  severity  of  the  law,  a  circum- 
stance which  shews  how  much  the  baronial  power  had  sunk 
in  the  course  of  little  more  than  a  century.  This  revolution 
of  power,  however,  was  natural,  and  its  causes  are  obvious. 
As  the  people  had  begun  to  share  the  government  with  the 
nobles,  the  king  was  fixed  on  to  hold  the  balance  between  the 
aristoeratical  and  popular  powers  ;  and  both  parties,  through 
their  jealousy  of  each  other,  concured  to  aggrandize  his 
authority.  In  many  respects  this  reign  was  beneficial  to  Eng- 
land. The  government  assumed  a  form  of  greater  regulari- 
ty and  liberty  than  it  had  formerly  possessed,  justice  was 
adminstered  with  greater  impartiality,  and  the  distinction 
between  the  nobility  and  the  people  daily  diminished. 

But  if  the  reign  of  Henry  IV.  was  favourable  to  the  civil 
rights  of  his  subjects  it  was  an  inauspicious  period  to  their 
religious  liberties.  The  influence  of  the  church  and  the 
veneration  in  which  it  was  held  by  the  people  was  no  longer 
the  same  as  it  had  been  some  centuries  ago.  In  England  es- 
pecially religious  ideas  had  undergone  a  considerable  altera- 
tion. During  the  reign  of  Edward  III.  the  doctrines  of  Wick- 


HENRY  IV.  syy 

lifte  had  beeui  greatly  diffused,  and  the  support  of  the  duke 
of  Lancaster  had  contributed  to  render  them  respectable. 
They  were  still  more  disseminated  in  the  reign  of  Richard  II. 
and  that  prince,  in  conjunction  with  the  clergy,  took  some 
ineffectual  measures  for  their  suppression  by  the  imprison- 
ment of  their  professors.  But  as  the  penalty  proved  insuffi- 
cient to  check  the  pretended  evil,  no  sooner  was  Henry  IV. 
on  the  throne  than  the  clergy  rung  the  alarm  that  the  church 
was  in  danger,  the  constant  cry  of  religious  bigotry  and  inter- 
ested policy.  Henry  desirous  of  gaining  the  affections  of  the 
ecclesiastics,  readily  adopted  their  favourite  maxim,  that  no- 
thing but  temporal  flames  could  save  heretics  from  eternal 
damnation.  He  earnestly  recommended  to  his  parliament  the 
extirpation  of  heresy,  and  although  the  Commons  were  averse 
to  persecution,  the  credit  of  the  court  and  the  cabals  of  the 
clergy  obtained  an  act  which  condemned  to  the  flames  all  ob- 
stinate dissenters.  But  the  popular  veneration  for  the  church 
was  greatly  diminished,  and  the  vices  of  the  ecclesiastics  had 
drawn  upon  them  the  public  contempt.  .The  Commons  re- 
peatedly petitioned  the  king  to  lessen  the  revenues  of  the 
church,  which  were  considered  as  excessive,  and  attempted  to 
procure  a  repeal  of  the  statute  against  heresy.*  But  their 
influence  was  overbalanced  by  that  of  the  royal  bigot  and  the 
clergy  :  The  sanguinary  law  was  carried  into  rigorous  exe- 
cution ;  and  Henry  IV.  is  infamously  distinguished  in  history 
as  the  first  English  monarch  that  burned  the  bodies  of  his 
subjects  for  the  benefit  of  their  souls. 

•  Speed,  p.  619.     Rapin  %.  p,  500. 


c  e  c 


37'8 


HENRY  V. 


Henry  IV.  had  lived  unbeloved  aud  he  died  unlaiucuted. 
The  clergy  aloue  regretted  his  death,  as  uuder  his  govern- 
ment they  had  always  found  protection  and  favour.  But  the 
whole  nation  testified  its  joy  at  the  accession  of  his  son,  who 
although  his  reputation  had  suft'ered  by  the  extravagances  of 
his  youth,  had,  on  many  occasions,  given  such  proofs  of  a 
noble  aud  generous  mind  as  encouraged  his  subjects  to  expect 
a  reformation  in  his  conduct. 

The  hopes  of  the  public  >vere  not  disappointed. 
A.^'  1413.  ^'^'^''y  ^'  ^^'^s  crowned  amidst  the  acclamations  of 
the  people ;  and  his  first  measures  exhibited  a  proof 
•that  he  had  adopted  maxims  very  diflferent  from  those  which 
he  had  seemed  to  entertain  before  his  accession.  Calling  be- 
fore him  his  former  companions,  he  exhorted  them  to  leave  oflf 
their  dissolute  course  of  life,  and  dismissing  them  with  libe- 
ral presents,  commanded  them  not  to  come  near  the  court  un- 
til their  conduct  evinced  a  thorough  reformation.  In  the  next 
place  he  chose  for  his  council  persons  of  known  abilities  and 
reputation.  He  appointed  judges  who,  to  a  knowledge  of  the 
law,  united  an  unimpeachable  integrity,  and  extended  the 
same  care  to  the  choice  of  inferior  magistrates. 

Having  thus  given  proofs  of  his  wisdom,  the  young  king 
was  desirous  of  displaying  his  zeal  for  religion.  Here  the 
bigotry  of  the  age  and  the  attention  of  the  clergy  to  their 
temporal  interests  exei'ted  their  malignant  influence.  The 
piety  of  these  times  had  degenerated  into  superstition  and 
cruelty ;  and  the  persecution  of  heretics  was  considered  as 
the  best  proof  of  a  desire  to  promote  the  glory  of  God. 
Henry's  condescension  to  the  clergy  induced  him  to  carry  into 


HENRY   V.  379 

f 

strict  execution  the  rigorous  laws  enacted  against  the  Lol- 
lards, or  followers  of  Wicklifle  ;  and  he  forbad  any  of  hi» 
subjects  to  attend  at  their  preachings  under  the  penalty  of 
imprisonment  and  confiscation  of  property.  Among  those  who 
fell  martyrs,  to  what  they  considered  as  the  cause  of  truth, 
was  Sir  John  Oidcastle,  baron  of  Cobham,  who  was  esteem- 
ed the  most  considerable  person  of  the  sect,  being  the  king's 
domestic  and  standing  high  in  his  favour.  Tbe  king  him- 
self undertook  his  conversion,  but  finding  him  immoveable  he 
commanded,  or  at  least  permitted,  the  arehbisliop  of  Canter- 
bury to  bring  him  to  trial,  in  the  persuasion  that  nothing  but 
fire  and  faggot  could  save  the  soul  of  a  heretic.  Oldcastle 
being  summoned  to  appear  before  the  ecclesiastical  court, 
slighted  the  citation ;  and  the  king  ordered  him  to  be  appre- 
hended and  committed  to  the  Tower.  On  being  brought  be- 
fore the  archbishop,  and  refusing  to  recant,  he  m  as  pronoun- 
ced an  incorrigible  heretic,  and  delivered  over  to  the  secular 
power.  His  execution  would  have  immediately  followed  his 
sentence,  if  by  the  help  of  his  friends  or  the  carelessness  of 
his  guards  he  had  not  found  means  to  escape.  Having  con- 
cealed himself  for  some  time  in  Wales,  he  was  taken  about 
four  years  afterwards  and  conducted  to  London,  where  he 
was  executed  in  the  most  barbarous  manner,  being  hung  up 
by  the  middle  and  roasted  against  a  fire.*  Never  did  the 
cruelty  of  man  invent,  nor  the  greatest  crimes  draw  down  on 
the  head  of  any  delinquent  a  more  dreadful  punishment  than 
this  nobleman  was  made  to  suft'er,  for  making  use  of  his  own 
understanding  in  regard  to  the  concerns  of  his  soul,  instead 
of  being  guided  by  the  authority  of  the  church  and  the 
creeds  and  councils  of  former  days. 

The  great  affair  of  Henry's  reign,  and  that  which  has 
given  a  distinguished  lustre  to  his  memory,  was  his  expedi- 
tion to  France.  That  kingdom  had  long  been  agitated  by 
desperate  factions.  Charles  VI.  whose  intellectual  derange- 
ment has  already  been  mentioned,  was,  by  the  frequent  re- 
turns of  his  disorder,  rendered  for  a  great  part  of  his  time 
incapable  of  superintending  the  business  of  government ;  and 

•  He  was  executed  in  the  year  1417. 


380  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

during  his  fits  of  insanity,  the  ambition  of  his  vassals  and 
courtiers  had  room  for  exertion.  So  early  as  the  year  1400, 
the  houses  of  Orleans  and  Burgundy  began  their  contest* 
for  the  administration.  On  the  23d  November,  1407,  the 
duke  of  Orleans  was  assassinated  in  the  streets  of  Paris  by 
order  of  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  who  had  seized  the  reins  of 
government.  He  left  tnree  sons  to  revenge  his  death  and 
revive  his  party.  The  Dauphin,  a  youth  of  licentious  mor- 
als, and  without  experience,  was  advised  to  claim  the  regency 
during  his  father's  indisposition.  In  this  view  he  found 
means  to  sieze  the  Bastile,  of  which  he  was  soon  dispossessed 
hy  the  partisans  of  his  father-in-law,  the  duke  of  Burgundy, 
and  was  kept  confined  in  the  hotel  of  St.  Paul.  Finding 
himself  thus  checked  by  the  Parisians,  and  his  interest  over- 
powered by  that  of  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  he  called  in  the 
aid  of  the  Orleans  faction,  at  the  head  of  which  were  the 
dukes  of  Orleans,  Berry,  Bourbon,  and  Alencon.  The  duke 
of  Burgundy,  dreading  the  eiForts  of  so  powerful  a  party, 
began  to  think  of  securing,  in  case  of  need,  the  assistance  of 
England,  and  sent,  as  earl  of  Flanders,  an  embassy  to  Lon- 
don, under  the  pretext  of  renewing  a  treaty  of  commerce 
between  the  Flemings  and  the  English ;  but,  in  fact,  to  nego- 
ciate  a  political  alliance. 

This  convulsed  state  of  affairs  in  France  presented  to 
Henry  a  favourable  opportunity  for  reviving  the  claims  of 
Edward  III.  to  the  crown  of  that  kingdom,  or  at  least  of 
recovering  the  provinces  which  England  had  lost  since  the 
peace  of  Bretigny.  He  endeavoured  at  the  first  to  accom- 
plish his  aim  by  negociation.  His  ambassadors  opened  the 
business  by  demanding  the  whole  kingdom  of  France  for 
their  master,  as  heir  of  Edward  III.  But  they  immediately 
lowered  their  demands  to  the  possession  of  Normandy,  Anjou, 
Maine,  Touraine,  and  Guienne,  of  all  the  territory  ceded  to 
England  by  the  treaty  of  Bretigny,  all  the  country  possessed 
by  France,  between  the  Somme  and  Gravelines,  to  hold  in  full 
sovereignty  ;  and  they  also  demanded  for  Henry  the  right  of 
sovereignty  over  the  earldom  of  Flanders  and  the  duchy  of 
Bretagne. 

These  negoeiations  consumed  much  time  without  producing 


HENRY   V.  381 

any  efteet.  In  the  meanwhile  the  factions  of  the  FrenoU 
court  continued  to  display  their  mutual  animosity  :  each  of 
these,  as  they  chanced  to  prevail,  branded  the  others  with 
the  names  of  rebels  and  traitors,  and  the  gibbets  were  at  once 
hung  with  the  bodies  of  the  accusers  and  the  accused.  While 
such  was  the  state  of  France,  Henry  resolved  to  take  advan- 
tage of  the  divisions  which  agitated  that  kingdom  ;  and  the 
jealousies  which  subsisted  between  the  clergy  and  laity  in 
England,  contributed  in  no  small  degree  to  promote  his  de- 
signs. 

During  the  last  reign  the  Commons  had,  as  already  obser- 
ved, ineftectually  attempted  to  diminish  the  ecclesiastical 
revenues.  The  clergy  artfully  confounding  their  own  inter- 
ests with  the  cause  of  religion,  had  intimated  to  the  king 
that  such  a  proposal  could  proceed  only  from  heretics,  and 
branded  the  members  of  the  House  of  Commons  with  that 
opprobrious  name.  This  representation  induced  Henry  IV. 
ivho  imagined  that  religion  itself  must  stand  or  fall  w  ith  the 
prosperity  of  the  clergy,  to  oppose  the  measure  with  all  his 
authority  ;  and  the  influence  of  the  court  was  so  powerful  as 
to  occasion  its  failure.  The  diminution  of  the  wealth  of  the 
church  continued  to  be  a  favourite  object  with  the  people  ; 
and  at  the  period  noAv  under  consideration,  a  redoubled  ener- 
gy was  displayed  for  its  attainment.  The  parlia- 
■  ment  undertook  the  afiair  with  alacrity ;  and  in 
order  to  avoid  the  imputation  of  heresy,  began  with  reviving 
and  even  increasing  the  statutes  enacted  against  the  Wick- 
litlites,  and  all  other  dissenters  from  the  established  church. 
An  act  was  passed  by  the  two  houses,  that  all  the  magistrates 
of  the  kingdom,  from  the  lord  chancellor  down  to  the  mean- 
est oflicer,  should  bind  themselves  by  an  oath,  to  use  their 
utmost  exertions  to  extirpate  heresy.  By  another  statute  it 
was  enacted,  that  all  persons  who  should  read  the  scriptures 
in  English,  should  forfeit  their  lands  and  goods,  and  be 
hanged  and  burned  as  heretics,  enemies  to  the  crown,  and 
traitors  to  the  kingdom,  and  that  they  should  not  have  the 
benefit  of  any  sanctuary.*     Thus  a  christian,  who  worship 

*  Vide  atittioriticB  quoted  byTitnTal.    Xotes  en  Rapin  1.  p.  5no. 


38®  HlSTOUy  OF  ENGLAND. 

ped  his  Maker  according  to  the  dictates  of  his  understan- 
ding and  conscience,  when  these  happened  to  disagree  with 
the  doctrines  of  the  established  church,  was  more  severely 
treated  than  a  robber  or  a  murderer.  Those  acts  were  no 
sooner  passed  than  a  rigorous  persecution  commenced.  Sev- 
eral of  the  Lollards  were  burned  alive,  and  many  left  the 
kingdom  to  escape  the  same  fate. 

These  bloody  statutes  were  extremely  pleasing  to  a  tyran- 
nical clergy,  who  now  considered  their  power  and  interests 
secured  against  the  attacks  of  all  heretical  opponents  :  and 
the  pulpits  every  where  resounded  the  praises  of  the  parlia- 
ment. But  they  knew  not  of  the  mischief  that  was  lurking. 
The  Commons  who  had  shewn  so  great  zeal  for  the  doctrines 
of  the  church,  were  still  desirous  of  diminishing  her  posses- 
sions. They  therefore  presented  an  address  to  the  king, 
representing  that  the  temporalities  of  the  church  would  suf- 
fice to  maintain  fifteen  earls,  fifteen  hundred  knights,  and  six 
thousand  two  hundred  esquires,  who  would  render  personal 
service  in  the  wars,  and  support  a  hundred  hospitals,  besides 
bringing  the  sum  of  twenty  thousand  marks  per  annum  into 
the  royal  treasury.  They  also  added  that  the  different  reli- 
gious houses  possessed  temporalities  sufficient  to  maintain 
fifteen  thousand  priests  and  clerks.*  This  project,  however, 
which  tended  so  greatly  to  increase  the  strength  of  the  aris- 
tocracy, shewed  that  the  Commons  were  not  very  profound 
politicians. 

The  clergy,  perceiving  their  ruin  to  be  inevitable,  unless 
they  could  avert  the  gathering  storm,  held  various  consulta- 
tions on  this  important  subject.  After  the  acts  which  had 
been  passed,  they  could  no  longer  allege  that  the  parliament 
was  tainted  with  heresy.  Something,  however,  was  neces- 
sary to  be  done,  and  after  many  debates  they  came  to  these' 
two  resolutions :  first,  to  dispossess  the  foreign  monasteries 
of  the  alien  priories  which  they  held  in  England,  and  to  vest 
them  in  the  crown ;  by  w'hich  measure  they  could  make  a 
valuable  addition  to  the  royal  treasury  without  resigning  any 

•  Tinaal'snotesonRapin,  1,  p,  509— Goodw,  H-st.  Hen.  V.  p.  42 


HENRY   V.  383 

thing  of  their  own  :*  secondly,  to  engage  the  king  in  a  for- 
eign war  that  might  divert  the  attention  of  parliament  from 
domestic  aifairs. 

In  pursuance  of  these  designs  the  achhishop  of  Canter- 
bury, who  undertook  the  management  of  the  business,  repre- 
sented to  the  king  that  the  proposal  of  the  parliament  was, 
in  its  nature  and  tendency,  disadvantageous  to  the  crown,  that 
the  intended  auguiciitation  of  the  number  and  wealth  of  the 
barons  would  increase  a  power,  which,  ever  since  the  founda- 
tion of  the  monarchy,  had  been  formidable  and  sometimes 
fatal  to  the  sovereigns,  that  the  multiplication  of  hospitals 
would  only  hold  out  an  encouragement  to  idleness,  that  the 
clergy,  being  desirous  of  giving  an  unequivocal  proof  of  their 
attachment,  intended  to  resign  tfic  alien  priories  to  the  crown, 
by  which  its  revenues  would  be  greatly  augmented,  as  the 
revenues  of  these  houses  would  be  entirely  at  the  king's  dis- 
posal. Henry  was  moved  by  these  arguments,  and  willingly 
accepted  an  offer  which  appeared  to  him  more  advantageous 
to  the  crown  than  the  measures  proposed  by  the  parliament; 
and  indeed  his  views  seem  in  every  respect  to  have  coincided 
with  those  of  the  clergy. 

Having  carried  this  point,  the  archbishop,  in  order  more 
effectually  to  divert  the  attention  of  the  Commons  from  the 
concerns  of  the  church,  nndertook  to  involve  the  nation  in  a 
war  with  France.  He  proposed  the  measure  in  full  parlia- 
ment, and  supported  it  by  an  able  and  artful  speech.  He  be* 
gan  with  insinuating  encomiums  on  the  virtues  of  the  king, 
declaring  him  worthy  to  wear  not  only  the  crown  of  England 
bu)  ihat  of  the  world.  He  asserted  that  Henry  had  a  just 
claim  not  only  to  the  provinces  which  had  formerly  belonged 
to  the  English  crown,  but  also  to  the  whole  kingdom  of  France 
as  heir  of  Edward  HI.  and  alleged  that  Pepin  I.  and  Hugh 
Capet  had  derived  from  females  iheir  right  to  the  throne. 
Not  contented  with  ransacking  the  history  of  France  for  ex- 
amples to  corroborate  his  arguments,  he  had  recourse  to  the 

•  The  alien  priories  were  those  which,  being  appendages  to  foreicm 
mcnasleries,  their  revenues  went  into  the  hands  of  foreign  ecclc^sia-^llcs, 
by  which  jjreat  sums  of  money  were  carried  out  of  the  kinErdom. 


384  HISTORY  OP  ENGLAND. 

aunals  of  the  Israelites,  and  adduced  the  case  of  the  daugh- 
ters of  Zelophehad  to  prove  the  salique  law  a  contradiction 
to  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  God.*  He  then  reminded  his 
auditors  that  the  successes  of  Edward  III.  and  his  son,  shew- 
ed tliat  heaven  had  sanctioned  their  cause,  and  asserted  that 
the  premature  death  of  the  black  prince  and  the  subsequent 
losses  of  the  English  were  only  a  punishment  for  the  sins  of 
the  nation.  He  exhibited  a  contrasted  view  of  the  flourish- 
ing state  of  England  and  the  anarchy  which  prevailed  in 
France,  and  expatiated  on  the  advantages  presented  by  such 
a.  juncture.  After  exhorting  the  king  to  exercise  the  great 
talents  bestowed  on  him  by  heaven,  in  improving  an  opportu- 
nity that  might  never  more  return,  and  to  prepare,  without 
delay,  for  so  just  and  glorious  a  conquest,  which  would  ren- 
der him  beyond  comparison  the  most  powerful  prince  of  Eu- 
rope, he  concluded  by  assuring  him,  that  if  he  would  immor- 
talize his  name  by  so  noble  an  enterprise,  the  clergy  would 
g^ive  him  a  larger  subsidy  than  had  ever  been  granted  to  any 
of  his  predecessors,  adding  that  he  did  not  doubt  but  the  laity 
would  follow  the  exanjple. 

Thus  did  (his  minister  of  the  gospel  of  peace  sound  the 
trumpet  of  war,  and  cause  nations  to  wallow  in  blood.  The 
speech  of  the  archbishop,  who  in  all  probability  acted  in 
concert  with  the  king,  made  so  general  an  impression,  that 
the  parliament  gave  its  full  approbation  to  the  measure,  and 
granted  a  liberal  subsidy  for  carrying  it  into  execution.  This 
perfectly  coincided  with  the  views  of  the  clergy :  the  bill  for 
curtailing  their  revenues  was  no  longer  thought  of;  other 
affairs  attracted  the  attention  of  the  house  :  the  ardour  of  the 
people  seconded  that  of  the  court  and  the  parliament ;  and 
the  general  cry  of  the  kingdom  was  for  the  extirpation  of 
heresy  and  the  conquest  of  France. 

The  remainder  of  this  and  a  great  part  of  the  following 
year  being  spent  in  fruitless  negociations,  in  which  both 
parties  only  souglit  to  gi^in  time,  Henry  prepared  for  his 
grand  expedition.     But  when  he  was  ready  to  embark  at 

*  It  lias,  however,  been  observed,  that  without  the  salique  law  Edwaid 
III.  could  not  have  had  any  pretensions  to  tlie  crown  of  France. 


HENRY    V.  385 

Southampton,  he  had  notice  of  a  conspiracy  formed  against 
him  by  the  earl  of  Cambridge,  Henry  Scrope,  lord  treasurer, 
and  Sir  Thomas  Grey,  a  knight  and  privy  counsellor.  Their 
object  was  to  place  the  earl  of  March  on  the  throne,  and  they 
are  said  to  have  been  bribed  by  France  ;  but  whatever  M'as 
their  motive,  tliey  confessed  their  guilt,  and  were  executed. 
The  kiiif;;  having  thus  suppressed  a  conspiracy,  which  might 
have  frustrated  his  views,  nothing  remained  to  occasion  any 
further  delay  to  his  embarkation. 

About  the  middle  of  August,  Henry  set  sail  with 
*  a  fleet  of  fifteen  hundred  transports,  on  board  of 

which  was  embarked  an  army  of  fifty  thousand  men,  and 
numbers  of  the  nobility.*  Having  landed  at  Havre  de  Grace, 
he  proceeded  to  Harfleur,  which  he  took  after  meeting  with  a 
vigourous  resistance ;  and  having  expelled  the  inhabitants, 
peopled  it  with  a  colony  of  English,  who,  on  condition  of  re- 
moving thither  with  their  families,  had  houses  granted  to 
them  and  their  heirs. t  After  this  success,  Henry  sent  a 
challenge  to  the  Dauphin  to  terminate  the  dispute  by  single 
combat.  But  such  a  decision  appeared  to  the  Dauphin  to  be 
nothing  less  than  staking  a  crown,  of  which  he  considered 
the  inheritance  as  certain,  against  the  precarious  expectations 
of  the  king  of  England.  History  furnishes  several  instances 
of  such  challenges  being  given  by  princes  ;  but  unfortunately 
something  always  intervenes  to  prevent  this  mode  of  decision, 
which  would  spare  oceans  of  blood. 

The  campaign  had  begun  too  late  to  promise  any  extensive 
conquests,  and  sickness  soon  rendered  the  English  army  in- 
capable of  offensive  operations.  A  dysentery  had  broke  out 
among  the  troops,  and  made  such  terrible  ravages,  that  not 
more  than  a  fourth  part  was  able  to  bear  arms.  This  epi- 
demical disease  affected  not  only  the  soldiers,  but  also  the 
officers.  The  bishop  of  Norwich  and  the  earl  of  Suffolk 
were  already  dead,  and  the  duke  of  Clarence,  the  king's; 

*  Our  historians  differ  in  regard  to  the  precise  time  of  the  sailing  of 
this  armament ;  but  they  all  agree  that  Henry  landed  in  France  soiTietiTne 
between  the  14th  and  22d  August. 

>  In  ffiis  hr  imttntpcl  the  conduct  of  FdwardllT.  at  Calais. 

n  fl  (1 


386  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAMU 

brother,  the  earl  of  Arundel,  and  several  other  nobles  of  dis- 
tinction, >vere  so  dangerously  ill,  as  to  be  obliged  to  return  to 
England.  The  French,  in  tlie  mean  while,  were  assembling 
their  forces,  and  the  vast  armaments  which  they  were  pre- 
paring, together  with  the  sickly  state  of  the  English,  and  the 
advanced  season  of  the  year,  obliged  Henry  to  think  of  re- 
treatiug.  He  might,  it  appears,  have  re-embarked  at  Har- 
lleur  or  Havre  de  Grace ;  but  he  resolved  to  retire  over  land 
to  Calais,  a  measure  for  which  no  historian  has  been  able  to 
account  in  a  satisfactory  manner. 

The  French  being  apprized  of  his  design,  broke  down  the 
bridges  and  causeways  by  which  he  was  to  pass,  and  destroy- 
ed or  removed  into  the  fortified  towns  all  the  forage  and  pro- 
visions, in  order  to  prevent  the  invaders  from  finding  subsist- 
ence. At  the  same  time,  the  constable  D'Albret,  with  an  ad- 
vanced corps,  continually  harrassed  the  retreating  army. 
The  design  of  Henry  was  to  pass  the  ford  of  Blanehetaque, 
where  it  had  been  crossed  by  Edw  ard  111.  on  the  eve  of  the 
battle  of  Cressy.  But  he  found  that  passage  rendered  im- 
practicable by  sharp  stakes  fixed  in  the  river,  besides  being 
defended  by  a  strong  body  of  troops.  To  advance  to  Calais 
or  to  retreat  to  Harfleur,  now  seemed  equally  dangerous. 
Henry,  however,  persisted  in  his  first  design,  and  resolved  to 
mareh  higher  up  the  Somme  in  search  of  a  passage.  But  as 
he  advanced,  he  every  where  found  the  bridges  broken  down, 
and  the  fords  strongly  guarded  by  troops  encamped  on  the 
op])osite  bank. 

While  the  English  were  thus  involved  in  difficulties,  which 
appeared  almost  insurmountable,  the  example  of  their  king, 
who  endured  the  same  hardships  and  wants  as  the  meanest 
soldier,  inspired  them  with  patience  and  resolution.  The- 
eonstable  had  by  this  time  assembled  the  whole  force  of 
France  ;  and  being  joined  by  all  the  princes  and  nobles  of 
the  kingdom,  except  the  dukes  of  Berry  and  Burgundy,  he 
called  a  council  of  war,  in  which  it  was  unanimously  resolv- 
ed to  give  battle  to  tlie  English.  The  French  generals,  from 
a  consideration  of  the  vast  superiority  of  their  force,  being 
confident  of  victory,  judged  it  to  be  the  most  eligible  plan  to 
•fiuftir  the  king  of  England*  to  pass  the  Somme,,  and  to  post 


HENRY    V.  887 

themselves  on  the  road  to  Calais,  expecting  by  this  measuro 
to  render  his  advance  to  that  place,  and  his  retreat  to  Har- 
fleiir,  equally  impossible. 

It  must  be  confessed  that,  by  crossing  this  river,  the  king 
of  England  placed  himself  in  a  dangerous  situation  ;  but 
had  he  now,  instead  of  adopting  that  measure,  attempted  a 
retreat,  he  must  have  again  encountered  the  same  obstacles, 
which  he  had  not  surmounted  without  infinite  difficulty.  As 
the  passages  were  no  longer  guarded,  he  crossed  the  Somme 
between  St.  Qiiintin  andPeronne,  and  proceeded  on  his  march 
towards  Calais.  The  French  army  having  taken  a  position 
directly  in  his  route,  there  was  no  possibility  of  passing  with- 
out hazarding  a  battle,  which  in  his  circumstances  could 
afford  little  hope  of  success.  His  army  was  wasted  by  hun- 
ger, fatigue,  and  disease,  and,  according  to  some  of  our  ac- 
counts reduced  to  nine  thousand  in  number.  The  French  and 
the  English  historians,  perhaps  equally  influenced  by  national 
vanity,  exhibit  very  different  statements  of  the  numbers 
brought  into  the  field  on  this  memorable  occasion.  According 
to  Walsingham,  the  French  army  consisted  of  a  hundred  and 
forty  thousand,  but  according  to  Goodwin,  of  a  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  men,  of  whom  fifty  thousand  were  cavalry,  and 
ten  thousand  of  them  lords  and  gentlemen.  This  appears  to 
be  an  exaggeration.  Father  Daniel,  one  of  the  most  credita- 
ble of  the  French  historians,  says  that  their  forces  were  three 
times,  but  Mezerai  says  four  times  more  numerous  than  the 
English.*  These  accounts,  however,  being  examined  and 
compared,  serve  to  shew  that  the  disparity  was  prodigious ; 
and  the  French  were  so  confident  of  victory,  that  they  are 
said  to  have  sent  to  demand  of  the  king  how  much  he  intended 
to  give  for  his  ransom. 

On  the  25th  October,  as  soon  as  it  was  lischt,  the 
A.  n.   1415.  .        „      •  1  •     u   -.1  , 

two  armies  were  drawn  up  m  battle  array  near  the. 

castle  of  Agincourt.  A  narrow  ground,  flanked  on  one  side 
by  a  rivulet,  on  the  other  by  a  wood,  was  to  be  the  scene  of 
action.  But  here  the  constable  D'Alhrct,  the  French  general, 
tommittcd  an  unpardonable  fault,  which,  in  all  probabilitv, 
occasioned  the  loss  of  the  battle.  As  the  English  were  under 
•  Wals.  p.  390.    Goodw.  Hen.  V,  p  81.    Pere  Daniel.  Tom.  5.  p.  541. 


388  HISTORY  OP  ENGLAND. 

the  necessity  of  proceeding  to  Calais,  the  French  comman- 
der had  in  his  own  power  the  choice  of  (he  ground,  and  ought 
to  have  waited  for  tliem  on  some  plain  sufficiently  spacious 
for  the  evolutions  of  his  numerous  army.  In  such  a  situa- 
tion, he  might  have  surrounded  his  enemy  ;  but  in  choosing  a 
narrow  field  of  battle,  he  lost  the  advantages  that  he  might 
have  derived  from  the  superiority  of  numbers.  So  egregious 
an  error  could  only  have  proceeded  from  his  unskilfuluess  in 
military  affairs,  or  from  a  blind  presumption. 

In  this  injudicious  position  the  constable  D'Albiet  waited 
the  approach  of  the  English.  He  divided  his  army  into  three 
bodies,  the  first  of  which  he  commanded  in  person,  with  the 
dukes  of  Orleans  and  Bourbon,  the  counts  of  Eu,  Vendome, 
and  liichmont,  the  famous  mareschal  Boncicaut,  grand  mas- 
ter of  the  cross-bow  men,  Dampier,  admiral  of  France,  and 
several  other  nobles  of  distinction.  The  duke  of  Alencon 
commanded  the  second  body,  having  with  him  the  duke  of 
Bar,  and  the  counts  of  Nevers,  Salines,  Roussi,  Grand  Pre, 
and  Vandemont.  The  counts  of  Dampmartin,  Fauquenberg, 
and  Lauroi,  were  at  the  head  of  the  third  division. 

The  king  of  England,  in  drawing  up  his  army,  formed  only 
two  lines,  by  reason  of  the  small  number  of  his  troops.  The 
duke  of  York  commanded  the  first  line,  and  Henry,  having  an 
imperial  crown  of  gold  on  his  helmet,  and  the  standard  of 
England  displayed  in  front  of  the  troops,  put  himself  at  the 
bead  of  the  second.  In  this  posture  he  waited  the  attack  j 
and  riding  along  the  front  of  his  battalions,  exhorted  his 
troops  not  to  fear  a  multitude  of  raw  and  undisciplined  sol- 
diers. He  represented  to  them  that  victories  depended  not 
on  numbers,  but  on  bravery  ;  and,  above  all,  on  the  assistance 
of  God,  in  whom  he  admonished  them  to  place  all  their  con- 
fidence. Perceiving  that  the  French  did  not  advance  to  the 
attack,  Henry  called  his  principal  officers,  and  said,  "  Since 
"  our  enemies  have  intercepted  our  way,  let  us  break  through 
*'  them  in  the  name  of  the  Holy  Trinity."  He  then  gave  the 
signal  for  battle,  and  the  whole  army  rushed  forward  with  a 
shout.  Coming  within  bow-shot  of  the  enemy,  the  archers 
let  fly  a  shower  of  arrows,  which  did  great  execution ;  and 
the  foremost  ranks  fixed  the  pointed  stakes,  which  they  hg[d 


HENRY    V.  389 

prepared  as  a  guard  against  the  attacks  of  the  cavalry.  At 
the  same  time  a  corps  of  bowmen,  who  had  been  placed  in 
ambuscade  in  a  low  meadow,  and  concealed  among  bushes, 
poured  vollies  of  arrows  on  the  French  cavalry,  which  was 
soon  thrown  into  disorder,  as  the  horses  sunk  up  to  the  knees, 
by  reason  of  the  softness  of  the  ground.  The  English  seeing 
their  confusion,  rushed  on  SM'ord  in  hand,  and  though  enfee- 
bled by  disease,  tliey  compensated  by  courage  their  deficiency 
in  strength.  The  impetuosity  of  tlieir  attack  obliged  the 
enemy  to  give  way,  and  a  body  of  English  horse  which  had 
been  concealed  in  the  wood,  issuing  out  at  the  same  time, 
flanked  the  French  infantry.  A  total  roufo  of  the  first  divis- 
ion of  their  army  ensued  :  the  constable  of  France  was  killed, 
witli  a  number  of  distinguished  ofhcers,  and  most  of  the  other 
princes  and  generals  were  made  prisoners. 

The  first  division  of  the  French  being  routed,  the  duke  of 
Alenc^on  led  on  the  second,  hoping  by  his  conduct  and  courage 
to  give  a  favourable  turn  to  the  battle.  Henry,  on  the  other 
hand,  brought  up  his  second  line,  and  alighting  from  his  horse, 
fought  on  foot  with  a  valour  never  surpassed  by  the  most  re- 
nowned heroes  mentioned  in  history.  The  duke  D'Alencou 
having  selected  eighteen  of  his  bravest  cavaliers,  ordered 
them  to  charge  up  to  the  king  of  England,  and,  if  possible, 
either  to  kill  him  or  take  him  prisoner.  Those  chosen  war- 
riors resolving  to  carry  their  point,  or  perish  in  the  attempt, 
made  so  impetuous  a  charge,  that  cutting  their  way  to  the 
king,  one  of  them  stunned  him  with  a  stroke  of  his  battle- 
axe  ;  and  the  others  being  ready  to  second  the  blow,  he  must 
in  all  probability  have  perished,  had  not  David  Gam,  a  val- 
iant Welsh  ofticer,  with  two  others  of  the  same  nation,  pre- 
served his  life  by  the  sacrifice  of  their  own.  The  king  re- 
covereing  his  senses,  and  seeing  those  brave  men  extended  at 
his  feet  and  still  breathing,  conferred  on  them  the  honour  of 
knighthood,  the  only  reward  that  could  then  be  bestowed  on 
their  courage  and  loyalty.  The  thickest  of  the  battle  being 
now  gathered  round  the  king's  person,  and  his  brother  the 
duke  of  Gloucester  being  fallen  by  his  side,  stunned  with  a 
blow,  he  covered  him  for  a  while,  till  the  strokes  of  his  as- 
sailants brought  him  down  on  his  knees.     His  danger  and 


390  HISTOHY  OF  ENGLAND. 

his  valonr  inspired  his  troops  with  a  courage  bordering  on 
desperation.  They  rushed  headlong  on  the  enemv,  and  by 
this  impetuous  attack  threw  them  into  sucli  disorder,  that 
their  generals  could  never  more  bring  them  to  the  charge. 
The  duke  of  Alencon,  who  commanded  the  second  division, 
on  seeing  it  put  to  flight,  resolved  by  one  desperate  stroke  t» 
change  the  fortune  of  the  day,  or  perish  in  the  attempt. 
With  a  small  number  of  determined  companions,  he  made  a 
way  with  his  sword  through  the  English  battalions,  and 
pushing  up  to  the  king,  discharged  such  a  blow  on  his  head, 
that  he  cleaved  in  two  the  golden  crown  on  his  helmet.  Henry, 
in  return,  struck  the  duke  to  the  ground,  and,  with  repeated 
blows,  killed  two  of  his  attendants.  In  an  instant  the  duke 
was  killed  by  the  surrounding  crowd,  notwithstanding  the  en- 
deavours of  the  king  to  save  him  from  their  fury.  His  death 
totally  discouraged  his  troops,  and  decided  the  issue  of  the 
battle.  The  third  division  of  the  French  seeing  the  route  of 
the  first  and  second  lines,  could  not  be  brought  to  advance, 
hot  retired  without  fighting,  and  left  their  flying  companions 
exposed  to  the  fury  of  their  conquerors. 

The  king  now  thinking  the  victory  certain,  wag  surprised 
on  receiving  information  that  the  enemy  had  attacked  his 
camp.  Struck  with  the  apprehension  that  the  French  had 
rallied,  and  sensible  that  the  number  of  his  prisoners  was 
greater  than  that  of  his  army,  he  instantly  ordered  all,  except 
those  of  the  highest  rank,  to  be  massacred.  This  order  being 
executed,  Henry  rallied  his  troops,  and  marched  back  against 
the  enemies,  who  proved  to  be  only  a  body  of  runaways,  who 
retiring  early  from  the  battle,  and  knowing  the  English  camp 
to  be  Aveakly  guarded,  began  to  plunder  the  baggage  while 
the  two  armies  were  engaged ;  but  on  seeing  themselves  about 
to  be  attacked,  they  fled  with  precipitation.  It  must  be  con- 
sidered as  a  matter  of  regret,  that  so  glorious  a  victory  was 
tarnished  by  the  massacre  of  the  prisoners;  but  their  great 
number,  and  the  just  apprehension  of  the  king  that  they  might 
turn  against  him  in  the  fight,  whicli  he  thought  himself  about 
to  renew,  may  serve  to  excuse  this  sanguinary  measure. 

In  this  memorable  battle,  which  was  so  fatal  to  France  and 
so  glorions  to  England,  tlie  French  lost  their  generalissimo 


HENRY   V.  391 

the  constable  D'AIbret,  the  duke  of  Alen^on,  prinee  of  the 
blood,  the  dukes  of  Brabant  and  Bar,  the  counts  of  Nevers, 
Vandemont,  Marie,  Roussi,  and  Fauquenberg,  Avho  were  all 
slain,  as  well  as  many  other  oflicers  and  nobles,  and  ten  thous- 
and soldiers.*  Among  the  prisoners,  who  would  have  been  very 
numerous,  had  not  the  massacre  taken  place  after  the  battle, 
were  the  dukes  of  Orleans  and  Bourbon,  the  counts  of  Eu, 
Vendome,  Richmont,  Etonville,  and  marcschal  Boncicauf. 
On  the  side  of  the  English  were  slain  the  duke  of  York,  and 
the  earl  of  Suffolk,  and,  according  to  some  historians,  six- 
teen or  seventeen  hundred,  or  according  to  others,  only  four 
or  five  hundred  men.  But  in  this,  as  in  all  other  cases  of  a 
similar  nature,  historians  difter  so  greatly  in  their  accounts, 
that  there  is  no  possibility  of  ascertaining  the  truth. f 

The  victory  of  Agincourt  was  gained  under  circumstances 
nearly  similar  to  those  in  which  were  fought  the  battles  of 
Cressey  and  Poictiers.  At  the  battle  of  Cressey  tiie  victory 
of  (he  English  has  by  many  historians  been  attributed  to  their 
cannon,  with  which  the  French  were  at  that  time  unacquaint- 
ed. At  Poictiers  and  Agincourt,  the  defeat  of  the  French 
must  be  chiefly  ascribed  to  the  unskilfulness  and  presumption 
of  their  commanders,  king  John  and  the  constable  D'AIbret. 
But  history  scarcely  mentions  a  more  extraordinary  victory 
than  that  of  Agincourt,  if  we  take  into  consideration  not  only 
the  great  disparity  of  force,  but  the  different  condilions  of 
the  two  armies,  the  French  strong  and  healthful,  the  English 
exhausted  by  fatigue  and  enfeebled  by  disease.  It  is  difficult, 
to  prove  that  the  justice  of  his  cause  could  merit  a  particu- 
lar interposition  of  providence;  but  the  piety  of  Henry  as- 
cribed all  his  success  to  the  goodness  of  God,  He  had  the 
humility  to  acknowledge  that  he  had  not  obtained  the  victory 
by  the  superiority  of  his  merit,  but  because  the  Almighfy  was 
pleased  to  make  him  his  instrument  in  punishing  the  sins  of 
the  French  nation,  adding,  though  perhaps  with  no  great  de- 

•  Vide  Le  Fev.  c.  64.    Goodwin  Henry  V.  p.  91. 

■)■  Mezerai  reduces  tlie  loss  of  tlic  French  lo  six  thousand,  and  a  notr 
to  the  English  translation  of  Presid.  Henault  ?\%\es  'it  at  two  tlvinsnTxC 
KUcd  and  fourteen  thousand  prisoners. 


39^  UISTORV  OF  ENGLAND. 

grce  of  sincerity,  that  the  advantages  \vhich  he  might  expect 
from  this  success,  did  not  in  the  least  diminish  his  iuclinatioa 
for  peace.* 

From  this  period  tlie  contest  between  England  and  France 
■was  carried  on  by  negociations.  plots,  and  treasons,  rather 
than  by  force  of  arms.  The  different  French  factions  pre- 
ferring their  private  views  to  the  public  interest,  assiduously 
courted  the  alliance  of  the  English,  instead  of  uniting  against 
them.  The  duke  of  Burgundy  claimed,  in  quality  of  prince 
of  the  blood,  and  first  peer  of  the  realm,  the  administration 
of  aflairs ;  and  knowing  that  his  claim  would  be  ineffectual, 
unless" supported  by  force,  he  approached  Paris  with  his  army. 
The  Dauphiu,  on  the  contrary,  called  in  the  count  D'Armag- 
nac,  the  head  of  the  Orleans  faction,  and  gave  him  the  con- 
stable's sword.  This  nobleman,  the  inveterate  enemy  of  the 
Burgundians,  spared  none  of  that  party :  many  were  Jianged, 
numbers  were  imprisoned;  and  the  animosity  of  the  two 
factions  was  heightened  to  such  a  degree,  that  nothing  was 
capable  of  uniting  them  against  the  common  enemy. 

The  death  of  Louis,  the  Dauphin,  which  hap- 
\.  D  14K  P<^"*^'1  about  the  end  of  the  year,  left  the  constable 
masler  of  the  government  and  of  the  king's  per- 
son ;  and  he  refused  to  admit   John,  the  new  Daupliin,   to 
court,  unless  he  would  openly  declare  against  the  Burgun- 
dians.f     The  Dauphin  therefore  commenced  a  ne- 
.  jj^\4i'g  gociation  with  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  but  before 
any  thing  could  be  concluded,  he  was  poisoned  at 
Compiegne.:|: 

While  France  was  one  vast  theatre  of  treasons,  of  pri- 
vate murders,  and  public  executions,  Henry,  by  his  method  of 
carrying  on  the  war,  shewed  that  his  wisdom  was  equal  to 
his  valour.  His  victory  at  Agincourt  had  been  more  glorious 
than  useful :  he  had  acquired  martial  fame,  but  had  not  gain- 
ed one  foot  of  territory.     He  prudently  considered  that  ly 

•Rupin  1.  p.  515. 
lltn.  Ab.  Chron.    Kajjin  says  he  was  poisoned  December  2-llh.  Ilen- 
j\uU  does  not  mention  liis  being  poisoned. 

t  Rapin  bays  on  the  16tli  April.  Ilenanlt  and  all  the  Frciich  hlsloi'i.'vns 
agree  that  the  .bccoiid  Duuphin  w  as  poisontd. 


HENRY  V.  393 

poshing  tlie  French  too  vigorously,  he  ran  the  risk  of  uniting 
against  him  the  diflferent  factions,  in  which  case  he  could 
hope  for  little  success  in  his  enterprise ;  but  by  giving  them 
some  respite,  he  afforded  them  leisure  to  exert  their  strength 
in  mutual  destruction.  His  grand  aim  was  to  gain  the  duke 
«f  Burgundy,  with  whom  he  had  continued  his  negociation» 
ever  since  the  commencement  of  the  war.  The  critical  situa- 
tion of  that  prince  had  caused  him  to  waver  in  his  resolutions; 
but  at  length  the  violence  of  party  spirit  impelled  him  to  join 
the  enemy  of  his  country. 

On  the  death  of  the  Dauphin  John,  his  brother  Charles, 
afterwards  Charles  VII.  became  Dauphin  and  heir  apparent. 
This  young  prince  immediately  espoused  the  Orleans  party, 
and  the  animosity  of  the  factions  ran  so  high,  that  the  duke 
«f  Burgundy  resolved  no  longer  to  keep  any  measures  with 
the  court  He  therefore  concluded  a  treaty  with  Henry,  and 
acknowledged  him  as  the  legitimate  sovereign  of  France, 
promising  to  support  him  with  all  his  forces,  and  to  use  his 
atmost  endeavours  to  place  him  on  the  throne.* 

At  the  commencement  of  the  war,  Henry  knew  that  he 
should  have  to  contend  M^ith  not  more  than  a  part  of  the  for- 
ces of  France.  But  after  the  conclusion  of  this  treaty  with 
the  duke  of  Burgundy,  he  began  to  think  of  recommencing 
hostilities,  in  the  full  assurance  of  having  the  half  of  France 
on  his  side.  His  principal  embarrassment  was  the  want  of 
money.  The  excessive  demonstrations  of  joy  with  which  he 
was  received  at  London,  on  his  return  after  the  victory  of 
Agincourt,  shew  how  greatly  his  subjects  admired  and 
esteemed  a  prince,  who  had  rendered  the  English  name  so 
glorious.  But  whether  the  parliament  began  to  perceive  that 
the  acquisition  of  France  must  prove  ruiuous  to  England,  or 
whether  they  regarded  only  the  present  expenses,  the  sup- 
plies granted  to  the  king  were  so  inadequate  to  the  exigences 
of  the  war,  that  he  was  obliged  to  pawn  his  crown  to  the 
bishop  of  Winchester  for  a  hundred  thousand  marks,  part  of 
his  jewels  to  the  city  of  London  for  ten  thousand  pounds,  and 

•  See  tlie  articles  in  Rapin  1.  p.  517  and  SIS. 

E  e  e 


39^  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

the  rest  to  different  lords  and  gentlemen,  who  furnished  a  eer» 
tain  number  of  horsemen  and  infantry.* 

By  these  means  he  equipped  an  army  of  twenty -five  thou- 
sand men,  a  feeble  force  indeed  for  the  conquest  of  France, 
had  he  not  been  sure  of  meeting  in  that  country  with  much 
assistance  and  little  opposition.     With  these  forces  he  landed 

in  Normandy,  and  reduced  that  province,  while 
A.  D  1417  ^^^^  duke  of  Burgundy  presenting  himself  before 
Paris,  prevented  the  court  from  taking  any  meas- 
ures to  repel  the  invasion.  In  the  mean  while  the  queen,  Isa- 
bella, of  Bavaria,  who  had  hitherto  been  an  enemy  of  the 
Burgundians,  was,  by  the  Dauphin,  sent  prisoner  to  Tours. 
Her  disgrace  was  attributed  to  the  intrigues  of  the  constable 
D'Armagnac ;  but  amidst  these  scenes  of  courtly  corruption, 
it  is  impossible  to  distinguish  between  the  innocent  and  the 
guilty.  The  injured  or  criminal  mother,  however,  could 
never  forgive  the  affront.  Her  resentment  surmounting  every 
other  consideration,  she  became  the  declared  enemy  of  her 
son,  and  effected  a  reconciliation  with  the  duke  of  Burgundy, 
by  whose  assistance  she  escaped  from  Tours,  and  retiring  to 
Troyes,  assumed  the  title  of  regent. 

While  France  was  a  prey  to  foreign  invasion  and  intestine 
divisions,  the  constable  D'Armagnac  chose  rather  to  see  the 
state  perish  than  to  resign  his  authority.  The  Burgundians, 
however,  gaining  strength  in  Paris,  found  means  to  introduce 

Lisle  Adam,  governor  of  Pontoise,  into  the  city, 
A   D"^  1418.  '^"^^  ^^^^  whole  faction  taking  arms,  made  a  terrible 

slaughter  of  the  Armagnacs.  The  constable  was 
thrown  into  prison,  the  Dauphin,  escaping  from  the  Louvre 
in  his  shirt,  fled  to  Melun,  and  the  king  was  left  in  the  hands 
of  the  Burgundians.  This  commotion  was  only  a  prelude  to 
more  horrible  scenes.  The  exiled  Burgundians  returned 
from  all  quarters  to  Paris,  and  renewed  the  massacre.     The 

constal)le  was  murdered,  and  dragged  through  the 
A  *D^1418  streets ;  and  the  chancellor,  several  bishops,  and 

other  persons,  to  the  number  of  two  thousand, 
suffered  the  same  barbarous  treatment.     Two  days  after  this 

•  Eapin  1.  p.  518. 


HENRY   V.  395 

massacre,  the  qaeen  and  the  dake  of  Burgundy  entered  the 
metropolis,  and  having  the  king  in  their  power  issued,  in  his 
name,  such  orders  as  they  judged  to  be  conducive  to  their 
interests.*  On  the  other  hand  the  Dauphin,  who  had  assumed 
the  title  of  regent,  declared  all  who  should  obey  the  duke  of 
Burgundy,  guilty  of  treason.  Thus,  what  party  soever  the 
French  should  espouse,  they  were  liable  to  suffer  as  rebels 
and  traitors. 

The  duke  of  Burgundy  now  being  master  of  the  person  of 
the  king,  and  having  the  government  of  the  kingdom  in  his 
hands,  had  not  the  same  interest  as  before  to  promote  the 
affairs  of  the  English.  Since  the  late  revolution  in  his  favour, 
his  views  had  changed  with  the  change  of  situation,  and 
caused  an  ambiguity  in  his  conduct  which  rendered  it  difficult 
to  conjecture  his  designs.  Henry  negociated  both  with  the 
duke  and  the  Dauphin,  while  several  of  the  French  nobles 
earneastly  endeavoured  to  reconcile  the  two  factions,  whose 
animosity  was  ruifiing  their  country.  At  length,  in  spite  of 
all  the  intrigues  of  Henry,  this  reconciliation  took  place, 
which,  if  sincere,  must  have  frustrated  all  his  expectations 
in  France.  In  a  war  of  six  years  his  acquisitions  had  been 
confined  to  Normandy,  although  he  had  constantly  been  open- 
ly or  secretly  favoured  by  one  of  the  factions,  and  their  union 
was  certainly  sufficient  to  extinguish  his  hopes  of  conquering 
the  whole  kingdom.  But  the  vindictive  animosity  of  party 
spirit,  hy  which  France  had  so  long  been  divided  and  agita* 
ted,  revived  with  all  its  former  violence,  and  gave  a  favoura- 
ble and  unexpected  turn  to  his  affairs.  The  duke  of  Bur- 
gundy was  murdered  at  an  interview  with  the  Dauphin  on 

the  bridge  of  Montereau,  where  they  had  met  to 
jyj)f'l4J9  determine   on  a  plan  for  carrying  on   the   war 

against  the  English.  His  son  and  successor  resolv- 
ing to  revenge  his  death,  entered  into  a  league  with  the  king 
of  England,  and  queen  Isabella,  the  mortal  enemy  of  the 
Dauphin  her  son.    After  a  series  of  ncgociations   a  treaty 

•  In  addition  to  the  political  calamities  of  Paris  at  this  time,  the  plague 
broke  out  in  that  city,  and  in  the  space  of  three  months  carried  off  forty 
thousand  persons.    Rapin  1.  p.  520. 


S98  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

nvas  concluded  at  Troyes.*  Catharine,  the  daughter  of  Charles 
VI.  was  given  in  marriage  to  the  king  of  England,  who  was 
declared  regent  of  France  during  the  life  of  Charles,   and 
successor  to  the  crown  at  his  decease.     Things  hcing  thus 
adjusted  Henry  entered  Paris  without  opposition,  and  assum- 
ed the  administration  in  the  name  of  Charles  VI.     A  bed  of 
justice  being  soon  after  held,  all  the  persons  con- 
A.D.'l420.  "^"'^'^ '"  the  murder  of  John  the  Fearless,  late 
duke  of  Burgundy,  were  declared  guilty  of  high 
treason,  and  of  course  incapable   of  any  succession,  a  sen- 
tence in  which  the  Dauphin,  although  neither  he  nor  his  ac- 
complices were  mentioned  by  name,  was  evidently  implicated. 

Henry  having  successfully  settled  his  aft'airs  in  France,  re- 
turned to  England  with  his  queen,  who  was  crown- 
*  ed  on  the  14th  February,  and  a  parliament  waa 
summoned  to  meet  on  the  2d  of  May  at  Leicester.!  Thi« 
parliament  granted  the  king  a  subsidy  for  prosecuting  the 
war  against  the  Dauphin,  but  at  the  same  time  presented  a, 
remonstrance  intimating  that  the  conquest  of  France  must  be 
ruinous  to  England.  From  this  it  appears  that  the  English 
ibegan  to  be  cured  of  the  infatuation  by  which  they  had  been 
•misled  since  the  reign  of  Edward  III.  and  to  form  a  just  es- 
timate of  an  acquisition  which,  how  splendid  soever  it  might 
appear,  and  however  it  might  increase  the  glory  and  power  (rf 
the  monarch,  tended  to  transfer  the  seat  of  empire  from  Lon- 
don to  Paris,  and  to  render  England  no  more  than  an  appen- 
dage to  France. 

Henry  having  raised  a  new  army  of  about  twenty-eight 
thousand  men,  for  the  payment  of  which,  as  the  parliamenta^ 
ry  supplies  were  insufficient,  he  was  forced  to  borrow  money 
of  opulent  individuals.  Having  landed  at  Calais,  the  Dauph- 
in, who  was  before  Chartres,  retired  at  his  approach.  Dur- 
ing the  remainder  of  this  year  and  the  beginning  of  the  next, 

*  The  treaty  of  Troyes  was  signed  on  the  2lst  May,  A.  D.  1420. 

f  The  king  laid  before  this  parliament  a  statement  of  the  revenues 
•and  expenses  of  the  crown  ;  in  which  it  appears  that  the  revenue 
.^mounted  to  no  more  than  55,7431.  or  167,229/.  of  modem  money.  Rapin 
1,  p.  527,  on  the  authority  of  the  public  acts. 


HENRY   V.  S97 

the  arms  of  Henry  were  occupied  by  the  sieges  of  Dreux  and 
Meaux.     After  these  transactions,   Henry,  wifh  his  ^jneen, 

went  to  Paris,  and  was  lodged  iu  the  Louvre.     On. 

Whitsunday  the  two  kings  and  two  queens,  with 
their  crowns  on  tlieir  heads,  dined  together  in  public.  But 
while  Henry  commanded  with  absolute  authority  in  Paris,  he 
received  advice  that  the  Dauphin  had  made  himself  master 
of  some  places  on  the  Loire.  On  this  intelligence  he  prepar- 
ed to  take  the  field,  and  had  already  begun  his  march  when 
he  was  taken  ill  of  a  dysentery.*  Finding  himself  unable  to 
head  his  army,  he  returned  to  Vincennes,  where  he  expired,  in 
the  thirty-fourth  year  of  his  age,  and  the  tenth  of 
A  D  1422*  '*^*  ''^'s"»  displaying,  in  his  last  moments,  the  same 
intrepidity  that  had  marked  his  character  in  every 
transaction  of  his  life. 

Henry  V.  has  by  several  historians  been  ranked  with  the 
greatest  of  heroes  ;  but  the  battle  of  Agincouri  was  his  only 
martial  exploit  that  could  be  a  just  subjfct  of  panegyric; 
and  in  that  celebrated  action  he  displayed  the  valour  of  a 
soldier  more  than  the  skilfulness  of  a  general.  Kis  under- 
taking to  retire  over  land  to  Calais,  when  he  might,  with- 
out danger,  have  re-embarked  at  Harfleur,  and  rashly  to 
force  his  way  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  an  army  so  greatly  su- 
perior, was  an  error  which  might  have  proved  fatal,  had  not 
the  French  commander  committed  another  of  equal  or  great- 
er magnitude  in  the  choice  of  his  ground  at  Agincourt.  If, 
however,  his  military  skill  affords  no  ground  for  applause, 
his  intrepidity  and  valour  claim  the  admiration  of  posterity ; 
and  his  prudent  management  of  the  French  factions  is  a 
proof  of  his  political  abilities.  His  Marlike  achievements 
must  be  considered  as  inferior  to  those  of  Edward  IlL  That 
prince  had  to  contend  with  all  France  united  against  him. 
Henry  was  opposed  only  by  a  part  of  the  kingdom.  Henry 
conquered  France  not  by  arms  but  by  negociations.  It  was 
to  his  good  fortune  and  the  Burgundian  faction  that  he  was 
indebted  for  the  splendid  acquisition. 

*  The  contracUctory  accounts  of  historians  have  leftil  luircrtain  whetbr 
cr  his  sickness  was  djsentery,  a  fistula,  or  a  pleurisy.  Vide  aulhoi'ities 
quoted  by  Tindal  in  Note  on  Rapin,  vol.  1 .  p,  ^9. 


S98  HISTOUY  OF  ENGLAND. 

The  reign  of  Henry  V.  was  glorioas  rather  than  hencficial 
fo  England.  His  attachment  to  the  clergy  led  him  to  bigotry 
and  intolerance,  and  his  sanguinary  persecution  of  all  who 
were  branded  with  the  name  of  heretics  was  a  grievous  op- 
pression of  his  subjects,  and  a  horrid  violation  of  the  rights 
of  humanity.  The  successful  termination  of  his  war  with 
France  cast  a  lustre  on  his  reign ;  but  it  was  the  source  of 
future  disgrace  and  calamities ;  and  although  he  died  in  the 
midst  of  glory  the  baleful  consequences  of  his  triumphs  were 
fatally  experienced  by  h'"  successor. 


i9d 


HENRY  VI. 


Henuy  VI.  was  an  infant  of  nine  months  old  when  he  sue- 
eeeded  to  the  throne  of  his  father,  and  within  less  than  six 

months  after  his  accession,  the  death  of  Charles  VI. 
Oct  21  . 

A  b  1422  <levolved  upon  him  the  crown  of  France.  Immedi- 
ately after  the  decease  of  tlvat  prince,  the  duke  of 
Bedford,  whom  Henry  V.  had,  by  his  last  will,  constituted 
regent  of  France,  assembled  at  Paris  all  the  French  lords  of 
the  English  party,  and  exhorted  them  to  recognize  his  ne- 
phew, the  young  Henry,  for  their  sovereign.  Accordingly  the 
infant  monarch  of  England  was  proclaimed  king  of  France ; 
and  the  regent,  the  council,  and  the  city  of  Paris,  sent  depu- 
ties to  London  to  congratulate  him  on  his  accession  to  the 
thrones  of  the  two  kingdoms. 

The  next  care  of  the  duke  of  Bedford  was  to  renew  the 
alliance  with  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  and  to  take  every  meas- 
ure that  seemed  necessary  for  securing  the  throne  of  his  ne- 
phew. The  Dauphin,  in  the  mean  while,  was,  with  equal  ac- 
tivity, preparing  to  recover  a  crown  of  which  he  had  bcon 
deprived  by  a  concurrence  of  calamitous  circumstances.  On 
the  day  after  receiving  intelligence  of  the  death  of  his  fath' 
er,  he  was  proclaimed  king  of  France  with  all  the  solemnity 
that  the  circumstances  of  his  court  would  permit,  and  soon 
after  was  crowned  at  Poictiers,  the  city  of  Rheims,  the  place 
where  that  ceremony  was  usually  performed,  being  then  in 
the  hands  of  the  English.  France  thus  beheld  the  baleful 
phenomenon  of  two  kings  and  two  courts,  with  hostile  armie<i 
contending  for  her  dubious  sceptre,  and  desolating  her  fiuesi 
provinces.  Henry  was  master  of  Paris,  and  of  most  of  the 
country  as  far  as  (ha^  metropoll?.     Charles,  the  Dauphin, 


IjOO  history  of  ENGLAND. 

Iiad  the  uucuntrolled  possession  of  the  southern  parts  of  the* 
kingdom,  except  Guienne,  which  was  in  tlie  hands  of  the  Eng- 
lish :  the  middle  part  miglit  be  considered  as  a  doubtful  ter- 
ritory ;  and  many  of  the  provinces  were  divided  between  the 
two  contending  princes,  each  of  whom  had  liis  fortified  towns 
and  his  garrisons  in  the  neighbourhood  of  those  of  his  enemy. 
But  Henry  had  greatly  the  advantage  over  his  rival ;  for  be- 
sides liis  possessions  in  France,  his  cause  was  supported  by 
the  whole  kingdom  of  England ;  and  he  could  rely  on  the 
forces  of  Burgundy,  Flanders,  and  Artois,  which  belonged  to 
the  duke  of  Burgundy,  his  vassal  and  ally.  His  feeble  age 
was  amply  compensated  by  the  political  and  military  talents 
of  two  uncles,  the  dukes  of  Bedford  and  Gloucester,  the  for- 
mer of  whom  had,  according  to  the  last  directions  of  the  late 
king,  taken  the  administration  of  aftairs  in  France,  and  the 
latter  in  England.  The  duke  of  Bedford  had  under  his  or- 
ders those  celebrated  English  generals  the  duke  of  Somerset, 
the  earls  of  Warwick,  Salisbury,  and  Arundel,  the  brave 
Talbot,  afterwards  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  and  several  others 
Avhose  names  are  famous  in  the  histories  of  those  days. 
Charles,  the  Dauphin,  who  had  assumed  tl>e  name  of  Charles 
VII.  was  much  more  addicted  to  licentious  gallantry  and 
idle  diversions  than  to  politics  or  war;  and  although  he 
was  not  destitute  of  the  courage  of  a  soldier,  he  had  none 
of  the  qualifications  of  a  general,*  But  as  fortune  had 
raised  up  against  him  formidable  enemies,  she  had  giveu 
him  prudent  counsellors  and  valiant  commanders,  who  were 
the  actors  in  those  great  scenes,  of  which  he  was  little  more 
than  a  spectator,  and  who,  almost  without  any  eflforts  of  his, 
placed  him  on  the  throne  of  his  ancestors. 

Such  was  the  state  of  alTairs  in  France  at  the  accession  of 
the  two  rival  kings.  The  war  was  carried  on  with  all  the 
vigour  that  the  means  of  the  two  parties  would  allow  j  but 
France  was  weakened  by  discord  and  exhausted  by  war,  and 
England  was  considerably  drained  of  men  and  money  by 
sending  fresh  levies  and  maintauing  numerous  garrisons. 
But  although  the  English  parliament  had,  as  already  observ- 
ed, began  to  perceive  the  probable  and  indeed  almost  unavoid- 
*  See  his  character  ki  Presld.  Henault.  Ab.  Chron.  Ad.  An. 


HENRY  VI,"  401 

able  cbiiseqwences  of  the  union  of  the  two  monarchies,  the 

ghire  of  victory  and  conquest  always  dazzles  the  people  $ 

and  the  nation,  as  well  as  the  court,  was  unwilling  to  lose  so 

splendid  an  acquisition  as  France.  But  as  almost  every  town 

in  that  kingdom  was  fortified  and  garrisoned  by  one  of  the 

contending  jiarties,  the  armies  brought  into  the  field  were  far 

from  being  numerous.     The  troops  on  both  sides  were,  for  the 

most  part,  dispersed  in  garrisons,  and  the  operations  of  the 

war  consisted  chiefly  in  sieges,  surprises,  and  skirmishes.*  In 

the  actions  of  Crevant  and  Vernuiel,  the  first  of  which  was 

fought  in  1423,  and  the  latter  in  the  following  year,  the  Eng- 

glish  were  victorious ;  but  during   this   dull  period  we  meet 

with  no  great  or  splendid  achievements  to  embellish  the  pages 

of  history. 

The  siege  of  Orleans  was  the  sreat  and  decisive 
A.  D.  1428. 

event  of  this  war;  and  the  circumstances  by  which 

it  was  attended  has  rendered  it  memorable  to  posterity  and  in- 
teresting to  philosophers  of  all  ages  and  nations,  by  exhibit- 
ing, in  so  striking  a  manner,  the  power  of  opinion.  This  im- 
portant siege  was  begun  by  the  earl  of  Salisbury  with  an 
army  of  about  sixteen  thousand  men.  His  force  being  not 
sufliciently  numerous  for  forming  a  complete  investment,  he 
surrounded  the  city  with  sixty  forts  or  redoubts.  Six  of 
the  strongest  of  these  redoubts  commanded  the  principal 
avenues  to  the  city,  and  upon  these,  batteries  and  forts 
were  erected,  in  order  to  prevent  the  entrance  of  supplies 
into  the  place,  and  to  shelter  his  troops.  Notwithstanding, 
however,  these  precautions,  convoys  frequently  found  means 
to  enter  the  city,  though  chiefly  by  dint  of  the  sword.  About 
the  end  of  December  the  garrison  amounted  to  about  three 
thousand  men,  while,  by  the  frequent  supplies  sent  from  Paris 
by  the  regent,  the  army  of  the  besiegers  was  increased  to 
23,000.  The  siege  was  vigorously  prosecuted  during  the 
whole  winter  amidst  almost  continual  attacks,  sallies,  and 
skirmishes.    The  earl  of  Salisbury  was  killed  by  a  canuon 

•  FromRapin,  vol.  1.  book  12th.  P.  Daniel  torn.  6,  and  the  other  French 
and  English  historians,  it  does  not  appeal- that  any  of  the  armies  brought; 
into  the  field  much  exceeded  twenty  thousand  men. 

Fff 


ifljjj  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

shot,  at  the  attack  of  a  tower  situated  on  the  bridge  ;  bat  hijv 
death  did  not  interrupt  the  progress  of  the  siege.  The  ear! 
of  Suftblk  took  tFie  command  of  the  English  army,  and  being 
assisted  by  Sir  John  Talbot,  one  of  the  most  accomplished 
generals  of  the  age,  carried  on  the  operations  with  unabated 
rigoor. 

Charles,  in  the  mean  while,  was  sensible  of  the  consequen- 
ces that  must  follow  the  loss  of  Orleans,  but  having  neither 
Inen  nor  money  to  carry  on  the  war,  he  began  to  think  of  re- 
tiring into  Dauphiny,  and  leaving  the  besieged  city  to  its  fate. 
Jiis  aftairs,  indeed,  seemed  desperate ;  and  the  Erglish  ex- 
pected, in  two  or  three  campaigns,  to  be  completely  masters 
of  every  part  of  France.  At  this  critical  juncture  the  scale 
was  suddenly  turned ;  and  an  obscure  individual  became  the 
instrument  of  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  revolutions  re- 
corded in  history.  A  servant  maid,  named  Joan  D'Arc,  a 
native  of  the  village  of  Domremi,  near  Vaucouleurs,  in  Lor- 
rain,  imagined  herself  to  be  commissioned  by  heaven  to  re- 
move the  calamities  of  her  country,  and  to  restore  the  king 
to  the  throne  of  his  ancestors.  This  enthusiast  being  sent 
to  Charles,  who  was  then  with  his  court  at  Chinon,  was 
deemed  a  fit  instrument  to  revive  the  spirits  of  his  adher- 
e'nts,  who  were  dismayed  at  So  many  losses  and  misfortunes  i 
at  least,  when  affairs  seemed  desperate^  nothing  could  be  lost 
by  trying  the  expedient.  She  promised  the  king  to  deliver 
the  city  of  Orleans,  and  to  see  him  crowned  at  Rheims:  to 
these  two  points  she  asserted  that  her  mission  extended.  The 
courtiers  and  generals  took  every  measure  to  diffuse  an  opin- 
ion that  she  acted  under  the  impulse  of  divine  inspiration. 
To  confirm  this  belief,  and  render  her  more  remarkable,  a 
sword  was,  at  her  request,  brought  from  the  tomb  of  a  knight 
in  the  church  of  St.  Catlierine,  at  Ferbois.  Equipped  in 
tnan's  apparel  and  in  complete  armour,  she  put  herself  at  the 
head  of  a  convoy  designed  for  Orleans.  The  count  de  Du- 
iiois,  at  the  same  time,  making  a  desperate  sally,  the  English 
were  defeated.  The  convoy  was  then  introduced  into  Orleans, 
and  Joan  entered  the  city,  accompanied  by  the  generalsy 
amidst  the  acclamations  of  the  people. 

This  success  was  attributed  to  tlie  heavenly  inspired  maidi 


HENRY  VI.  40S 

her  enthusiasm  animated  the  troops  :  llie  generals  took  ad- 
vantage  of  this  impression,  and  without  engaging  in  any  rash 
measure,  at  the  very  time  when  she  acted  under  their  direc- 
tion, they  appeared  to  be  led  by  her  example.  In  four  suc^ 
cessive  assaults  she  carried  four  of  the  principal  forts  which 
the  besiegers  had  thrown  up  round  the  city.  In  the  last 
of  these  attacks,  although  wounded  both  in  the  neck  and 
the  shoulder,  she  continued  to  animate  the  troops  by  exhorta- 
tion and  example  ;  and  on  every  occasion  dispKayed  a  cour- 
age and  valour  not  to  have  been  expected  from  her  sex.  The 
English  having  lost  near  8000  men  in  these  different  actions, 
besides  being  dispossessed  of  their  principal  for<s, 
\  D^U'^'g  ^^'^^^  obliged  to  raise  the  siege,  after  having  con- 
sumed seven  months  before  the  place. 
The  raising  of  the  siege  of  Orleans  ushered  in  the  decline 
of  the  English  affairs.  The  whole  French  army  did  not  ex- 
ceed six  thousand  in  number,  yet  this  inconsiderable  force  fear- 
lessly pursued  the  English,  who,  although  much  superior  iu 
strength,  fled  from  before  the  inauspicious  walls  in  the  great- 
est disorder.*  Their  consternation  was  indcsoribable,  and 
could  only  be  equalled  by  the  ardour  instilled  into  their  ene- 
mies, to  whom  the  fortified  towns  surrendered  with  an  astoR- 
ishing  rapidity,  and  many  of  them  without  making  any  resist- 
ance. Never  were  the  effects  of  superstitious  credulity  more 
conspicuous.  That  the  Maid  of  Orleans  was  an  instrument 
of  supernatural  agency  was  equally  believed  by  both  nations  ; 
but  w  hile  the  French  were  fully  persuaded  of  her  divine  mig- 
sion,  the  English  ascribed  her  successes  to  diabolical  pow- 
ers :  the  former,  therefore,  were  fired  with  military  enthusi- 
asm, the  latter  were  struck  with  an  inexpressible  terror. 

The  maid  having  fulfilled  the  first  part  of  her  promise, 
now  prepared  to  complete  her  work.  I>y  conducting  Charles 
to  be  crowned  at  Rheims,  the  usual  place  of  the  inauguration 
of  the  French  monarchs.  That  city  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
English ;  and  Charles  had  a  hundred  and  twenty  miles  to 
march  through  a  country  filled  with  their  garrisons.  But  the 
presence  of  Joan  inspired  the  troops  with  the  same  enthusias- 

*  M.  TjC  Prcs.  Renault  says  the  siei^  of  Orleans  was  raisedon  the  Stii 
of  May.     Rapin  says  on  the  l;7th. 


401  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

tie  ardour  by  which  she  was  aetiiatcil :  and  every  obstacle 
speedily  vanished.      The  English  (reops  were  defeated  at 
Palay,  and  Sir  John  Talbot,  their  general,  was  made  prison- 
er:  their  garrisons   surrendered   at  the  first  summons;  and 
the  duke  of  Bedford  was  obliged  to  keep  within  the  walls  of 
Paris.     Charles  saw  the  number  of  his  adherents  increase 
with  his  prosperity ;  and  his  army  was  soon   augmented  to 
15,000  men.     Having  detached  5000  to  Normandy   and  Gui- 
enne,  he  proceeded  with  the  remaining  10,000  towards  Rheims. 
Auxerre,  Troyes,   Chalons,  Soissons,  Compiegne,  &c.  were 
abandoned  by  the  enemy  at  his  approach.     The   inhabitants 
of  Rheims  having  expelled  the  English  garrison,  Charles  en- 
tered the  city  in   triumph,  and  was  crowned  with 
A  D^ll'^'g  ^^^^  usual  solemnity  amidst  the  acclamations  of  the 
people.*     After  the  ceremony  was  performed,  the 
Maid  of  Orleans,  declaring  her  mission  fulfilled,  applied  for 
leave  to  retire;  but  by  the  persuasion  of  the  king  she  con- 
sented to  remain  in  his  service.     This  determination  proved 
fatal  to  the  heroine.     Having  imprudently  shut  herself  up  in 
Compiegne,  the  English  laid  siege  to  that  place,  and  she  was 
taken  prisoner  in  making  a  sally.     Policy,  superstition,  and 
vengeance,  concurred  to  promote  her  destruction.  All  France 
believed  that  she  was  sent  from  God :  the  English  believed 
that,  in  fighting  against  her,  they  had  to  contend   with  the 
devil.     The  policy  of  the  duke  of  Bedford  was  concerned  to 
remove  impressions  which  converted  the  English  into  cow- 
ards  and  rendered  the  French  invincible.      The   measures 
which  he  took  for  this  purpose  have  disgraced  his   name  in 
the  eyes  of  an  enlightened  posterity,  but  they  were  perfectly 
in  unison  with  the  superstitious  spirit  of  that  age.  By  his  order 
she  was  tried  before  an  ecclesiastical  court,  devoted  to  the 
English  interest,  and  being  condemned  as  a  heretic 
.^^  J42J  and  a  sorceress,  was  burned  alive  in  the  market- 
place at  Rouen,  pursuant  to  her  sentence. 
Thus  perished  the  celebrated  Maid  of  Orleans,  whose  name 
will  for  ever  be  commemorated  in  the  histories  of  France  and 
England.  The  cruel  sacrifice,  which  was  not  less  disgraceful 
than  the  victories  of  Cressey,  Poictiers,  and  Agincourt,  had 

'•  P.  Daniel,  Tom.  6  p.  71.    Pres.  Henault.  Ab.  Chron.  ad  An.  1429,. 


HENRY    VI.  405 

been  glorious  to  the  English  name  and  nation,  somewhat  in- 
terrupted, but  did  not  turn  the  tide  of  success  which  had  be- 
gun to  flow  in  favour  of  Charles.  In  order  to  restore  the 
declining  affairs  of  the  English  in  France,  Henry  A'^I.  went 
to  Paris,  and  was  solemnly  crowned  in  the  church 
A  D.  U'^l  ^^  Notre  Dame.  This  spectacle  was  intended  to 
animate  his  adherents ;  but  the  cause  was  irre- 
coverably lost.  The  war,  however,  was  continued  during  a 
series  of  years,  w  ith  various  success  ;  but  the  general  result 
of  its  operations  was  disadvantageous  to  the  English.  In  the 
year  1435,  their  cause  received  a  mortal  blow  by  the  defection 
of  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  who  abandoned  the  alliance  of 
England,  and  went  over  to  the  party  of  Charles,  and  another 
scarcely  less  fatal  by  the  death  of  the  duke  of  Bedford,  who 
Avas  succeeded  in  the  regency  by  Richard,  duke  of  York.  In 
the  following  year,  Charles  became  master  of  Paris. 
A.D.'l436.  '^'^^  sinking  cause  of  the  English  was  long  sup- 
ported by  the  valour  of  their  soldiers  and  the  skill 
of  their  generals,  especially  the  celebrated  Talbot,  then  earl 
of  Shrewsbury.  But  that  able  commander  was  killed,  to- 
gether with  his  son,  at  the  battle  of  Castillon.  After  his 
death  the  French  made  themselves  masters  of  the 
A.  D,  oo.  ^^JjqIp  province  of  Guienne,  with  Bourdeaux,  its 
capital.  Thus  the  English  were  entirely  expelled  from  every 
part  of  France,  except  the  single  city  of  Calais,  the  only  re- 
maining monument  of  their  former  victories.  Their  long  w  ars 
and  numerous  conquests  in  that  country  had  only  served  to 
deluge  its  soil  m ith  their  own  blood,  and  with  that  of  its 
slaughtered  inhabitants. 

While  these  transactions  were  taking  place  in  France,  tlie 
court  of  England  was  a  theatre  of  intrigues,  being  agitated 
by  factions,  the  leaders  of  w  hich  made  a  pretended  zeal  for 
the  public  good  a  veil  for  their  private  ambition.  The  duke 
of  Gloucester  and  the  cardinal  of  Winchester  had  long  dis- 
puted the  administration  during  Henry's  minority.  As  the 
king  advanced  in  age,  the  credit  of  the  duke,  his  uncle,  sen- 
sibly declined,  and  that  of  the  cardinal  daily  increased.  No 
positive  crime  could  be  laid  to  the  charge  of  the  duke ;  but 
ihe  duchess,  his  consort,  was  accused  of  w  itchcraft  and  high 


406  HISTORY  OF  EXGLAND. 

treason.  In  those  dark  ages  such  accusations  were  not  uii' 
common.  It  was  pretended  that  she  had  frequent  conferen- 
ces with  Roger  Bolinghroke,  a  priest  and  reputed  necroman- 
cer, and  Margery  Gurdeniain,  a  u  itch,  anil  that,  by  their  as- 
sistance, she  had  made  a  figure  of  the  king  in  Max,  which 
being  placed  before  a  gentle  fire,  in  proportion  as  it  melted, 
the  king's  strength  Mas  to  uaste,  and  on  its  entire  dissolution 
liis  life  was  to  terminate.*  Bolingbroke  denied  the  whole 
charge ;  but  the  duchess  confessed  that  she  had  employed  the 
■woman  to  make  a  tiltre  to  secure  the  affections  of  her  hus- 
band, Avhose  fidelity  she  sometimes  suspected.  Though  this 
confession  did  not  prove  her  guilty  of  the  crimes  Inid  to  her 
charge,  yet  the  enemies  of  the  duke  had  so  taken  their  mea- 
sures, that  neither  innocence  nor  rank  could  protect  cither  her 
or  her  pretended  accomplices.  The  priest,  though  not  con- 
victed of  any  crime,  was  hanged  and  quartered,  the  woman 
was  burnt  in  Smithfield,  and  the  duchess  being  obliged  to  do 
public  penance  for  three  several  days  at  St.  Paul's,  was  con- 
demned to  perpetual  iraprisonmeut.t 

During  these  contests  among  the  ministers,  Henry  was  at 
first,  from  his  tender  age,  incapable  of  conducting  the  affiiirs 
of  government ;  and  as  he  advanced  in  years,  he  shewed 
himself  equally  incapable,  from  ignorance  and  imbecility. 
The  earl  of  Suffolk,  one  of  the  king's  favourites,  desirous  of 
raising  up  a  new  power  in  opposition  to  that  of  the  duke  of 
Gloucester,  advised  him  to  espouse  Margaret  of  Anjou, 
daughter  of  Rene,  king  of  Sicily.  She  was  a  princess  of 
great  penetration,  and  uncommon  resolution ;  but  totally  des- 
titute of  the  gifts  of  fortune.  The  duke  of  Gloucester  op- 
posed the  marriage,  but  without  being  able  to  prevent  its  tak- 
ing place.  Soon  after  her  arrival  in  England,  she  began  to 
govern  the  king  with  an  absolute  sway,  and  formed  a  strict 
union  with  the  earl,  now  created  marquis  of  Suffolk,  the  car- 
dinal bishop  of  Winchester,  and  others  of  that  party,  in  or- 

*  This  was  a  mnilc  of  witchcraft  coinmoiily  practised  in  tiio.^c  days,  of 
which  frequent  instances  are  met  with  in  the  histories  of  bol'i  i'r ance  and 
Knglaiid. 

I  Vide  Hull.  p.  146.    Stowe's  An.  p.  38!,  2;c. 


HENRY  VI.  407^ 

der  to  effect  the  ruin  of  the  duke  of  Gloiiceslef,  whom  they 
regarded  as  their  common  enemy,  and  whose  resentment  they 
dreaded  if  ever  Jie  should  ascend  the  throne,  to  which  he  was 
jKe  prcsnmptive  heir,  in  case  that  the  king  should  die  with- 
out issue. 

His  destruction  was  a  matter  of  some  difficulty.  It  was 
impossible  to  put  him  to  death  by  the  usual  course  of  justice, 
as  they  could  not  convict  him  of  any  crime,  and  as  he  was 
the  favourite  of  the  nation,  they  knew  it  would  be  dangerous 
to  murder  him  in  public.  His  enemies  therefore  took  a  surer 
method.  They  caused  him  to  be  apprehended  on  .a  charge 
of  forming  a  conspiracy  to  kill  the  king,  and  to  seize  the 
crown.  A  commotion  was  immediately  raised  in  the  city, 
hut  was  soon  appeased.  The  people  were  universally  per- 
suaded of  his  innocence,  and  did  not  doubt  that  he  would 
make  it  appear  upon  trial  before  his  peers.  But  he  was  not 
allowed  either  time  or  opportunity  to  make  his  defence.  On 
the  morning  appointed  for  the  investigation,  he  was  found 
dead  in  his  bed,  without  any  external  marks  of  violence  on 
his  body,  which,  in  order  to  prevent  suspicion,  was  shewn  to 
hoth  houses  of  parliament,  and  afterw^ards  exposed  to  the 
view  of  the  public*  These  precautions  of  the  court  were 
far  from  convincing  the  people.  The  whole  nation  believed 
that  he  was  murdered:  and  this  oidrage  committed  on  a 
prince  so  universally  behtved  and  cslecmcd,  excited  against 
the  queen  and  the  ministers  a  hatred  (hat  time  could  never  ef- 
face. The  fjueen  and  the  other  enemies  of  tlie  duke  imagin- 
ed that  his  death  had  secured  them  from  all  opposition  ;  but 
the  fatality  of  their  mistake  shews  the  shortsightedness  of  all 
human  policy.  Their  criminal  precaution  eventually  proved 
the  rnin  of  the  king,  the  queen,  and  all  the  parties  concerned  j 
for  the  death  of  this  illustrious  brother  of  Henry  V.  left  the 
duke  of  York  at  liberty  lo  assert  his  claim  to  the  crown,  to 
which  he  would  never  have  dared  to  aspire,  had  the  duke  of 
Gloucester  been  alive  to  support  the  Lancastrian  interest. 

The  descent  of  the  house  of  March  from  an  elder  branch 
of  the  family  of  Edward  HI.  has  already  been  noticed.  The 

•  Stov.-fc's  Ann.  p.  386.    Rsi/iu  1.  p.  570. 


408  HISTORY  OP  ENGLAND.' 

duke  of  York  was  the  sole  licir  of  that  house,  ami  the  dii« 
position  of  the  people  towards  the  queen  and  the  ministers, 
inspired  him  with  the  hope  that  he  should  one  day  be  able  to 
assert  his  title  to  the  crown.  But  he  saw  the  necessity  of 
proceeding  with  circumspection,  and  without  appearing  him- 
self in  the  business,  endeavoured  to  prepare  the  public  mind 
by  his  secret  emissaries,  who  industriously  spread  among  the 
people  discourses  calculated  to  impress  thtra  with  a  favoura- 
ble opinion  of  his  personal  qualities,  as  well  as  to  remind  them 
of  his  hereditary  rights. 

Notwithstanding  these  precautions,  the  queen  and  all  the 
Lancastrian  party  began  to  suspect  the  designs  of  the  duke 
of  York.  In  order,  therefore,  to  diminish  his  credit,  he  was 
recalled  from  the  regency  of  France,  and  that  office  was  con- 
ferred on  the  duke  of  Somerset.  The  marquis  of  Suffolk 
uas  about  the  same  time  created  duke  of  Suffolk,  his  influ- 
ence became  all-powerful  at  court ;  and  the  queen  seemed  to 
brave  the  public  opinion,  by  accumulating  honours  and  fav- 
ours on  a  minister  who  was  universally  odious  to  the  nation. 
His  career,  however,  was  drawing  towards  its^  termination. 
He  was  impeached  by  the  Commons,  who  exhibited  against 
liim  a  charge  consisting  of  various  articles,  especially  of 
being  bribed  by  the  French,  and  occasioning  the  loss  of  Nor- 
mandy. Proofs  could  not  be  brought  sufficient  for  his  con- 
viction ;  and  probably  many  parts  of  the  accusation  might 
be  false.  But  the  queen,  perceiving  that  his  enemies  were 
bent  on  his  ruin,  persuaded  the  king  to  send  him  into  exile, 
in  order  to  screen  him  from  their  vengeance.  The  duke  im- 
mediately embarked  for  France,  but  could  not  avoid  his  des- 
tiny. The  vessel  in  which  he  sailed  was  met  by  a  ship  be- 
longing to  the  constable  of  the  Tower,*  the  captain  of 
Avhich  having  seized  the  duke,  caused  him  to  be  instantly  be- 
headed. 

By  the  death  of  this  minister,  the  duke  of  York  saw^  him- 
self rid  of  a  potent  enemy.  In  the  mean  while,  the  discon- 
tents of  the  people  against  the  government  daily   inci  eased„ 

•  The  constable  of  the  Tower  was  the  duke  of  Exeter.  Tindal^s  notes 
on  Rapin,  1.  p.  574. 


HENRY   VI.  409 

An  Irislmiati,  named  Jack  Cade,  raised  a  formidable  insur- 
rection in  Kent,  and  led  his  tumultuous  body  of  peasantry  to 
London,  under  the  specious  pretext  of  reforming  ibe  govern- 
ment. The  Londoners  shewed  their  attachment  to  his  cause, 
by  opening  their  gates  and  receiving  him  into  the  city,  where 
he  beheaded  the  lord  treasurer.  But  a  quarrel  arising  be- 
tween the  insurgents  and  the  citizens,  and  a  pardon  being 
offered  by  royal  proclamation,  on  condition  of  laying  down 
their  arms.  Cade  w  as  deserted  by  his  followers,  and  fled  into 
Sussex,  where  he  was  discovered  and  slain.*  It  has  never 
been  doubted  that  the  duke  of  York  had  fomented  these  dis- 
turbances, and  his  subsequent  conduct  co'roborated  the  con- 
jecture. He  himself  shortly  after  took  arms,  under  the  same 
pretextof  reforming  abuses,  and  especially  of  bringing  the  duke 
of  Somerset  to  trial  for  the  loss  of  Normandy.  But,  for  this 
time,  a  civil  war  was  prevented  by  negociation.  The  king 
agreed  to  send  Somerset  to  the  Tower  ;  and  the  duke  of 
York  disbanded  his  troops.  But  on  coming  to  court,  he  found 
his  rival  at  liberty.  After  a  severe  altercation  between  the 
two  dukes  in  the  presence  chamber,  the  king  ordered  the 
duke  of  York  to  be  arrested.  But  the  posture  of  affairs,  and 
the  disposition  of  the  people,  rendered  it  dangerous  to  pro- 
ceed against  him.  Had  the  enemies  of  the  duke  dared  to 
gratify  their  resentment,  he  could  never  have  freed  himself 
from  the  snare  into  which  he  had  fallen.  By  his  death  at 
that  juncture,  the  domination  of  the  house  of  Lancaster 
might  probably  have  been  confirmed,  and  oceans  of  English 
blood  Iiave  been  spared.  But  the  dread  of  a  civil  war  indu- 
ced the  queen  and  the  council  to  sufier  him  to  retire,  on 
a  promise  of  strict  obedience  for  the  future  :  and  for  some 
time  the  duke  of  Somerset  enjoyed,  without  a  rival,  the  au- 
thority which  he  had  acquired  at  court. 

The  duke  of  York,  however,  still  aspired  to  the  crown. 
The  king  falling  sick,  the  intrigues  of  the  dukes  secret 
friends,  who  pretended  to  be  of  the  court  party,  were  so  art- 
fully employed,  that  he  was  admitted  into  the  privy  council, 
together  with  the  two  Nevilles,  father  and  son,  the  former 

•  Stowe's  Ann.  p.  392. 


4ilO  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

earl  of  Salisbury,  and  the  latter  earl  of  Warwick.  The 
father  was  eminent  for  his  prudence,  the  son  was  universally 
esteemed  for  his  valour,  and  adored  by  the  people  for  his  en- 
gaging behaviour.  With  such  colleagues  the  duke  of  York 
carried  all  before  him.  The  duke  of  Somerset,  being  im- 
peached by  the  Commons  for  the  loss  of  Normandy,  was  sent 
to  the  Tower ;  and  his  rival  was  appointed  by  the  parliament 
protector  of  the  realm.  After  a  period  of  nearly  two  years 
tlie  king  recovered  from  his  indisposition,  and  resumed  the 
ffovernment.  The  first  effects  of  this  chans'e  were 
'  the  release  of  the  duke  of  Somerset  and  the  dis- 
missal of  the  duke  of  York  from  his  office.  The  queen  and 
the  duke  oT  Somerset  had  now  au  absolute  sway  in  the  coun- 
cil. And  the  duke  of  York  withdrew  from  the  court,  where 
his  situation  was  extremely  precarious.  Being  sensible  that 
by  having  the  king  in  their  power,  the  queen  and  the  duke 
of  Somerset  possessed  advantages  which  could  be  wrested 
from  them  only  by  force,  he  resolved  to  have  recourse  to  arms, 
and  soon  saw  himself  at  the  head  of  a  cousidei  able  body  of 
troops. 

From  this  period  may  be  dated  the  commencement  of  the 
civil  wars  between  the  houses  of  York  and  Lancaster,  which 
deluged  England  with  the  blood  of  her  slaughtered  inhabi- 
tants. The  revolt  of  the  duke  of  York  obliged  Henry  to 
take  the  lield  ;  and  the  impotent  monarch  was  dragged  after 
his  army  to  St.  Alban's,  where  the  first  battle  was  fought 
between  the  two  parties.  The  earl  of  Warwick, 
A  D^  l'S5  ^^^'^  commanded  the  vanguard  of  the  Yorkists, 
began  the  attack,  which  the  duke  supported  with 
the  main  body.  In  a  few  moments  the  royal  army  was  rout- 
ed, and  the  duke  of  Somerset,  its  general,  was  slain,  together 
with  the  earls  of  Northumberland  and  Stafford,  the  lord  Clif- 
ford, and  nrany  other  lords  and  officers  of  state,  of  whom 
forty-eight  were  buried  in  the  abbey  of  St.  Alban's*  The 
loss  in  piivate  soldiers  is  so  differently  stated  by  historians 
that  no  credit  can  be  given  to  their  contradictory  accounts. 
The  king,  being  wounded,  took  refuge  in  a  cottage,  where  he 

*  Stowe  p.  40O. 


HENRY   Vr.  411 

was  taken  prisoner,  and  treated  with  apparent  respect.  Bc- 
in^  conducted  back  to  London  he  was  suffered  to  refaia  the 
royal  title,  but  was  obliged  to  resign  the  authority  to  the  duke 
of  York,  who  was  appointed  protector  with  a  salary  of  four 
thousand  marks. 

Henry  was  now  a  mere  pageant  of  state,  but  he  enjoyed 
the  title  of  king  which  to  him  seemed  sufficient.  But  the 
queen  and  all  the  lords,  w  ho  were  allied  to  the  house  of  Lan- 
caster, or  attached  to  its  interests,  observing  that  the  duke  of 
York  was  making  large  strides  towards  the  throne,  begaii  to 
take  measures  for  stopping  his  progress.  The  duke  of  York 
was  obliged  to  retire,  in  order  to  oppose  their  designs.  After 
various  cabals,  and  ineffectual  negociations,  mutual  distrust 
again  brought  the  two  parties  to  the  field.*     The  earl  of 

Salisbury  defeated  the  royalists  at  Blareheath, 
A  0*1458    ^^'''*^''^  ^^^^  Audley,  their  general,  and  above  two 

thousand  of  his  officers  and  soldiers  were  slain* 
The  rebels  soon  after  united  all  their  forces,  and  the  earl  of 
Warwick  came  from  Calais,  and  joined  them  with  a  consid- 
erable number  of  troops  from  that  garrison.  And  the  queen 
having,  by  extraordinary  exertions,  collected  a  numerous  army, 
the  king  put  himself  at  its  head,  and  marched  against  the  in- 
surgents. But,  for  this  time,  the  affair  terminated  without 
bloodshed.  The  duke  of  York  w  as  abandoned  by  his  soldiers, 
and  obliged  to  seek  refuge  in  Ireland.  The  earls  of  Warwick 
and  Salisbury,  with  the  earl  of  March,  eldest  son  of  the  duke 
of  York,  fled  to  Calais.     Soon  after  the  dispersion  of  the 

rebels,  the  parliament  declared  the  duke  of  York 
\.  U.  1459.  ^"'^  ^^^  ^"*  adherents  guilty  of  high  treason,  and 

confiscated  their  estates. 
The  queen  and  the  council,  instead  of  using  their  success 
with  moderation,  resolved  to  extirpate  the  Yorkists,  and  dis- 
patched commissioners  into  the  provinces  with  orders  to  make 
strict  inquiry  for  those  who  had  borne  arms  in  the  late  re- 
bellion, and  to  punish  them  according  to  law.  This  violent 
proceeding  blew  up  the  spark  which  had  seemed  to  be  extin- 
guished.    The  people  of  Kent  had,  on  every  occasion,  shewn 

*  For  a  detail  of  tliese  particulars  vide  Rapin  1.  p.  583,  &c. 


41 S  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

a  strong  attachment  to  the  diike  of  York,  and  dreading  the 
resentment  of  the  oourt,  they  sent  a  deputation  to  the  rebel 
lords  at  Calais,  inviting  them  to  make  a  descent  on  their 
coasts,  and  assuring  tiiein  of  a  general  insurrection  in  their 
favour.  This  juncture  appearing  extremely  favourable,  the 
lords  resolved  to  improve  it  to  the  best  advantage,  and  the 
success  answered  their  most  sanguine  expectation.  Having 
landed  with  only  fifteen  hundred  men,  they  were  immediatelj 
joined  by  a  body  of  four  thousand,  conducted  by  lord  Cobham. 
With  this  reinforccrient  tliey  advanced  towards  London, 
where  the  citizens  were  ready  to  open  the  gates  for  their  re- 
ception. In  their  short  march  their  army  had  increased  to 
forty  thousa  id  men,  and  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  with 
the  bish.jps  of  London,  Lincoln,  Exeter,  and  Ely,  declared 
for  them  as  soon  as  they  entered  the  city.  The  lord  Scales, 
who  had  thrown  himself  into  the  Tower  with  a  body  of  troops, 
threatened  to  demolish  the  city  with  his  cannon,  but  he  was 
cl  tsely  blockaded  and  soon  reduced  to  great  straits  for  want 
of  provisions. 

In  the  mean  while  the  king  and  queen,  having  assembled 
their  forces  at  Coventry,  were  advancing  towards  London. 
The  rebels,  on  receiving  intelligence  of  their  march,  immedi- 
ately took  the  field,  and  resolved  to  give  battle  to  the  royal 
army.  Between  Towcester  and  Northampton  a  decisive  ac- 
tion took  place.  On  the  side  of  the  royalists  the 
A  D^1460  4"66"  ^v^s  the  acting  general.  She  drew  up  the 
army  in  battalia  and  gave  the  necessary  orders, 
while  the  king  was  led  about  an  involuntary  spectator  of 
those  martial  transactions.  The  rebels  were  commanded  by 
the  earl  of  Warwick.  After  an  obstinate  contest,  the  deser- 
tion of  lord  Grey,  who  commanded  a  body  of  the  king's  army, 
and  in  the  heat  of  the  action  went  over  to  the  rebels,  decided 
the  issue.  The  royal  army  wa?'  totally  routed  with  the  loss 
of  ten  thousand  men.  The  duke  of  Buckingham,  the  earls 
of  Shrewsbury  and  Beaumont,  and  several  other  nobles  and 
officers  of  distinction,  were  killed.  The  queen,  with  the 
young  prince  of  Wales,  and  the  duke  of  Somerset,  fled  to  the 
north,  and  never  rested  till  they  reached  the  bishoprick  of 
Durham,  where,  not  thinking  themselves  in  safety,  they  re- 


HENRY   VI.  413 

tired  into  Wales,  and  afterwards  teok  refui^e  in  Scotland. — 
The  king  was  taken  prisoner  in  his  tent,  where  he  waited 
the  issue  of  the  battle,  and  was  conducted  to  Lis  capital,  sur- 
rounded by  his  rebellious  subjects. 

On  his  arrival  at  London  a  parliament  was  called ;  and 
the  duke  of  York,  who  was  now  returned  from  Ireland, 
openly  claimed  the  crown  as  legitimate  heir  of  the  house  of 
March,  the  elder  branch  of  the  family  of  Edward  III.  The 
cause  of  Henry  and  the  duke  was  solemnly  debated  in  par- 
liament. At  length  it  was  determined  that  Henry  should 
enjoy  the  crown  during  his  life,  and  that  the  suc- 
^jjj^gQ*  cession  should  devolve  on  the  duke  of  York  and 
his  posterity.  It  must  be  observed  that  the  par- 
liament acted  on  this  occasion  with  a  freedom  which  could 
scarcely  have  been  expected  from  the  state  of  affairs  and  the 
spirit  of  the  times,  and  that  the  duke  of  York  shewed  great 
moderation  in  contenting  himself  with  the  reversion  of  a 
crown,  when  he  might  have  insisted  on  the  immediate  pos- 
session, and  have  supported  the  demand  by  the  presence  and 
eflforts  of  a  victorious  army. 

This  settlement,  which  totally  excluded  the  prince  of 
Wales  and  the  whole  house  of  Lancaster  from  the  throne, 
seemed  to  give  no  uneasiness  to  the  king.  He  gave  himself 
entirely  up  to  devotion,  and  left  the  management  of  public 
affairs  to  the  duke  of  York,  who  was,  by  sound  of  trumpet, 
proclaimed  heir  apparent  to  the  crown  and  protector  of  the 
realm.  But  the  queen  was  not  of  the  same  passive  dispo- 
sition. Though  she  had  lost  all,  and  seemed  destitute  of 
every  resource,  she  still  retained  her  native  perseverance  and 
intrepidity.  In  order  to  procure  soldiers,  she  promised  to 
those  who  should  inlist  under  her  banners  permission  to  plun- 
der the  country  to  the  south  of  the  Trent,  and  by  this  en- 
couragement she  collected  in  the  northern  parts  of  the  king- 
dom an  army  of  eighteen  or  according  to  others  of  twenty- 
two  thousand  men.  The  duke  of  York  had  heard  that  she  was 
levying  troops,  but  was  not  informed  of  her  success.  How- 
ever he  thought  that  he  could  not  make  too  much  speed  to 
prevent  her  designs.  He  therefore  marched  from  London 
with  only  four  or  five  thousand  men,  ordering  his  son,  the 


*14»  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

carl  of  March,*  lo  follow  with  the  rest  of  his  army.  Having 
proceeded  to  Wakefield,  in  Yorkshire,  he  received  iutelli- 
gence  of  the  approach  of  the  (|iieen,  aud  was  there  first  in- 
formed of  her  strcni;th.  Although  the  duke  of  Vork  was 
esteemed  an  able  general,  lie  fell  into  a  fatal  error  in  hazard- 
ing a  hattle  against  an  army  so  greatly  superior.     The  queen 

having  placed  an  ambuscade  in  his  rear,  began  a 
A  D  1460.  vigorous  attack  on  his  front.     The  troops  placed 

in  ambush  at  the  same  time  fell  on  his  rear.  This 
unexpected  attack  threw  the  duke's  troops  into  such  confu- 
sion that  within  half  an  liour  they  were  totally  routed.  The 
duke  was  slain  on  the  field  of  battle  :  his  second  son,  the  earl 
of  Rutland,  who  was  only  twelve  years  of  age,  attempted  to 
fly,  but  was  overtaken  by  Lord  Clifford,  who  stabbed  him  to 
the  heart.  The  earl  of  Salisbury  being  taken  prisoner,  was 
carried  to  Pontefract,  and  beheaded  on  a  scaffold.  As  soon 
as  the  duke's  body  was  found  his  head  was  cut  off,  and,  being 
crowned  with  a  paper-crown,  was  placed  on  the  walls  of 
York. 

In  this  manner  did  the  duke  of  York  terminate  his  career 
when  within  one  step  of  the  throne.  His  son  and  successor, 
the  earl  of  IVlarch,  was  still  at  the  head  of  above  twenty 
thousand  men,  and  instead  of  being  discouraged  by  his 
father's  defeat,  he  resolved  to  revenge  his  death.  The  victor* 
ious  Margaret,  in  the  mean  M'hile,  was  marching  to  London, 
in  order  to  secure  that  metropolis,  the  influence  of  which  was 
sufficient  to  turn  the  scale  in  favour  of  either  party.  But  on 
receiving  intelligence  that  the  earl  of  Pembroke,  with  a 
strong  detachment  of  her  army,  had  been  defeated  by  the 
carl  of  March,  with  the  loss  of  almost  four  thousand  men, 
she  halted  at  St.  Alban's.  The  earl  of  Warwick,  wlio  had 
been  left  in  London,  being  apprehensive  that  the  citizens 
might  admit  the  queen  if  she  presented  herself  with  a  vie* 
torious  army  at  their  gates,  resolved,  if  possible,  to  prevent 
her  approach.  Li  this  view  he  drew  his  troops  out  of  the 
capital,  and  marched  directly  to  St.  Alban-s,  where  a  battle 
was  fought,  in  which  victory  declared  for  the  queen.     The 

*  Afterwards  Edward  IV, 


HENRY   VI,  415 

earl  lost  above  two  tliousand  men ;  and  the  queen  had  the 
satisfaction  of  lilie rating  the  king  whom  Warwick  had  brought 
along  with  the  army.  Several  prisoners  of  distinction  were 
beheaded  on  the  scaffold  ;  and  while  the  queen  thus  exercised 
her  cruelty,  her  troops  gratified  their  avarice  by  plundering 
the  city  of  St.  Alban's,  declaring  that  they  had  been  induced 
to  take  arms  solely  by  the  promise  of  having  the  plunder  of 
all  the  country  lying  south  of  the  Trent.  This  declaration 
was  extremely  prejudicial  to  the  affairs  of  the  queen,  as  the 
ravages  every  where  committed  by  her  troops  rendered  the 
Londoners  extremely  unwilling  to  admit  her  into  the  city ; 
and  several  carts  laden  with  provisions,  which  the  mayor,  at 
her  request,  was  going  to  send  to  the  army,  were  stopped  at 
one  of  the  gates  by  the  populace. 

The  earl  of  March,  in  the  mean  M'hile,  was  advancing 
with  all  possible  expedition  towards  London,  in  order  to  in- 
spire the  citizens  with  resolution  to  keep  their  gates  shut 
against  the  queen  ;  and  at  Chipping  Norton,  in  Oxfordshire^ 
he  was  joined  by  the  remains  of  the  earl  of  Warwick's  army. 
Margaret,  who  was  justly  apprehensive  of  not  being  admit" 
ted  into  London,  and  of  being  obliged,  in  ease  she  advanced 
that  way,  to  engage  an  enemy  superior  in  strength,  at  the 
gates  of  a  great  city  that  was  hostile  to  her  cause,  did  not 
venture  to  approach  the  metropolis,  and  immediately  retired 
towards  the  north.  The  earl  of  March  entered  London: 
and  his  friends,  without  waiting  the  decision  of  a  parliament^ 
resolved  to  place  him  on  the  throne  by  an  extraordinary 
election,  first  by  the  people,  and  then  by  the  nobles.  The 
army  being  dravn  up  in  St.  John's  Fields,  amidst  immense 
crowds  of  people,  the  question  was  put  whether  they  would 
have  Edward,  son  of  the  late  duke  of  York,  to  reign  over 
them  ?  All  expressed  their  consent  in  loud  acclamations. 
This  first  step  being  taken,  a  great  council  was  convened,  con- 
sisting of  all  the  bishops,  lords,  magistrates,  and  gentlemen, 
in  the  city  and  neighbourhood  of  London.  In  this  assembly, 
the  crown  was  unanimously  adjudged  to  Edward.  On  (he 
morrow,  he  went  in  solemn  procession  to  St.  Paul's,  and  from 
thence  was  conducted  in  great  state  to  Westminster  Hall, 
The  archbishop  of  Canterbury  again  asked  the  people  if 


4<16  HIS'rORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

tbey  would  have  Edward  for  their  kinq  ?  and  they  answered 
again  by  loud  acclamations.  The  ceremony  concluded  with 
singing  "  Te  Deum,""  and  on  tlie  following  day 
A  D  1461  Edward  was  proclaimed  king  of  England,'Hu  Lon- 
don and  the  neighbouring  towns. 
Queen  Margaret,  in  the  mean  while,  was  exerting  all  her 
activity  in  raising  new  levies ;  and  the  northern  counties, 
which  were  strongly  attached  to  the  house  of  Lancaster,  gave 
her,  on  this  occasion,  such  proofs  of  their  affection,  that  she 
saw  herself  in  a  short  time  at  the  head  of  sixty  thousand  men. 
Edward  was  sensible  of  the  necessity  of  immediately  opposing 
so  formidable  an  armament.  Though  he  had  acquired  the 
regal  title,  he  knew  that  it  could  be  maintained  only  by 
force ;  and  neither  he  nor  the  great  men  of  his  party  could 
see  any  hopes  of  safety,  except  in  success.  Within  seven  or 
eight  days  after  being  proclaimed  king,  he  marched  from  Lon- 
don towards  the  North.  One  of  his  detachments  forced  the 
pass  of  Ferrybridge,  over  the  river  Aire  ;  but  this  body  was 
afterwards  defeated  by  the  queen's  troops,  who  recovered 
that  important  post.  The  earl  of  Warwick  informed  the 
king  of  this  disaster,  with  an  emotion  that  shewed  him  ap- 
prehensive of  the  consequences ;  but  to  shew  that  his  fears 
were  not  personal,  he  stabbed  his  horse,  and  kissing  the  hilt 
of  his  sword,  which  was  made  in  the  form  of  a  cross,  swore 
that  if  the  whole  army  should  take  to  flight,  he  alone  would 
defend  the  king  and  his  cause.  Edward,  however,  trusting 
to  his  courage  and  fortune,  was  far  from  being  disheartened, 
and  in  order  to  prevent  any  bad  effects  that  consternation 
might  produce  among  his  troops,  he  informed  them  by  a  pro- 
clamation, that  all  who  desired  it  were  at  liberty  to  depart, 
promising  at  the  same  time  to  reward  those  who  should  do 
their  duty;  but  declaring  that  no  mercy  should  be  sliewn  to 
any  that  should  fly  during  the  battle.  He  then  sent  William 
Neville,  lord  Fauconbridge,  to  pass  the  river  Aire  at  Castle- 
ford,  near  Ferrybridge,  and  to  attack  the  post  lately  lost. 
This  oflicer  executed  his  orders  with  such  expedition  and  se- 
crecy, that  he  attacked  the  enemy  before  they  had  any  no- 
tice of  his  march.  Lord  Clifford,  who  had  so  inhumanly 
butchered  the  young  earl  of  Rutland  after   the  battle  of 


HENRY  VI.  417 

*^Vakefiel(l,  was  killed  ;  and  his  troops  were  entirely  routed. 
Tlie  important  post  ol'  Ferrybridge  being  thus  recovered,  Ed- 
ward passed  over  the  river,  and  proceeded  in  quest  of  the 
enemy.  The  queen,  at  the  same  lime,  was  equally  desirous 
of  bringing  the  aftair  to  a  speedy  decision,  as  a  victory  was 
the  only  means  left  for  the  restoration  of  her  husband.  The 
duke  of  Somerset  was  intrusted  with  the  command  of  her 
army,  while  she  and  Henry  remaining  at  York,  waited  the 
issue  of  a  battle  that  was  to  determine  their  fate. 

The  two  armies  met  near  Towton,  a  village  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Tadcaster,  where  they  drew  up  in  order  of  bat- 
tle.* The  army  of  Henry  was  sixty  thousand  strong :  that 
of  Edward  amounted  to  forty,  or  according  to  some,  to  forty- 
eight  thousand  men.     On  Palm-Sunday   the  bloody  conflict 

took  place.     It  continued  from  morning  till  night 
March  29,  .  .  j  cj     , 

A.  U.  1461.  "**  quarter  was  given,  and  never  was  victory  more 

obstinately  contested.  Never  before  had  England 
seen  so  terrible  a  day.  Never  was  there  a  more  remarkable 
instance  of  the  folly  of  the  people.  A  hundred  thousand  men 
of  the  same  nation  were  seen  fighting  for  no  interests  of  their 
own,  but  merely  to  satisfy  the  empty  ambition  of  a  few  weak 
and  worthless  individuals,  and  butchering  one  another  to  de- 
termine whether  an  idiot  or  a  boy  should  wear  a  crown  set 
with  diamonds.  Yet,  in  deciding  this  dispute,  above  thirty- 
six  thousand  fell  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  the  waters  of  the 
AVharf  were  tinged  with  blood.  Such  is  the  infatuation  of 
mankind  :  such  are  the  direful  consequences  of  civil  dissen- 
tions.  On  this  terrible  day,  Edward  distinguished  himself  by 
an  extraordinary  valour,  which  greatly  contributed  to  main- 
tain his  troops  in  their  resolution  of  conquering  or  dying  iu 
his  service.  But  the  earl  of  AVarwick  was  the  acting  gene- 
ral, and  to  his  martial  abilities  the  result  of  the  battle  must 
be  chiefly  ascribed.  Edward,  however,  had  (he  good  fortune 
to  gain  a  decisive  victory,  which  estalilished  him  on  the 
throne.  And  Margaret,  with  her  son  and  her  husband,  took 
refuge  in  Scotland.     Edward  now  took  down  the  heads  of  his 

•  Stowe,  p.  415.  Rapin  says  that  the  battle  was  foug'ht  between  Tow- 
ton  and  Saxton.  Towton  is  two  miles  nearly  South-East  from  Tadcaster, 
Saxton  is  one  mile  and  a  half  almost  S .  W.  from  Towton. 

iiUh 


418  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

father  and  the  earl  of  Salisbury  from  the  walls  of  York,  and 
placed  in  their  stead  the  lieads  of  the  vanquished  generals. 
In  these  disastrous  contests,  each  party,  as  it  happened  to  be 
Tictorious,  called  in  the  executioner  to  complete  on  the  scaf- 
fold the  tragedy  begun  in  the  field. 

Edward  having  subdued  all  opposition  in  the  north,  re- 
turned to  London,  and  called  a  parliament  to  confirm  the  re« 
volution  which  had  placed  him  on  the  throne.  At  such  a 
juncture,  the  sanction  of  parliament  was  not  difficult  to  ob- 
tain. How  irregular  soever  the  election  of  Edward  had  been, 
he  was  at  the  head  of  a  victorious  army,  and  no  one  dared  to 
question  his  right.  Henry  VI.  after  a  reign  of  thirty-eight 
years,  was  deemed  an  usurper,  and  all  that  he  had  done  while 
on  the  throne  was  annulled,  as  wanting  a  lawful  autliority, 
while  all  the  proceedings  of  the  Yorkists,  which  had  so  lately 
been  denominated  treasons,  were  legalized.  Thus  the  terms 
right  and  wrong  are  generally  reversed  by  political  revo- 
lutions. 

Thus  ended  the  reign  of  Henry  VI.  one  of  the  most  disas' 
trous  that  England  had  seen.  The  loss  of  all  the  English 
provinces  in  France,  ought  not,  perhaps,  to  be  deemed  a  mis- 
fortune. They  had  been  a  source  of  almost  continual  quar- 
rels, and  a  gulf  which  drained  England  of  men  and  of  money. 
It  is  certain  that  the  disasters  of  the  English  abroad,  greatly 
contributed  to  their  uuhappiuess  at  home.  8ueh  is  the  folly 
of  mankind,  that  triumphs  always  dazzle  the  eyes  of  the 
people,  though  obtained  at  the  expense  of  their  blood  and 
their  treasures.  While  their  minds  were  infatuated  by  the 
glories  of  Cressey,  Poictiers,  and  Agincourt,  they  remained 
unconcerned  at  the  exhaustion  of  their  country,  and  eagerly 
seconded  the  ruinous  projects  of  their  kings.  Henry  VI.  was 
a  prince  of  a  feeble  capacity,  but  his  life  was  inoffensive; 
and  it  does  not  appear  that  his  reign  was  tyrannical,  or  that 
even  the  measures  of  the  queen  and  the  ministers  were  ini- 
mical to  the  rights  of  the  people.  But  the  war  in  France 
was  unsuccessful,  and  the  events  which  took  place  in  that 
country,  excited  discontents  among  the  people  of  England, 
tvhieh  disposed  them  to  support  the  claims  of  York  against 
the  reigning  family  of  Lancaster.    On  comparing  the  state 


HENRY  VI,  4)19 

of  England  towards  the  end  of  this  reign  with  that  of  France, 
when  invaded  by  Henry  V.  it  appears  that  a  formidable  at- 
tack from  France  or  Scotland,  might,  at  tliat  juncture,  have 
been  attended  with  dreadful  consequences.  But  happily  for 
England,  Louis  XI.  discarding  all  thoughts  of  foreign  con- 
quests, was  wholly  employed  in  rendering  himself  master  of 
his  own  kingdom,  by  humbling  the  aristocracy  of  France,  and 
James  II.  Mas  prosecuting  the  same  design  with  equal  assi- 
duity in  Scotland.  Notwithstanding  the  miseries  of  this 
reign,  it  proved  the  auspicious  aera  of  the  introduction  of  the 
art  of  printing  into  England,  a  lasting  benefit,  more  than  snf- 
iieient  to  coonterbalance  any  temporary  calamities. 


420 


EDWARD  IV. 


JEdward  IV.  had  obtained  the  crown  ;  but  it  was  long  before 
he  found  it  to  sit  easy  on  liis  head.  The  first  opposition  that 
he  experienced  was  from  Margaret,  his  implacable  enemy. 
No  calamities  whatever  could  overcome  the  courage  and  per- 
severance of  tliat  princess.  Having,  by  earnest  solicitations, 
obtained  from  the  French  king  an  inconsiderable  body  of 
troops,  she  again  resolved  to  enter  England.  But  she  Mas 
attended  by  her  usual  ill  fortune.  Her  little  squadron  was 
dispersed  by  a  storm :  most  of  her  ships  and  troops  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  enemy  ;  and  it  was  not  Mithout  extreme 
ditKiculty  that  sbe  found  means  to  enter  the  Tiveed.  The 
Scots,  however,  espoused  her  cause,  and  she  entered  Northum- 
berland with  an  army  that  daily  increased.  Her  forces  ihus 
becoming  considerable,  she  again  tried  the  fortune  of  arms, 
and  was  defeated  near  Hexham,  by  lord  Montague,  brother  of 
the  earl  of  Warwick.  She  and  her  husband  were  obliged  to 
seek  safety  in  a  separate  flight,  without  attendants  and  even 
without  the  necessaries  of  life.  The  weak  and  unfortunate 
Henry,  almost  invariably  imprudent  and  consequently  unsuc- 
cessful, hoped  to  lie  concealed  in  England  till  an  opportunity 
should  oR'cr  of  escaping  to  the  continent:  this  project  was 
attended  with  the  obvious  consequences  :  he  was  soon  recog- 
nized, seized,  conducted  M'ith  ignominy  to  London,  and  con- 
j&ned  in  the  Tower.* 

Margaret  was  more  fortunate  ;  for  she  found  means  to 
escape,  with  the  prince  her  son,  into  Flsinders,  where  the  duke 
pf  Burgundy  gave  them  a  favourable  reception.     The  dukes 

*  Rymers  foeJ.  torn,  11  p.  548  — Stowe  p.  419. 


EDWARD    IV.  421 

of  Somerset  and  Exeter  also  took  refuge  in  the  low  countries, 
where  they  durst  not  make  themselves  known,  lest  they  should 
be  delivered  to  Edward.  In  this  obscure  exile  they  suffered 
all  the  calamities  that  poverty  could  inflict  on  persons  of 
their  rank.  Philip  de  Commiues  says,  that  he  saw  the  duke 
of  Exeter,  before  he  was  recognized,  following  the  duke  of 
Burgundy's  equipage  barefooted  and  in  extreme  distress. 
After  these  two  noblemen  were  known,  the  duke  granted  them 
a  trifling  pension  for  their  subsistence.  These  were  strange 
vicissitudes  for  persons  who  had  been  born  to  affluence,  mIio 
had  conducted  armies,  and  were  allied  to  kings  and  princes. 
Such  instances  of  the  reverses  of  fortune,  however,  are  not 
uufrequent  in  the  history  of  civil  wars  and  national  revolu- 
tions, especially  in  semi-barbarous  ages. 

Edward,  being  now  fixed  on  the  throne  in  apparent  peace 
and  security,  sent  the  earl  of  Warwick  to  Paris  to  negociate 
a  treaty  of  marriage  between  him  and  Bona  of  Savoy,  sister- 
in-law  of  the  French  monarch.  This  proposal  was  extremely 
agreeable  to  Louis  XI.  who  desired  nothing  more  than  peace 
and  alliance  with  England,  in  order  to  prevent  any  interrup- 
tion to  his  design  of  depressing  the  feudal  system  in  France. 
The  treaty  was  therefore  concluded  without  difficulty.  But 
while  the  earl  of  Warwick  was  carrying  on  this  negociatiom 
with  assiduity  and  success,  the  king  rendered  his  labours  in- 
eff"ectual ;  by  espousing  Elizabeth  Woodville,  widow  of  Sir 
.Tohn  Grey,  a  lady  of  great  beauty  and  virtue,  with  whom  he 
became  acquainted  by  accident.  The  earl  Mas  grievously 
incensed  at  this  affront,  and  abhored  the  ingratitude  of  the 
monarch,  whom  he  had  placed  on  the  throne.  Edward  per- 
ceiving him  to  be  greatly  disgusted,  began  to  consider  him  as 
a  secret  enemy,  and  widened  the  breach  by  totally  with- 
drawing his  confidence,  while  he  accumulated  favours  on  the 
relatives  of  the  queen,  and  raised  them  to  the  highest  hon- 
ours. The  earl  of  Warwick  was  filled  with  indignation  on 
seeing  his  credit  sunk  and  his  services  disregarded.  He  was 
the  proudest  as  well  as  the  most  powerful  baron  of  England, 
but  his  prudence  was  equal  to  his  pride,  and  he  dissembled 
liis  resentment  till  he  had  taken  proper  measures  for  execu- 
ting his  designs.  By  representing  to  the  king^s  eldest  brother' 


4<S3  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

the  duke  of  Clarence,  the  dangerous  influence  of  (he  quefa 
and  her  family,  he  found  means  to  seduce  that  prince,  and  ia 
order  to  attach  him  firmly  to  his  interests,  he  gave  him  his 
daughter  in  marriage.  As  soon  as  his  plot  was  ripe  for  exe- 
cution, Warwick  and  Clarence  erected  the  standard  of  re- 
hellion.  Negociations  and  stratagems  followed  one  anotlier 
in  rapid  succession.  The  earl  of  Warwick  being  completely 
versed  with  the  arts  of  dissimulation,  proved  loo  snbtlefor  the 
young  monarch.*  Having  amused  him  for  some  time  with 
negociations,  he  suddenly  attacked  his  camp  iu  the  night. 
The  troops,  being  thus  surprised,  were  thrown  into  confusion  ; 
and  the  king  saw  himself  in  the  hands  of  his  enemies  before 
he  could  take  any  measures  either  for  defenee  or  escape.  Ed- 
M'ard,  being  thus  made  prisoner,  was  conducted  to  Warwick, 
tind  the  earl  afterwards  committed  him  to  the  custody  of  his 
brother  the  archbishop  of  York.f 

Edward,  although  he  had,  through  a  fatal  want  of  vigil- 
ance, suft'ered  himself  to  be  thus  surprised,  soon  shewed  him- 
self not  inferior  to  his  enemies  in  subtlety  ;  and  compensated^ 
by  stratagem,  his  former  imprudence.  By  his  insinuating  be* 
haviour,  or  perhaps  by  bribery,  he  obtained  leave  of  the  arch- 
bishop to  hunt  in  the  park,  with  a  feeble  guard  ;  and  impro- 
ved this  liberty  so  well  that  he  found  means  to  effect  his  es- 
cape. In  a  very  sliort  time  he  arrived  at  London,  where  he 
was  received  without  difiiculty,  as  the  earl  of  Warwick,  not 
expecting  such  a  turn,  had  taken  no  measures  for  securing 
the  metropolis.  It  is  easy  to  conceive  the  surprise  with 
which  the  earl  of  Warwick  and  the  duke  of  Clarence  re- 
ceived intelligence  of  the  king's  unexpected  escape.  The  earl 
ordered  Sir  Robert  Wells,  one  of  his  partizans,  to  levy  troops 
in  the  county  of  Lincoln,  where  his  interest  was  very  consid- 
erable;  and  the  king  having  also  raised  an  army,  both  par- 
ties prepared  to  decide  the  contest  by  arms.  Edward  resolv- 
ed to  attack  Wells  before  he  should  be  joined  by  Warwick 
and  Clarence,  who  were  raising  men  iu  other  parts  of  the 

•Rapln  l.p  606,607. 

f  George  Neville,  brDliier  of  ilic  eavl  of  Warwick,  M'as  promoted  t^ 
tlie  archbishoprick  of  York  bj-  Edward  IV.  in  the  year  14&4. 


EDWARD    IV*  423 

kins^dont.     A  battle  was  fou£*lit  near  Stamford,  in 

'    '         *  which  the  king  was  victorious.     The  rebels   left 

ten  thousand  men  dead  on  the  field  ;  and  Wells,  their  genera!, 

lost  his   life  on  the  scaftbld,  a  fate  which  his  father,  lord 

Wells,  had  recently  experienced. 

This  defeat  broke  all  the  measures  of  the  earl  of  War-* 
wick  and  the  duke  of  Clarence.  The  king  was  marching  to 
attack  them,  and  they  were  not  yet  prepared  for  action.  In 
this  extremity  they  were  obliged  to  seek  safety  in  flight,  and 
with  great  difficulty  made  their  escape  into  France,  where 
they  were  kindly  received  by  Louis  XL  who  was  then  at  Am- 
boise.  That  prince  had  refused  to  intermeddle  with  the  af- 
fairs of  England,  while  Edward  and  Henry  were  contending 
for  the  crown  ;  but  political  views  are  as  variable  as  the  wind 
or  the  weather,  and  constantly  changing  with  circumstances. 
He  was  not  only  exasperated  at  the  aflVont  received  from  Ed- 
ward in  the  aft'air  of  his  marriage,  but  jealous  of  the  alli- 
ance which  the  English  monarch  had  lately  concluded  Mith 
the  dukes  of  Bretagnc  and  Burgundy.  Apprehensive  that 
the  French  princes  and  nobles,  whom  he  intended  to  humble, 
might  be  protected  by  Edward,  he  resolved  to  find  him  such 
employment  in  his  own  kingrlom,  as  might  prevent  him  from 
interposing  in  the  affairs  of  his  neighlmurs.  Nothing,  in 
fine,  could  be  more  desireabic  to  the  French  monarch  than  t(T 
see  the  civil  war  rekindled  in  England.  These  considerations 
induced  him  not  only  to  receive  the  fugitive  English,  but  to 
promise  them  his  assistance.  He  also  sent  for  queen  Mar- 
garet, who  hatl  retired  to  her  father,  the  king  of  Sicily.  Here 
M'as  another  of  these  unexpected  turns  which  frequently  take 
place  in  political  alliances.  The  earl  of  Warwick  had  been 
the  chief  author  of  the  misfortunes  of  that  princess;  and  he^ 
en  his  part,  considered  her  as  his  mortal  enemy.  But  the 
earl  wanted  a  plausible  pretext  for  dethroning  Edward,  and 
nothing  could  answer  this  purpose  so  well  as  the  restoration, 
of  Henry.  On  the  other  hand,  Margaret  could  have  no  hope 
of  recovering  the  splendour  from  >vhich  she  had  fallen,  but 
by  an  union  with  Warwick.  In  these  circumstances,  Louis  XJ- 
fuund  no  difficulty  in  effecting  a  reconciliation  between  thena 
two  formerly  implacable  adversaries ;  and  the  alliance  was 


424  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

cemented  by  the  marriage  of  the  prince  of  Wales  >vith  the 
daughter  of  the  carl  of  Warwick.  Thus  the  duke  of  Clar- 
ence, brother  of  king  Edward,  became  brother-in-law  to  the 
son  of  Henry  and  Margaret;  and  the  earl  of  Warwick  was 
equally  allied  to  the  houses  of  York  and  Lancaster. 

In  the  mean  while,  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  Avho  had  faith- 
ful and  vigilant  spies  at  the  court  of  France,  informed  the 
king  of  England  of  all  these  transactions.  But  Edward, 
relying  on  the  affections  of  the  people,  who  had  hitherto  so 
zealously  supported  his  cause,  apprehended  no  danger  from 
the  fugitive  lords,  whom  he  considered  as  totally  destitute  of 
power  and  credit.  The  union  of  the  duke  of  Clarence  with 
his  enemies  gave  him  some  uneasiness;  and  a  female  domes- 
tic of  the  duchess  was  employed  to  bring  him  back  to  his  al- 
legiance. This  woman  artfullj^  and  successfully  executed  her 
commission.  She  represented  to  the  duke  that  his  conductj 
in  supporting  the  house  of  Lancaster  against  his  own  family, 
must  end  in  his  ruin.  The  case  was  plain,  and  the  arguments 
were  obvious.  The  Lancastrian  family,  when  replaced  on 
the  throne,  could  never  put  confidence  in  a  prince  of  the 
house  of  York.  Nor  was  it  forgotten  that  the  king  having 
only  an  infant  daughter,  if  death  should  snatch  her  from  the 
world,  the  duke  of  Clarence  would  be  the  next  heir  to  the 
crown  ;  but  that  in  case  the  house  of  Lancaster  should  be  re- 
stored, his  hopes  must  be  for  ever  extinguished.  It  was  im- 
possible not  to  yield  to  these  considerations ;  and  the  duke 
promised  to  declare  for  Edward  as  soon  as  he  could  do  it  with 
safety,  and  with  the  probability  of  reuderijig  him  a  considera- 
ble service. 

The  earl  of  Warwick,  in  the  mean  while,  was  preparing 
to  return  into  England.  But  Louis  XL  whose  principal 
view  was  to  foment  discord  among  the  English,  at  little  ex- 
pense, supplied  him  very  sparingly  with  money  and  troops. 
The  duke  of  Burgundy  sent  a  fleet  to  block  up  the  port  of 
Havre  de  Grace,  in  order  to  prevent  the  English  rebels  from 
sailing;  but  the  Flemisli  ships  being  dispersed  by  a  storm, 
the  earl  of  Warwick  and  the  duke  of  Clarence 
A  13  1470.  took- that  opportunity  of  putting  to  sea,  and  arriv- 
ed in  safety  at  Dartmouth,  from  which  port  they 
had,  abi)ve  five  months  before,  embarked  for  FrancB. 


Edward  iV.  425 

I'he  landing  of*  the  rebellious  lords  was  so  fiir  from  giving 
1*ld\vard  any  concern,  that  he  rather  rejoiced  at  having  the 
earl  of  Warwick,  as  he  thought,  in  his  power ;  and  he  de- 
sired the  duke  of  Burgundy  to  keep  a  fleet  at  sea,  in  order  to 
intercept  him  if  he  should  attempt  to  return  to  France.  But 
he  soon  perceived  his  error,  in  relying  too  much  on  popular 
favour.  The  earl  of  "Warwick  was  joined  by  such  numbers, 
that  he  soon  saw  himself  at  the  head  of  sixty  thousand  men. 
With  this  force,  he  considered  himself  as  superior  to  all  op- 
position, and  immediately  proclaimed  Henry  VI.  issuing,  at 
the  same  time,  an  order  in  his  name,  requiring  all  his  subjects 
from  sixteen  to  sixty  years  of  age  to  take  arms  and  expel  Ed- 
ward, who  was  declared  a  tyrant  and  usurper. 

An  event,  so  unexpected,  shewed  Edward  the  fallacy  of  his 
calculations.  He  levied  some  troops  ;  but  his  army  not  be- 
ing sufficiently  strong  to  meet  that  of  the  enemy,  he  retired 
towards  the  coast.  Having  encamped  near  Lynn,  in  Nor- 
folk, he  took  up  his  quarters  in  the  castle.  The  earl  of  War* 
wick  pursued  with  celerity,  and  as  soon  as  he  made  his  ap- 
pearance, the  cause  of  Edward  was  abandoned  by  the  army 
that  was  raised  for  its  support.  The  name  of  king  Henry 
resounded  through  the  camp,  and  the  shouts  of  the  soldiers 
being  heard  at  the  castle,  announced  to  Edward  the  general 
defection.  Having  no  time  to  deliberate,  and  seeing  no  safe- 
ty but  in  flight,  he  embarked  with  seven  or  eight  hundred 
faithful  troops  on  board  of  three  vessels  that  were  lying  in 
the  harbour,  being  accompanied  by  his  brother  the  duke  of 
Gloucester,  and  others  of  his  adherents.*  Not  knowing 
whither  to  retire,  except  into  the  dominions  of  his  brother-in* 
law,  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  he  steered  directly  for  Holland  ; 
and  after  having  narrowly  escaped  being  taken  by  some  cor- 
sairs, reached  the  coast.  Having  made  signals  to  implore  the 
protection  of  the  country,  the  lord  of  Gruthuyse  came  on  board, 
and  having  conducted  Edward  to  the  Hague,  maintained  him 
at  his  own  expense,  till  he  c»uld  receive  orders  from  the  duk«> 
of  Burgundy  relative  to  the  disposal  of  the  royal  fugitive.^ 

•  PliH.  de  Comm.  lib.  11.  c.  5. 

f  Holland,  as  well  as  the  rest  of  the  Netherlands,  were  then  und^r  t'L* 
fipminion  of  the  duke  of  Burgundy. 

lii 


HISTORY  OF  ENGLAJU). 

The  queen,  with  a  number  of  Yorkists,  on  hearing  of  (he? 
king's  flight,  took  sanctuary  in  Westminster  abbey,  where  she 
was  delivered  of  a  son,  named  Edward.  In  the  beginning  of 
A  D  1470  ^^^"'"-^'■j  *'^^  *^^rl  of  Warwick  and  the  duke  of 
Clarence  entered  Loudon.  Henry,  after  being 
prisoner  six  years  in  the  Tower,  was  released  from  his  con- 
finement, ami  solemnly  proclaimed  king,  amidst 
A.  U.'l470.'  ^^^^  Jvcclamations  of  the  populace.  Thus,  the  earl 
of  Warwick  having  restored  Henry  whom  he  had 
deposed,  and  pulled  down  Edward  whom  he  had  placed  on  the 
throne,  obtained  the  title  of  king-maker. 

On  the  26th  November  a  parliament  was  called  to  confirm 
thi,s  new  revolution.  The  victorious  party  had  recourse  to 
the  same  expedient  when  Edward  ascended  the  throne.  For- 
malities, indeed,  are  requisite  to  satisfy  the  people  ;  but  the 
contradictory  resolutions  of  parliamenty,  during  the  contests 
between  the  houses  of  York  and  Lancaster,  shew  that  these 
assemblies  always  adhered  to  the  strongest.  But  if  they  did 
Hot  act  with  freedom  they  acted  with  prudence.  The  quarrel 
had  its  origin  and  existence  in  the  royal  family,  and  could 
scarcely  be  called  national.  The  nation  had  alternately  re- 
cognized the  rights  of  both  houses :  all  the  revolutions  were 
eftected  by  intrigue  and  by  violence  ;  and  if  the  parliament 
had,  in  these  calamitous  times,  refused  to  confirm  the  acts  of 
the  victors,  their  fortitude  might  probably  have  only  served  to 
i'ncrease  the  public  calamities.  Thus  Edward,  in  his  turn, 
was  declared  by  parliament  a  traitor  and  an  usurper,  as  Henry 
had  formerly  been  by  the  same  authority. 

The  earl  of  Warwick  now  exercised  the  royal  authority  in 
the  name  of  the  king.  Henry  possessed  the  regal  title  ;  but 
the  queen  having  engagements  which  detJiined  her  in  France, 
the  earl  of  Warwick  and  the  duke  of  Clarence  were  appoint- 
ed governors  of  the  kingdom,  and  all  who  had  borne  arms  in 
defence  of  Edward's  right,  were  declared  rebels  and  traitors. 
The  mutual  severities  of  the  two  parties,  by  alternately  forc- 
i'ng  each  other  into  desperate  measures,  seem  to  have  greatly 
contributed  to  prolong  the  contest  and  to  produce  so  many 
successive  revolutions. 

While  these  transactioos  took  place  in  England^  the  fugi- 


I 


EDWABJD  IV.  4^7 

Uve  monarch  experienced  various  mortifications  at  the  court 
of  Burgundy.  The  duke,  indeed,  found  himself  placed  in  a 
difficult  predicament.  He  knew  the  designs  of  Louis  XI. 
against  his  dominions;  he  was  actually  involved  in  a  war 
with  that  prince,  and  had  already  lost  some  strong  places. 
He  had,  therefore,  every  reason  to  believe,  that  if  he  espoused 
the  cause  of  Edward,  the  earl  of  Warwick  would  join  the 
forces  of  England  to  those  of  France,  in  order  to  cftcct  his 
destruction.*  On  the  other  hand  he  could  scarcely  hope  to 
resist  the  arms  of  France  without  the  assistance  of  England, 
which  was  fo  be  expected  only  from  the  restoration  of  Edward. 
Every  thing,  therefore,  depended  on  the  success  of  the  unilfM*- 
taking,  which,  if  it  miscarried,  would  serve  the  earl  of  War- 
wick, who  ruled  over  England  with  sovereign  authority,  as  a 
plausible  pretext  for  joining  with  Louis  in  attacking  the 
Burgundian  dominions.  In  this  perplexity  the  duke  devised 
an  expedient  for  concealing  his  views  and  saving  appearances, 
by  publicly  disclaiming  all  connexion  with  Edward,  and 
giving  him  secret  assistance.  He  employed  private  persons 
to  hire  ships  for  conveying  the  fugitive  king  and  his  adherents 
to  England  ;  and  he  also  furnished  him  with  the  sum  of  fifty 
thousand  florins.  These  preparatory  measures  being  taken, 
Edward  set  sail  from  Flushing,  and  after  his  departure,  (he 
duke,  in  order  to  throw  a  veil  over  his  part  of  the  transaction, 
issued  a  proclamation,  forbidding  his  subjects,  under  the  pen- 
alty of  death,  to  give  him  any  kind  of  assistance. 

Edward  disembarked  his  forces,  consisting  of  only  twp 
thousand  men,  at  Ravenspur,  in  Yorkshire,  the 
A.  1).  1471.  pl^ce  where  Henry  IV.  had  formerly  landed,  when 
he  came  to  wrest  the  sceptre  from  Richard  II.  He 
expected  to  be  received  with  acclamations;  but  in  this  he 
found  himself  greatly  deceived.  The  people  were  divided 
in  sentiment,  and  those  even  who  were  well  affected  to  the 
house  of  York,  seeing  him  attended  by  so  slender  a  force, 
were  afraid  of  openly  espousing  his  cause.     Edward,  there- 

•  Ilapin  says  tliat  the  earl  had  already  sent  4000  English  troops  to  Ca-, 
lais  for  tliat  purpose  ;  but  Commines,  tlie  best  informed  iiistorian  of  those; 
times,  asserts,  that  he  had  only  formed  that  dc^ilgn,  antl  assig-ii,s  llic  reason 
pf  its  non-execptiqn,    Comni.  lib.  3.  c  6. 


42S  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

fore,  in  order  to  excite  their  compassion  and  veil  his  designs, 
followed  the  example  of  Heury  IV.  in  circumstances  nearly 
similar.  Without  mentioning  his  pretensions  to  the  crown, 
he  caused  a  report  to  be  spread  that  he  was  come  only  as 
duke  of  York  to  claim  his  paternal  inheritance,  which  had 
been  confiscated ;  and  this  device  operated  so  powerfully  in 
his  favour,  that  the  magistrates  of  York  could  not  prevent 
the  people  from  receiving  him  into  the  city.  Edward  prom- 
ised not  only  to  do  no  damage  to  the  citizens  but  always  to 
remain  the  king's  faithful  subject,  and,  on  his  entering  the 
city,  he  went  to  the  cathedral  and  confirmed  the  engagement 
with  an  oath.  But  in  the  business  of  politics,  especially 
ami<ist  civil  dissensions,  promises  and  oaths  are  used  only  as 
ladders  to  facilitate  some  difficult  ascent.  Having  thus  con- 
ducted his  affairs  at  York,  Edward  borrowed  some  money  of 
the  wealthy  inhabitants,  and  his  army  being  greatly  increased 
during  his  short  stay  in  that  city,  he  left  a  garrison  and  de^ 
parted  for  London. 

In  the  mean  while  the  earl  of  Warwick  and  the  duke  of 
Clarence  separated  themselves  in  order  to  assemble  their  for- 
ces. It  was  now  that  Edward  relied  on  the  duke,  his  brother, 
for  the  performance  of  his  promise.  The  earl,  who  little 
suspected  what  mischief  was  lurking,  sent  successive  expres- 
ses desiring  the  duke  of  Clarence  to  join  him  near  Coventry. 
Bat  the  duke  having  gained  the  principal  ofliicers  of  his  army, 
caused  Edward  to  be  proclaimed  in  his  camp,  and  immedi- 
ately afterwards  joined  him  with  his  forces.  This  was  a 
stunning  blow  to  the  earl  of  Warwick,  and  enough  to  have 
totally  discouraged  any  other  commander.  But  the  earl,  be- 
sides great  experience  in  war,  possessed  a  mind  fertile  in  re- 
sources, and  a  fortitude  not  to  be  overcome  by  difficulties. 

To  be  master  of  the  metropolis,  and  to  have  Henry  in  his 
power,  were  considered  by  Edward  as  objects  of  the  greatest 
imT>ortance.  He  was  no  sooner  joined  by  the  duke,  his  broth- 
er, than  he  began  his  march  towards  London.  The  carl  of 
Warwick  hoping  that  the  Londoners  would  shut  their  gates 
against  Edward,  immediately  followed,  in  the  design  of  oblig- 
ing him  eitlier  to  retire,  or  to  hazard  a  battle  before  the  walls 
of  the  city  under  great  disadvantages.  His  expectation,  how- 


EDWARD  IV.  4rS9 

ever,  proved  fallacious.  When  the  news  reached  London 
that  Edward  and  his  brother  had  joined  their  forces,  and  were 
iih  full  inarch  for  the  city,  the  earl  of  Warwick  was  given  up 
as  lost.  This  belief  inspired  the  people  with  a  terror,  which 
the  partizans  of  Edward  carefully  cherished,  by  aggravating 
the  danger  of  the  city  in  being  exposed  to  the  eftects  of  his 
indignation,  unless  it  was  prevented  by  a  speedy  submission. 
The  Yorkists  who,  on  Edward's  flight,  had  taken  refuge  in 
Westminster  abbey,  now  came  out  and  supported  his  interests, 
while  the  opposite  party  dared  not  to  open  their  mouths.  The 
people,  without  waiting  the  decision  of  the  magistrates,  re- 
solved to  open  the  gates,  and  the  archbishop  of  York  and  the 
duke  of  Somerset,  whom  the  earl  of  Warwick  had  left  in  the 
metropolis,  could  not  be  heard.  Edward  therefore  entered 
London  amidst  the  acclamations  of  the  inhabi- 
A  d"  1471.  ^^^^*  '  ^^^  the  passive  Henry  was  again  impris- 
oned in  the  Tower,  from  whence  he  had  been  taken 
seven  months  before  to  be  replaced  on  the  throne. 

Edward  had  not  time  to  make  a  long  stay  at  London.  Two 
days  after  his  arrival  he  departed  to  put  himself  at  the  head 
of  his  army,  on  receiving  intelligence  that  the  earl  of  War- 
wick had  advanced  as  far  as  St.  Alban's.  The  earl  was  ex- 
tremely embarrassed  :  he  saw  the  metropolis  lost,  and  the 
whole  kingdom  ready  to  declare  for  his  enemy  :  his  force  was 
inferior  to  that  of  Edward,  whose  army  was  greatly  aug- 
mented since  his  entrance  into  London ;  and  he  suspected  the 
fidelity  of  his  own  brother  the  marquis  of  Montague,  who 
commanded  a  corps  of  his  army,  and  whose  conduct  had  been 
somewhat  mysterious.  In  this  perplexing  situation,  he  had 
no  other  alternative  than  victory  or  ruin,  and  he  nobly  re- 
solved to  conquer  or  perish.  With  this  determination  he 
advanced  to  Barnet,  on  the  north  road,  about  ten  miles  from 
London,  where  a  most  sanguinary  conflict  took  place.     The 

battle  began  early  in  the  morning  and  lasted  till 
April  14,  ,     *  .  ,'  ,.  , 

A.  D.  1471.  ^ooTi  •  "0  quarter  was  given,  and  never  did  two 

armies  contend  with  greater  obstinacy.     In  these 

bloody  civil  wars,  frequent  revolutions  and  alternate  massacres 

Jiad  carried  animosity  to  the  highest  pitch,  and  no  mercy  was 

pvcr  either  shewn  or  expected,     Edward  displayed  all  the 


4<30  HISTOUY  OF  ENGLAND. 

courage  and  presence  of  miiul  of  a  consummate  general.  TJie 
earl  of  Warwick,  Itowevcr,  had  for  some  time  so  greatly  the 
■advantage,  that  tlie  news  of  his  victory  was  carried  to  Lon- 
dim.  The  palm  indeed  appears  to  have  been  snatched  from 
him  hy  accident.  The  earl  of  Oxford  bore  on  his  arms  and 
his  colours  a  star,  and  the  device  of  Edward  was  a  sun.  A 
niist  which  arose  during  the  baltle,  preventing  the  troops,  led 
by  the  earl  of  Warwick,  from  perceiving  the  difference,  they 
made  au  impetuous  attack  on  the  corps  commanded  by  the 
carl  of  Oxford,  who  had  repulsed  an  attack  on  his  Bank,  and 
was  wheeling  back  to  his  post,  which  had  been  left  too  much 
exposed.*  This  mistake  caused  an  extreme  confusion  in  the 
army,  as  those  who  saw  themselves  thus  attacked  by  their 
own  comrades,  imagined  it  to  be  the  eSect  of  treachery.  Ed- 
ward seeing  the  disorder,  seized  tins  important  moment,  and 
made  an  impetuous  charge.  The  enrl  of  Warwick  did  all 
that  was  possible  to  rectify  the  mistake;  but  finding  the  day 
irrecoverably  lost,  he  rushed  on  foot  among  the  thickest  of 
Lis  enemies,  and  quickly  fell  covered  with  wounds.  The 
marquis  of  Montague,  his  brother,  perished  by  his  side.  The 
earl  of  Oxford  and  tlie  duke  of  Somerset  escaped  into  Wales 
to  the  earl  of  Pembroke.  And  the  duke  of  Exeter  being 
severely  wounded  and  left  among  the  slain,  crawled  to  a 
Iieiglibouring  cottage,  from  whence  he  found  means  to  be  con- 
Teyed  to  London,  and  took  sanctuary  in  Westminster  abbey. 

Thus  terminated  the  bloody  and  decisive  battle  of  Barnct.f 
All  historians  concur  in  representing  the  conflict  as  extremely 
obstinate  and  sanguinary,  but  entirely  disagree  in  their  state^ 
meats  of  the  numbers,  both  of  those  that  were  engaged  and 
of  those  that  were  slain.  Hollingshed  says  that  the  army  of 
Edward  did  not  exceed  nine  thousand  :  of  that  of  the  earl  of 
Warwick  we  have  no  account  that  can  be  considered  as  au- 
thentic, llapin  says  that  10,000  of  the  earl's  troops  were 
slain.     According  to  Hall's  qiccount,  ten  thousand  fell  on  both 

•  Tlie  enrl  of  Oxford  and  the  marquis  of  Montague  commanded  the 
tlglit  wing',  (lie  earl  of  Warwick  and  the  duke  of  Exeter  comma,nded 
the  left. 

•(■  la  commemoration  of  lliis  battle,  a  monument  h  citclqd  near  tjjc  si(Je 
ef  tlie  road  leading-  from  Banket  to  Hatfield . 


edWaed  iV.  431 

sides,  and  Stowe  reduces  the  number  to  four  thousand,  which 
seems  to  be  too  low  an  estimate.  Sueh  is  the  difficulty  that 
almost  always  occurs  in  the  ascertainment  of  numbers.  But 
the  battle  of  Barnet  is  memorable,  not  only  from  its  efteets  itt 
re-establishing  Edward  on  the  throne,  but  for  the  death  of  the 
earl  of  Warwick,  the  greatest  general  at  that  time  in  Enghmd, 
or  probably  in  Europe.  Exceedingly  artful  and  extremely 
brave,  equally  skilful  in  the  council  and  in  the  field,  he  was 
peculiarly  formed  for  times  of  trouble,  and  set  up  and  tum- 
bled down  kings  at  his  pleasure. 

Margaret,  in  the  mean  while,  was  just  returned  from 
France.  Within  two  days  after  the  battle,  she  received  the 
disastrous  intelligence  of  the  defeat  and  death  of  the  earl  of 
Warwick,  and  instantly  perceived  the  inevitable  consequen- 
ces. Though  she  had  hitherto  supported  with  unduunted 
courage  the  vicissitudes  of  her  fortune,  she  lost  on  this  occa- 
sion the  firmness  by  which  her  character  was  so  gloriously- 
distinguished,  and,  yielding  to  her  grief,  fell  into  a  swoon, 
from  which  she  was  recovered  with  difficulty.  As  she  could 
not  discover  on  any  side  the  least  encouraging  prospect,  she 
resolved  to  consult  the  safety  of  her  son,  and  for  that  purpose 
fook  refuge  in  a  monastery.  Here  the  duke  of  Somerset  and 
his  brother,  with  the  earls  of  Pembroke  and  Devoushire,  and 
some  other  lords,  came  and  offered  her  their  services.  The 
lea*t  dawn  of  hope  was  sufficient  to  revive  her  courage ;  and 
the  remembrance  of  her  numerous  misfortunes  gave  way  to 
^he  flattering  prospect  of  a  successful  effort.  The  earl  of 
Pembroke  immediately  departed  for  AVales,  in  order  to  levy 
troops,  and  the  other  lords  separating  themselves  went  into 
tlie  western  counties  for  tlie  same  purpose.  The  expedition 
with  which  men  were  raised  on  this  occasion  appears  aston- 
ishing, and  must,  in  a  great  measure,  be  attributed  to  the  vin- 
dictive animosity  raised  in  the  minds  of  the  people  by  a  long 
series  of  civil  wars,  and  the  mutual  cruelties  of  the  two  par- 
ties. It  must  also  be  remembered,  that  the  remains  of  the 
earl  of  Warwick's  army  being  dispersed  without  a  leader, 
after  the  battle  of  Barnfet,  and  expecting  no  mercy,  chose 
rather  to  venture  their  lives  again  in  the  field,  than  to  run  the 
tisk  of  perisliing'on  the  gibbet  ar  tke  scafiold.     Such  was  iba 


435  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND, 

agitation  of  mind  among  the  English,  that  although  the  Lati' 
castrian  cause  appeared  to  be  desperate,  yet  within  a  few  days 
after  the  battle  of  Barnet,  the  lords  of  that  party  had  assem* 
bled  a  new  army. 

Edward  having  notice  of  their  preparations,  lost  not  a  mo* 
ment.  He  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his  troops  and  set  out 
from  London,  in  order  to  give  battle  to  the  duke  of 
A  1)1471  Somerset,  who  commanded  the  Lancastrian  army, 
and  was  expecting  to  be  joined  by  the  earl  of  Pem- 
broke. The  duke  having  intelligence  of  his  march,  was  de- 
sirous of  avoiding  an  action  till  the  intended  junction  should 
be  effected,  and  for  that  purpose  resolved  to  retire  into  Wales. 
The  great  object  was  to  pass  the  Severn  before  Edward  should 
arrive  with  his  army.  Gloucester  was  the  place  where  the 
queen  and  the  duke  had  intended  to  effect  their  passage ;  but 
that  city  having  shut  its  gates  against  them,  they  resolved  to 
cross  the  river  near  Tewksbury.  But  the  sudden  appearance 
of  Edward  left  them  only  the  alternative  of  passing  the 
Severn  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy,  and  exposing  their  rear 
to  certain  destruction,  or  of  intrenching  themselves  till  the 
arrival  of  the  earl  of  Pembroke  from  Wales.  The  queen, 
anxious  for  the  preservation  of  the  young  prince  her  son,  was 
desirous  of  adopting  the  former  measure?  but  the  duke  of 
Somerset  inclined  to  the  latter,  and  in  a  council  of  the  gen- 
erals his  opinion  prevailed.  This  resolution  being  taken,  the 
whole  night  was  employed  in  throwing  up  the  intreuchraents. 

Edward,  observing  the  assiduity  of  the  Lancastrians  in 
fortifying  their  camp,  judged  it  highly  expedient  to  attack 
them  before  it  should  be  rendered  impregnable,  and  their  ar- 
my be  reinforced  by  the  earl  of  Pembroke,  whose  arrival  was 
hourly  expected.  Richard,  duke  of  Gloucester,  afterwards 
Richard  IIL  who  commanded  the  first  line  of  Edward's 
army,  began  the  attack,  but  was  vigorously  repulsed.  The 
precipitation  with  which  he  retired  induced  the  duke  of  Som- 
erset to  suppose  that  the  Yorkists  were  routed.  He  instantly 
pursued,  and  ordered  Lord  Wenlock  to  support  him  with  the 
second  division.  But  this  nobleman  disobeying  his  injunc- 
tions, and  Edward  making  an  impetuous  char-ge  with  his 
whole  army,  Somerset   was  soon  overpowered  by   numbers^ 


EDWARD   IV.  4jS3 

ririd  driven  back  to  his  camp,  where  he  found  Wenlock,  who 
luid  not  moved  from  his  post.  The  duke,  seeing  all  was  lost 
tlirough  the  inactivity  of  that  lord,  was  unable  to  govern  his 
rage,  and  running  furiously  on  the  coward,  dashed  out  his 
brains  with  a  blow  of  his  battle-ax.  The  Lancastrians  being 
now  thrown  into  confusion,  the  king  and  the  duke  of  Glou- 
cester forced  an  entrance  into  their  camp,  and  made  a  terri- 
ble slaughter.  The  carl  of  Devonshire  and  seve- 
^  D^^1471  ral  oflier  persons  of  note  were  slain.  The  queen, 
the  prince  of  Wales,  the  duke  of  Somerset,  and 
the  prior  of  St.  John's  were  taken  prisoners.*  The  prince 
being  brouglit  into  the  presence  of  the  victor,  appeared  be* 
fore  him  with  an  undaunted  countenance.  On  being  asked, 
by  Edward,  why  he  had  been  so  rash  as  to  enter  his  kingdom 
in  arms,  he  boldly  replied,  "  I  have  entered  the  dominions  of 
my  fatlier,  to  revenge  his  injuries  and  assert  my  own  rights." 
The  barbarous  monarch,  enraged  at  this  answer,  struck  him 
on  the  mouth  with  his  gauntlet.  This  seemed  to  be  the  signal 
for  his  death :  the  dukes  of  Clarence  and  Gloucester,  with 
(he  earl  of  Dorset  and  lord  Hastings,  rushing  upon  the  un- 
armed youth,  stabbed  him  to  the  heart  with  their  daggers. t 
On  the  following  day  the  duke  of  Somerset  and  the  grand 
prior  of  St.  John  were  executed  on  the  scaffold,  and  none 
were  spared  who  had  been  taken  in  arms  except  queen  Mar- 
garet, who,  in  all  probability,  owed  her  life  to  the  expectation 
that  Louis  XI.  whose  queen  was  her  aunt,  would  pay  a  large 
sum  for  her  ransom.  She  >vas,  therefore,  confined  in  the 
Tower,  and,  after  remaining  about  four  years  a  prisoner,  the 
French  monarch  paid  Edward  fifty  thousand  crowns  for  her 
freedom.  Thus  terminated  the  political  career  of  Margaret 
of  Anjou,  who  had  supported  the  cause  of  her  husband  in 
twelve  battles,  and  experienced  the  greatest  vicissitudes.  Af- 
ter having  survived  her  fortune  and  her  children,  she  died 
in  privacy  in  France.  The  courage  with  which  she  faced 
dangers,  and  the  firmness  M'itli  which  she  supported  adversity, 

*  HoHingshed  dates  the  battle  of  Tewksbury  on  the  4th  May,  and  Hall 
on  the  3d.    Vide  Hall,  221. 

f  Tliis  unfortunale  young  prince  was  eighteen  years  of  a§fe  yrhen  ho 
was  thus  cruelly  butchered,    liapin  1.  p,  615. 

Kkk 


134«  HISTORY  OP  ENGLAND. 

commaud  admiration  ;  but  the  torrents  of  English  blood  which 
her  intriguing  ambition  caused  to  be  shed,  leave  her  no  claim 
to  pity. 

The  death  of  the  unfortunate  Henry  completed  the  tragedy. 
The  inoffensive  life  of  that  prince  had  hitherto  screened  him 
from  the  vengeance  of  his  victorious  rival.  Edward  had 
twice  spared  his  life,  but  at  length  thought  it  requisite  to  sac- 
rifice him  to  his  policy,  as  his  name  might  again  serve  as 
a  pretext  for  rebellion.  The  duke  of  Gloucester  is  said  to 
ha^'e  been  his  executioner,  and  to  have  stabbed  him  witU 
Lis  own  hand  in  the  Tower.*  Thus  died  Henry  VI.  in  the 
fiftieth  year  of  his  age,  having  reigned  thirty-eight  years  be- 
fore he  was  dethroned,  and  seven  months  after  his  restora- 
tion. He  appears  to  have  been  equally  destitute  of  virtues 
and  vices;  as  a  man  his  life  was  innocent;  but  as  a  sovereign 
his  natural  incapacity  rendered  him  totally  unfit  to  govern  hi» 
kingdom.  Had  Henry  been  a  private  gentleman,  he  might 
have  been  beloved  and  respected :  his  great  misfortune  Mas 
that  of  being  a  king. 

The  twelve  battles  which  had  been  fought  since  the  com- 
mencement of  the  civil  war  in  1455,  and  the  bloody  execu- 
tions by  which  they  had  been  followed,  had  greatly  diminish- 
ed the  number  of  the  princes  descended  from  Edward  III, 
The  house  of  Lancaster  was  reduced  to  only  two  persons, 
Margaret,  wife  of  Edmund  Tudor,  earl  of  Richmond,  and 
Henry,  earl  of  Richmond,  her  son,  who  was  destined  to  as- 
cend the  throne  of  England.  After  the  battle  of  Tewksbury 
had  apparently  extinguished  the  hopes  and  almost  the  ex- 
istence of  his  family,  the  young  earl  of  Richmond,  with  his 
uncle  the  earl  of  Pembroke,  retired  into  Bretagne.  Edward 
sent  ambassadors  to  the  duke  of  Bretagne  to  solicit  the  de- 
livery of  these  two  lords  into  his  hands ;  but  the  proposal  was 
rejected.  The  duke,  however,  in  consideration  of  a  large 
annual  pension,  which  Edward  agreed  to  pay,  engaged  to 
keep  them  a&  prisoners,  and  assigned  them  the  town  of 
Vannes  for  their  residence,  where  they  had  an  honourable  al- 
lowanecy  with  a  considerable  degree  of  liberty,  being  only 

•  This,  howeverj  is  uncertain. 


EDWARD   IV,  435 

watched  to  prevent  their  escape.  Edward  having  nothing 
more  to  fear  after  the  death,  imprisonment,  or  exile  of  the 
principal  adherents  of  the  house  of  Lancaster,  proceeded  to 
the  punishment  of  those  of  inferior  note  :  the  gibbets  were 
hung  with  the  bodies  of  his  adversaries,  and  their  estates 
were  confiscated  to  his  use. 

By  these  severities  Edward  rendered  himself  terrible  to 
his  enemies,  and  extinguished  every  thought  of  opposition  to 
his  autliority.  England  now  enjoyed  a  temporary  calm, 
which,  however,  was  soon  interrupted  by  troubles  which  arose 
on  the  continent.  The  duke  of  Burgundy  having  seized  the 
duchy  of  Gueldres,  this  acquisition  inspired  him  with  the  de- 
sign of  enlarging  his  dominions  on  the  side  of  Germany.*  A 
dispute  between  Robert  of  Bavaria  and  the  brother  of  the 
Landgrave  of  Hesse,  furnished  the  pretext  that  he  wanted. 
His  project  was  to  erect  Burgundy  into  a  kingdom,  and  to 
make  himself  master  of  all  the  German  territory  to  the  west 
of  the  Rhine,  as  far  as  Basil,  in  Switzerland.!  He  there- 
fore declared  for  Robert  of  Bavaria,  and,  under  colour  of  sup- 
porting tliat  prince,  began  his  operations  by  the  siege  of 
Nuitz.  This  undertaking  excited  the  jealousy  of  the  German 
princes.  Louis  XI.  was  not  less  alarmed ;  and  by  his  in- 
trigues he  brought  the  emperor,  the  duke  of  Lorain,  and  the 
Swiss,  into  a  league  against  the  dnke  of  Burgundy,  who  to 
free  himself  from  this  embarrassment,  had  recourse  to  the 
king  of  England,  to  whom  he  represented  the  opportunity  as 
favourable  for  reviving  the  claims  of  his  predecessors  to  the 
crown  of  France.  He  ofifered  to  join  Edward  with  all  his 
forces,  as  soon  as  he  should  land  in  Picardy,  and  assured 
him  of  the  aid  of  the  Constable  de  St.  Pol  aud  the  duke  of 
Bretagne. 

•  Comtnines  lib.  4.  c.  1. — Philip  de  Commines  is  one  of  the  best  authori- 
ties that  can  be  consulted  on  tlie  transactions  between  Edward  IV.  liOuis 
XI.  and  Charles  the  Bold,  duke  of  Burgundy.  He  was  born  a  subject  of 
the  duke  of  Burgundy,  and  in  the  year  1472  quitted  his  service,  and  enter. 
ed  into  that  of  Louis  XI,  Under  these  two  princes  he  was  long  employed 
in  the  most  important  transactinos  both  in  the  cabinet  aud  the  field,  and 
possessed  excellent  means  of  informatiqn:. 

t  Pres.  lien.  Ab.  Clu-on.  An.  1174-. 


436  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

This  was  precisely  the  opportunity  for  which  Edward  ioi- 
patiently  waited.  He  expected  to  find  France  in  the  same 
state  cf  confusion  as  when  invaded  by  Henry  V.  He  there- 
fore immediately  concluded  with  the  duke  of  Burgundy  a 
treaty,  by  which  they  partitioned  the  whole  kingdom  of  France 
according  to  their  interests  and  inclinations.  But  it  is  easier 
to  make  a  division  of  provinces,  by  agreement,  than  to  take 
possession  by  arms.  Edward,  however,  enjoyed  in  imagina- 
tion his  expected  acquisition.  The  nation,  not  yet  cured  of 
its  madness  in  desiring  to  unite  France  to  England,  or  rather 
to  annex  England  to  Frfince,  and  unable  to  see  the  ruinous 
tendency  of  the  project,  partook  in  the  extravagant  hopes  of 
Uie  king.     The  parliament  granted  a  subsidy;  and  Edward 

passed  over  to  Calais  with  a  considerable  force. 
A  "d^  1475.  ^"  '"^  arrival  he  found  himself  betrayed  by  the 

Constable  of  St.  Pol,  and  deserted  by  the  duke  o^ 
Burgundy,  who  was  either  unable  or  unwilling  to  fulfil  liis  en- 
gagements.* Edward  finding  himself  in  a  situation  which  he 

had  little  expected,  concluded  a  treaty  at  Amiens 
A  ^^llr^  with  the  French  monarch  :  a  truce  of  seven  years 

was  agreed  on ;  and  a  contract  of  marriage  was 
settled  between  the  Dauphin  and  Elizabeth  the  daughter  of 
Edward.  Louis  also  engaged  to  pay  annually  to  Edward  the 
sum  of  fifty  thousand  crowns  during  the  lives  of  the  two 
kings,  besides  seventy -five  thousand  croAvns  in  ready  money. t 
This  treaty  Avas  ratified  by  the  two  kings  at  an  interview 
which  they  had  at  Picquigney ;  and  so  extremely  desirous  was 
Louis  of  seeing  the  English  army  leave  France,  that  he  secret- 
ly bribed  the  principal  courtiers  of  Edward,  and  established 
■with  them  a  secret  correspondence,  which  cost  him  sixteen 
thousand  crowns  a  year  in  pensions. t  For  this  paltry  sum 
the  courtiers  of  Edward  sold  the  interests  of  their  master; 
and  the  politic  Louis  considered  it  as  well  employed  in  pur- 
chasing the  ministers  of  a  powerful  kingdom. 

•  Henault  says  the  duke  of  Burgundy  was  deserted  by  Edward,  which 
appears  scarcely  probable.    An.  1475. 

I  It  was  at  this  treaty  that  the  ransom  and  liberation  of  Margar£t  ojf 
Anjou  was  agreed  on. 

tPliil.  de  Coram,  lib.  6.  cap.  2. 


EDWARD    IV.  437 

Edward  now  returned  to  England  to  riot  in  Tolu{>tuousne8s, 
to  which  he  was  excessively  addicted.     But  while  he  and  hi* 
kingdom  remained   in  tranquillity,  the  continent  witnessed 
events  of  which  the  consequences  were  felt  by  England,  but 
much  more  by  France  and  Germany.     Charles  the  Bold,  duke 
of  Burgundy,  being  killed    at  the  battle  of  Nanci,  left  only 
one  daughter,  named  Maria,  who  was  sole  heiress  of  his  ex- 
tensive dominions.*     This  young  princess  was    immediately 
attacked  by  the  French  monarch,  who  seized  on  the  province 
of  Artois,  and  prepared  to   dispossess   her  of  the  rest  of  her 
territories.!     In  this   distressful   situation   she  implored  the 
aid  of  p]ngland,  but  her  solicitations  were  ineffectual.     Ed- 
ward acted,  on  this  occasion,  in  direct  contrariety  to  the  inter- 
ests of  England,  in  suftoring  the   aggrandizement  of  France 
at  the  expense  of  the  house  of  Burgundy.     But   different 
•causes  are  assigned  for  his   conduct.     He  was  grown  corpu- 
lent and  heavy,  and  no  longer  fit  to  support  the  hardships  of 
war :  he  Mas  unwilling  by    any    proceeding  to  obstruct  the 
intended  marriage  of  his  daughter  Avith   the   Dauphin  ;  and 
above  all  his  principal  counsellors  were  pensioners  of  France. 
But  while  Edward  thus  neglected  his  interests  abroad,  he 
did  not  fail   to  exercise  his  tyranny  at  home.     His  brother, 
tJie  duke  of  Clarence,  who  had  assisted  him  in  recovering  the 
crown,  had  been  for  some  time  treated  with  indifference  and 
disrespect.  Clarence  thought  his  services  merited  a  different 
recompense,  and,  being  of  a  hasty  and  inconsiderate  temper, 
often  indulged  himself  in  the  liberty  of  invective  in  the  king's 
absence.     The  duke  of  Gloucester,  who  is  supposed  even  at 
this  time  to  have  formed  the  design  of  seizing  the  crown  after 

*  The  battle  of  Nanci  was  fought  by  Charles  the  Bold  against  the  duke 
of  Lorrain.  He  was  slain  by  the  treachery  of  a  Neapolitan  officer,  a 
soldier  of  fortune,  who  commanded  a  body  of  Itahans  in  the  duke's  ser- 
vice. He  went  over  to  the  enemy  in  the  heat  of  the  battle,  leaving  some 
desperadoes,  to  whom  he  had  given  orders  to  kill  the  duke  of  Burgundy. 
Comm.  lib.  5.  cap.  8. 

f  The  death  of  Charles  the  Bold,  duke  of  Burgimdy,  may  be  regarded 
as  the  source  of  all  the  wars  between  France  and  the  house  of  Austria, 
for  more  than  two  centuries,  and  in  which  most  of  the  powers  of  Europe 
have  often  been  implicated.    Vide  Rapin  1.  p.  622.    Henault  ad  An.  X477. 


438  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

Edward's  death,  and  who  knew  it  to  be  impracticable  Mbile 
liis  elder  brother  was  alive,  endeavoured  to  render  him  odious 
to  the  king,  to  wJiom  he  represented  him  as  a  secret  enemy, 
who  was  privately  labouring  to  supplant  his  children.*  Ty- 
rants are  always  jealous :  the  spirit  of  the  times  and  the 
enormities  which  had  been  so  frequent,  in  this  and  the  pre- 
ceediug  reign,  rendered  every  suspicion  admissible  :  Edward 
readily  listened  to  the  insinuations  of  Gloucester,  which  were 
seconded  by  tlie  queen,  who  had  conceived  an  aversion  for 
Clarence.  While  such  was  the  posture  of  affairs  the  king 
happened  to  kill  a  favourite  deer  belonging  to  Mr.  Burdet,  a 
friend  of  the  duke  of  Clarence.  Burdet  dropping  some  hasty 
expressions  against  the  king,  was  sentenced  to  death,  and  ac- 
cordingly executed.  The  duke  incensed  at  the  death  of  his 
friend,  vented  his  grief  and  indignation  in  renewed  reproacheji 
against  the  king  his  brother.  Among  other  imprudent  ex- 
pressions, he  is  said  to  have  intimated  that  Edward  was  a 
hastard,  and  consequently  had  no  right  to  the  crown.  Nothing 
could  be  more  agreeable  to  the  desires  of  his  enemies  than  to 
see  him  thus  run  into  a  snare.  They  so  exasperated  the  king 
against  him  that,  unmindful  of  the  ties  of  kindred  or  the  debt 
nf  gratitude,  he  caused  him  to  be  arraigned  before  the  par- 
liament.! His  trial  was  conducted  with  a  precipitancy  that 
evinced  a  determination  to  find  him  guilty  :  he  was  condemn- 
ed to  death,  and  the  sentence  was  almost  immediately  execu- 
ted by  drowning  him  in  a  butt  of  Malmsey. 

Edward  having  spent  a  great  part  of  his  life  amidst  the 
alarms  and  the  dangers  of  war,  now  abandoned  himself  to 
voluptuousness,  and  seemed  resolved  to  pass  the  residue  of 
his  days  in  effeminate  ease.  But  his  luxurious  pleasures  emp- 
tied his  coffers,  which  he  endeavoured  to  fill  by  various  modes 
©f  exaction,  and  frequently  caused  m^n  of  opulence  to  be 
accused  of  treason  in  order  to   confiscate  their  estates  or  ex- 

*  If  the  duke  of  Gloucester  had  already  formed  this  design  the  pros- 
pect must  have  been  distant,  as  the  king  was  but  thirty-eight  years 
of  age. 

f  Stowe  p.  430.— DugJale  thinks  that  he  was  not  arraigned  befsre 
parliament  till  after  his  execution.— Vide  Dugd.  Baron.  2,  p.  164; 


EDWARD   IV.  4:20 

tort  large  sums  for  their  pardon.  While  Edward  tims  revel- 
led in  luxury  and  oppressed  his  subjects  by  his  tyranny, 
Louis  XI.  carried  on  a  successful  war  against  Maxiinillian, 
of  Austria,  who  had  married  the  heiress  of  Burgundy.  The 
great  aim  of  his  policy  was  to  prevent  the  king  of  England 
from  taking  a  part  in  the  quarrel.  A  new  treaty  was  there- 
fore concluded  between  Louis  and  Edward.*  The  truce  and 
alliance  were  prolonged  for  the  period  of  a  hundred  years, 
and  the  marriage  contract  between  the  Dauphin  and  the 
princess  Elizabeth  was  to  be  fulfilled  without  delay.  Louis, 
however,  found  various  excuses  for  deferring  the  performance 
of  his  promise  in  regard  to  the  marriage  ;  and  wliile  he  was 
thus  amusing  Edward,  an  |aecident  happened  which  totally 
changed  the  state  of  affairs. 

Maria,  duchess  of  Burgundy,  being  killed  by  a  fall  from 
her  horse,  in  March,  1481,  her  consort,  the  archduke  Maxi- 
millian  had  so  little  authority  over  the  Flemings,  that  he  was 
obliged  to  resign  his  children  into  the  hands  of  the  citizens 
of  Gaunt.  Louis  exerted  all  his  policy  to  inspire  the  Gan^ 
tois  with  a  dread  of  the  power  of  the  house  of  Austria,  and 
managed  so  dexterously  that  he  obtained  their  consent  to  give 
to  the  Dauphin,  his  son,  Margaret,  the  daughter  of  their  de- 
ceased duchess,  with  the  provinces  of  Artois,  Burgundy,  Ma- 
conaois,  Auxerre,  and  Charallois.  The  treaty  was  conclu- 
ded with  such  secrecy  that  the  first  intelligence  of  it  did  not 
reach  England  till  after  the  arrival  of  the  Dauphiness  at 
Paris,  in  April,  1482.  She  was  then  only  two  years  old,  anil 
the  nuptials  were  celebrated  in  July.  This  was  a  great  dis^ 
appointment  and  a  most  outrageous  aflront  to  Edward,  who* 
had  caused  his  daughter  to  bo  stilcd  Madame  la  Dauphin- 
esse.  The  desire  of  revenge  roused  him  from  the  lethargy 
into  which  he  had  been  lulled  by  voluptuousness.  Louis,  in 
order  to  find  him  employment,  involved  him  in  a  quarrel  with 
Scotland;  but  this  war,  which  was  successfully  conducted  by 
the  duke  of  Gloucester,  was  only  of  short  continuance;  and 
after  its  terniiuatiou  Edward  resolved  on   the  invasion  of 

*  M.  Le  Pres.  Henaiilt  considers  this  treaty  as  a  piece  of  consummate 
policy  in  Loui^.    Vide  fiis  remarks  ab.  chrou.  r.d  an.  l-iTS. 


440  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

France,  The  mention  of  the  conquest  of  France  revived 
(he  romantic  expectations  of  tlie  English  :  the  parliament, 
which  was  only  the  minister  of  the  king's  will,  encouraged 
the  attempt,  at  a  moment  when  it  could  not  possibly  succeed  : 
the  lords  unanimously  declared  the  war  to  be  just  and  neces- 
sary ;  and  such  is  the  folly  of  nations,  that  the  people  rejoic- 
ed as  if  they  had  already  obtained  the  victory.*  But  amidst 
his  preparations  for  this  important  enterprise,  Edward  was 
seized  with  a  fever,  of  which  he  died  in  the  forty - 

A  d"ii83  s^^'^n^  y^^^  of  '"s  ^S^j  ^  month  after  having 
completed  the  twenty-second  of  his  reign. 
The  person  as  well  as  the  character  of  Edward  has  been 
carefully  described  by  historians.  It  has  been  universally 
acknowledged  that  before  he  grew  bloated  and  corpulent,  he 
was  the  handsomest  man  in  England,  or  perhaps  in  all  Eu- 
rope. His  countenance  was  equally  sweet  and  majestic,  and 
his  free  and  easy  air,  with  the  affability  of  his  manners,  pre- 
possessed every  one  in  his  ftivour.  The  quality  that  chiefly 
distinguished  his  character  was  a  dauntless  courage,  which 
gained  him  the  esteem  and  affection  of  the  people,  and  was 
extremely  serviceable  to  him  in  various  circumstances  of  his 
life.  He  also  appears  to  have  been  perfectly  skilled  in  the 
military  art,  so  far  as  it  was  known  in  that  age ;  and  in  every 
battle  that  he  fought  he  had  the  good  fortune  to  be  victorious. 
His  genius  was  far  from  being  contemptible,  and  his  judg- 
ment was  solid.  The  confidence  which  he  placed  in  persons 
sold  to  France,  and  the  facility  with  which  he  was  repeatedly 
deceived  by  Louis  XI.  seem  to  impeach  his  prudence ;  but  the 
wisest  prince  cannot  always  guard  against  corrupt  ministers, 
and  Louis  was  tlie  most  crafty  politician  of  the  age.  Some 
historians  have  concisely  described  his  qualities  and  character 
as  consisting  of  beauty  and  courage,  in  conjunction  with 
every  vice  that  degrades  human  nature.  But  the  portrait  ap- 
pears to  be  somewhat  distorted.  The  crimes  with  which  he 
is  principally  charged,  are  cruelty,  perjury,  and  incontinence. 
But  his  cruelty  may  be  considered  as  the  vice  of  the  times, 
and,  in  some  measure,  excusable  by  circumstances.     A  great 

•  Rapln  1.  p.  6X 


£DWARt>    IV.  44si 

teumber  of  princes  and  lords  whom  he  took  prisoners,  Were 
put  to  deatli  on  the  scaffohl ;  but  it  must  be  observed  that 
had  Edward  fallen  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  he  would 
have  experienced  a  similar  fate,  as  in  these  disastrous  civil 
wars,  neither  parly  shewed  any  mercy.  Of  the  charge  of 
perjury,  he  cannot  be  exculpated  even  by  those  who  are  most 
favourable  to  his  reputation.  Several  instances  of  his  breach 
ef  faith  are  found  in  his  history.  But  few  statesmen  are  fa- 
mous for  their  adherence  to  treaties,  or  observance  of  oaths. 
Perfidy,  indeed,  is  too  often  excused  by  reasons  of  state — » 
weak  arguments  when  opposed  to  the  dictates  of  honour  and 
religion.  In  regard  to  the  charge  of  incontinence,  his  whole 
life  was  a  scene  of  licentious  amours ;  but  he  shewed  in  his 
behaviour  to  his  consort,  the  queen,  that  his  heart  was  not 
wholly  depraved  :  although  unfaithful  to  her  bed,  he  treated 
her  with  a  constant  and  tender  affection,  and  even  carried  his 
indulgence  so  far,  as  to  allow  her  an  undue  influence  in  the 
state.  Edward  aftected  a  great  veneration  for  religion,  and 
ascribed  all  his  victories  to  the  favour  of  heaven.  Notwith- 
standing his  severity  to  the  rest  of  his  enemies,  he  pardoned 
several  bishops  who  had  declared  for  the  opposite  party.  But 
if  we  place  his  morals  in  contrast  with  his  religion,  we  shall 
be  ready  to  conclude  that  his  zeal  for  the  church,  and  his 
ftivours  to  the  clergy,  were  dictated  by  policy  rather  than 
piety.  The  good  fortune  of  this  prince  appears  almost  mir- 
aculous. He  was  raised  to  the  throne  after  the  loss  of  two 
battles,  one  by  his  father,  the  duke  of  York,  the  other  by  the 
earl  of  Warwick.  And  the  head  of  the  father  remained  still 
exposed  on  the  walls  of  York,  when  the  son  was  proclaimed 
king  in  London.  lu  all  the  subsequent  vicissitudes  of  his 
life,  fortunate  coincidences  concurred  with  his  courage  and 
military  talents  to  extricate  him  from  his  difficulties. 

A  reign  so  turbulent  as  that  of  Edward  IV.  could  not  be 
propitious  to  the  arts  of  peace  or  the  civilization  of  the  peO" 
plo.  The  commercial  interests  of  the  nation  Were  not,  how" 
ever,  wholly  forgotten.  We  read  of  an  act  prohibiting  the 
importation  of  foreign  cloth,  and  of  treaties  of  commerce 
'/oneludcd  between  England  and  the  low  countries.*     But  a 

*  Stat.  4.  Edward  IV.  Rym.  Feed.  Tom.  12.  p.  66,  8cc. 
I.  11 


^Nt3  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

reign,  of  which  so  great  a  part  was  spent  in  civil  wars,  conlj 
not  be  favourable  either  to  trade,  agricuUiire,  or  letters.  Ths 
manners  of  the  court  give  the  ton  to  those  of  the  people. 
The  king  would  at  once  gallant  a  mistress  and  inspect  an  exe- 
cution ;  and  the  same  palace  which  one  day  smoked  with 
blood,  was  on  the  following  day  the  scene  of  a  ball  or  a  mas- 
querade. A  spirit  of  gallantry,  mixed  with  cruelty,  reigned 
in  the  court,  and  seems  to  have  been  the  distinguishing  featur* 
of  these  times  of  civil  discord,  in  which  enormous  crimes  were 
so  common  that  lewdness  might  well  be  regarded  as  a  trivial 
vice.  The  lower  orders,  inured  to  scenes  of  blood  and  cru- 
elty, were  become  unfeeling  and  ferocious ;  and  the  facility 
M'ith  which  armies  were  raised  by  both  parties  on  every  occa- 
sion, shews  the  martial  disposition  as  well  as  the  madness  of 
the  people,  who  were  ever  ready  to  take  arms  in  a  quarrel 
with  which  they  had  no  concern,  and  to  sacrifice  their  lives 
for  the  interests  of  the  weakest  or  the  most  worthless  of  man- 
kind. Yet  these  calamitous  scenes  were  ultimately  beneficial : 
the  dissentions  of  the  great  constantly  obliged  them  to  appeal 
to  the  inferior  classes  for  their  assistance  in  deciding  the  con=« 
t«st ;  and  while  the  aristocracy  was  weakened  by  bloody  bat- 
tles and  barbarous  executions,  the  people  were  proportiona- 
bly  rising  to  power  and  influence. 


443 


EDWARD  V. 


Ed  WARD  IV.  left  two  sons,  the  eldest  of  whom  being  only 
twelve  years  of  age,  was  proclaimed  king  by  the 
AD  148"  ^^^^^  ^^  Edward  V.  His  reign  was  short  and  un- 
fortunate, and  its  history  has  no  other  subject  thau 
the  dark  plots  and  intrigues  of  his  uncle,  the  duke  of  Glou- 
cester, to  deprive  him  of  his  crown.  The  victories  of  Edward 
IV.  had  established  the  house  of  York  on  the  ruins  of  that  of 
Lancaster ;  and  the  latter  being  completely  depressed  and  near- 
ly annihilated,  no  further  danger  was  apprehended  from  that 
quarter.  Factions,  however,  still  subsisted  in  the  court,  and 
parties  divided  the  aristocracy.  The  queen,  who  had  been 
fortuitously  raised  to  a  station  to  which  neither  her  birth 
or  her  fortune  gave  her  any  pretensions,  seemed  willing 
to  hide*  the  obscurity  of  her  former  condition  among  a 
number  of  new  promotions.  By  her  agreeable  temper  and 
artful  conduct,  she  had  gained  an  entire  ascendency  over  her 
consort,  and  an  almost  unlimited  influence  in  public  af* 
fairs.  Though  Edward  was  so  frequently  unfaithful  to  her 
bed,  he  was  never  exposed  to  her  reproaches  ;  and  he  repaid 
lier  moderation  and  patience  with  every  kind  of  condescen- 
sion. The  queen  carefully  improved  these  advantages. 
Her  father,  her  brother,  and  her  sons  by  her  former  hus- 
band, were  honoured  with  titles  and  enriched  by  lucrative 
offices  ;  and  numbers  of  peers  were  created  who  could  have 
had  no  pretensions  to  that  rank  had  they  not  been  supported 
by  her  favour.  Tliis  occasioned  a  distinction  between  the  an- 
cient and  the  new  nobility ;  and  if  the  latter  were  accounted 
less  honourable,  this  defect  was  amjjly  compensated  by  the 

*  Rapin  1.  p.  629. 


444  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

places  of  trust  and  emolument  procured  for  them  bj  the 
qijeen.  By  degrees,  she  had  almost  banished  the  ancient  no- 
bility from  the  court,  where  scarcely  any  were  seen  but  lords 
of  the  new  creation,  attached  to  ber  interests;  and  tbrough- 
out  the  whole  kingdom  the  most  considerable  posts  were  filled 
by  her  creatures,  The  aim  of  the  queen  was  not  only  to  pre- 
serve her  ascendency  during  the  life  of  the  king,  but  also,  in 
case  of  his  death,  to  secure  for  herself  the  government  of  the 
kingdom  in  the  name  of  her  son.  But  by  a  fatality,  very 
common  to  political  projects,  tlte  scbemes  which  she  had  laid 
for  securing  her  authority,  occasioned  the  ruiu  of  herself  and 
her  family. 

The  queen  having  declared  against  the  ancient  nobility,  it 
is  easy  to  conceive  that  tbey  would  take  the  first  opportunity 
of  opposing  ber  power.  Edward  had  seen,  with  some  con- 
cern, the  two  parties  which  were  formed  in  his  court;  but  his 
affection  for  the  queen  prevented  him  from  guarding  against 
the  consequences.  Besides  he  did  not  expect  to  be  cut  off  in 
the  flower  of  his  age,  and  so  long  as  he  remained  in  health, 
lie  ('id  not  doul>t  that,  during  bis  life,  his  steady  and  vigorous 
hand  would  be  able  to  hold  tbe  balance,  and  that  by  strength- 
ening the  new  nobility,  he  should  deprive  the  ancient  barons 
of  the  power  of  disturbing  his  children  after  his  death.  But 
when  he  saw  his  dissolution  approaching,  he  contemplated 
the  division  in  a  different  light.  He  considered  that  he  left 
for  the  support  of  his  house  only  new  families,  whose  autho- 
rity was  not  established  by  time  and  prescription,  and  whose 
credit  and  influence  were  wholly  derived  from  his  favour,  an 
advantage  of  which  they  were  going  to  be  deprived  by  his 
death.  Troubled  at  the  thought,  and  perceiving  the  storm 
that  was  ready  to  burst  over  his  tomb,  he  sent  for  the  heads  of 
the  two  opposite  parties,  in  order  to  effect  a  reconciliation.  It 
could  scarcely  be  expected  that  regard  for  a  dying  king,  who 
was  so  little  beloved  by  the  ancient  nobility,  sbould  extinguish 
their  hatred  to  the  queen  and  her  favourites  ;  but  the  readi- 
ness with  which  they  seemed  to  comply  with  his  desires,  gave 
him,  in  bis  last  moments,  the  satisfaction  to  imagine  that  he 
had  attained  his  object. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  court  and  the  aristocracy  at  the 


EDWARD    V.  445 

death  of  Edward  TV.  But  tlie  eyes  of  that  monarch  were  no 
sooner  closed,  than  the  two  parties  tbrijetting  their  mutual 
protestations  of  friendship,  began  to  consult  on  the  measures 
for  diminishing  each  other's  authority.  They  unanimously 
agreed  to  pro.'.hiim  Edward  V.  but  the  great  point  of  contest 
was  which  of  the  two  parties  should  become  master  of  the 
king's  person,  in  order  to  govern  in  his  name. 

The  queen,  immediately  after  tlie  death  of  the  king,  her 
husband,  transmitted  the  news  of  that  event  to  her  brother 
the  earl  of  Riveis,  together  with  an  order  to  levy  an  army  ia 
Wales  and  the  neighbouring  counties,  and  to  march  directly 
to  London.  On  the  other  side,  the  duke  of  Buckingham  and 
the  lord  Hastings,  who  were  both  of  the  ancient  nobility,  sent 
an  express  to  the  duke  of  Gloucester,  who  was  then  at  York, 
to  inform  him  of  the  death  of  the  king,  and  the  measures 
that  were  taking  by  the  qneen.  They  represented  to  him  that, 
heing  the  king's  uncle  by  his  fatlier's  side,  the  government  be- 
longed to  him  during  the  minority,  and  offered  to  assist  him 
in  asserting  his  right.  The  sole  intention  of  lord  Hastings 
was  to  take  the  government  out  of  the  hands  of  the  qneen 
and  her  relations ;  and  though  the  conduct  of  the  duke  of 
Buckhingham  appears  more  ambiguous,  historians  do  not 
impute  to  him  at  this  period  any  designs  prejudicial  to  the 
king. 

The  generality  of  criminal  contrivances,  but  especially 
those  of  intriguing  courtiers,  are  covered  with  a  mysterious 
veil,  which  conceals  them  from  the  public  eye;  and  the  ef- 
forts of  historians  for  their  developement  often  amount  to  no 
more  than  idle  conjecture.  Whether  the  duke  of  Gloucester 
had  before  the  death  of  Edward  IV.  formed  the  project  of 
placing  himself  on  the  throne,  is  a  question  which  writers 
have  vainly  attempted  to  determine.  But  from  the  moment 
that  he  heard  of  his  brother's  decease,  all  his  proceedings  in- 
dicate an  intention  of  wresting  the  sceptre  from  the  hand  of 
his  nephew.  Aided  by  Buckingham  and  Hastings,  he  seized 
the  earl  of  Rivers,  the  queen's  brother,  with  the  lord  Grey 
and  the  marquis  of  Dorset,  her  sons  by  her  first  husband,  and 
sent  them  prisoners  to  Pontefract  castle,  in  Yorkshire.  This 
violent  proceeding  gave  to  the  queen  just  cause  of  alarm. 


446  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND, 

She  began  to  suspect  tliat  the  duke  of  Gloucester  meditated 
designs  destructive  to  the  royal  family ;  and  in  order  to  avoid 
the  impending  danger,  she,  with  the  king's  brother,  the  duke 
of  York,  and  the  rest  of  her  children,  took  refuge  in  West- 
minster abbey.  The  duke  of  Gloucester,  in  the  meanwhile, 
spared  neitber  dissimulation,  nor  artifice,  nor  oaths,  to  pro- 
cure for  himself  the  custody  of  the  king's  person,  and  the 
government  of  the  realm  during  his  minority.  A  great  coun- 
cil was  called,  consisting  of  his  friends  and  the  chiefs  of  the 
ancient  nobility;  and  this  assembly,  usurping  a  privilege  which 
belonged  only  to  the  Parliament,  declared  Richard,  duke  of 
Glouecsler,  protector  of  the  king  as  well  as  of  the  kingdom. 
Richard  thus  became  master  ©f  the  king's  person  ;  but,  in 
order  to  accomplisli  his  designs,  it  was  necessary  to  have  also 
in  his  power  the  duke  of  York,  brother  of  the  monarch,  and 
the  next  heir  to  the  crown.  This  young  prince,  only  seven 
years  of  age,  being  with  his  mother  in  the  sanctuary  of  AVest- 
minster,  the  cardinal  archbishop  of  Canterbury  was  employ- 
ed to  prevail  on  the  dowager  queen  to  deliver  her  son  into 
his  hands.  But  the  eloquence  of  the  prelate  could  not  re- 
move the  fears  of  that  princess,  who  too  clearly  perceived  the 
ruin  that  menaced  her  family.  She  did  not  conceal  her  sus- 
picions that  the  duke  of  Gloucester  had  formed  designs  which 
he  could  not  execute  without  having  both  the  brothers  in  his 
power  ;  and  she  declared  her  decided  opinion  that  the  only 
means  of  preserving  the  king,  was  to  keep  the  duke  of  York 
out  of  the  reach  of  their  nncle.  The  cardinal,  w  ho  did  not 
suspect  the  protector's  design,  assured  her  that  all  her  appre- 
hensions were  groundless.  His  arguments  and  assertions, 
however,  were  far  from  convincing  the  queen.  But  the  pre- 
late having  informed  her  that  the  council,  at  the  instigation 
of  the  protector  and  the  duke  of  Buckingham,  had  resolved 
to  force  the  young  prince  from  the  sanctuary,  in  ease  that  she 
remained  obstinate;  the  queen,  after  clasping  her  child  to  her 
breast,  delivered  him  up  with  a  shower  of  tears.  The  car- 
dinal brought  him  to  the  duke  of  Gloucester,  who  took  hira 
in  his  arms,  and  kissing  him  with  feigned  affection,  said 
"  Welcome,  my  lord,  with  all  my  heart ;''  adding,  that  while 
he  himself  was  alive,  he  should  never  want  a  father.    He 


EDWARD   V.  447 

ivas  then  brouglit  to  the  young  king,  who  rejoiced  to  have  his 
brother  for  a  companion  ;  but  alas  !  the  two  royal  youths  did 
not  consider  the  fatal  intention  of  these  pleasing  prepa- 
rations. A  few  days  after,  the  duke  of  Gloucester,  under 
iome  pretext,  conveyed  them  both  to  the  Tower. 

Historians  suppose  that  the  protector  had  not  communica- 
ted to  the  duke  of  Buckingham  his  treaclierous  scheme,  until 
he  had  (he  two  princes  in  his  power.  However  this  may  be, 
the  duke  being  a  man  of  profligate  principles,  it  was  easy  to 
engage  him  in  the  plot  by  the  promise  of  reward.  The  pro- 
tector and  his  friends  now  formed  the  plan  on  which  they 
were  gradually  to  proceed.  In  the  first  place  it  was  resolv- 
ed to  dispatch  the  prisoners  in  Pontefract  castle,  in  order  to 
deprive  the  royal  family  of  their  support.  This  design  was 
imparted  to  Lord  Hastings,  who  approved  the  measure,  but 
was  ignorant  of  the  real  motive.  Sir  Richard  RatclifFe,  gov- 
ernor of  Pontefract,  having  received  orders  for  that  purpose, 
beheaded  the  lords  committed  to  his  custody.  The  protector 
next  applied  himself  to  gain  Sir  Edmund  Shaw,  mayor  of 
London,  and  succeeded  to  his  wish.  The  mayor  engaged  ii» 
the  plot  his  brother  John  Shaw,  a  celebrated  preacher,  and 
Pinker,  a  monk,  both  of  whom  were  highly  esteemed  by  the 
people.  To  these  the  protector  joined  a  profligate  w  retch  of 
the  name  of  Catesby,  a  confidential  friend  of  Lord  Hastings.* 
A  number  of  emissaries  were  now  employed  to  spread  among 
the  people  a  report  of  the  illegitimacy  of  the  children  of  the 
late  king.  Three  princes  and  six  princesses,  the  posterity  of 
Edward  IV.  and  of  the  late  duke  of  Clarence,  stood  between 
the  protector  and  the  throne.  But  he  and  his  iniquitous  coun- 
cil devised  an  expedient  to  annihilate  their  rights  :  this  >vas  tc 
intimate  that  his  own  mother  was  an  adulteress,  and  that  his' 
brothers,  Edward  IV.  and  the  duke  of  Clarence,  were  not  the 
real  sons  of  the  late  duke  of  York.  Unprincipled  agents 
were  employed  to  disseminate  these  reports  ;  and  some  ser- 
vants of  the  late  duke  of  York  were  suborned  to  declare,  that 
the  duchess,  his  spouse,  had  taken  to  her  bed  men  whom  Ed 
ward  IV.  and  the   duke  of  Clarence   perfectly   resembled  in 

♦  Moor,  p,  492,  &o. 


4^  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

feature   and  countenance,  and  that  the  duke  of  Gloucester 
alone  was  his  real  son  and  legitimate  heir. 

The  pictures  which  impartial  history  is  obliged  to  exhibit^ 
are  too  often  disgusting  to  the  eye  of  religion  and  hnmanity. 
These  sentiments,  indeed,  seldom  enter  the  labyrinth  of  po- 
litical intrigue.  But  never  did  the  crimes  of  a  court  appear 
in  blacker  colours  than  those  which  throw  a  gloomy  shade 
over  the  short  and  unhappy  reign  of  Edward  V.  The  duke 
of  Gloucester,  pretended  to  prepare  for  the  coronation  of  the 
young  monarch,  but  constantly  found  some  excuse  for  delay- 
ing the  performance  of  the  ceremony.  In  the  mean  while,  as 
he  knew  that  lord  Hastings  had  a  very  great  influence  over 
the  people  of  London,  he  considered  him  as  able  either  to 
facilitate  or  impede  the  execution  of  his  designs,  and  there- 
fore resolved  either  to  gain  him,  or  to  effect  his  destruction. 
Catesby,  his  treacherous  friend,  was  chosen  to  sound  him  on 
the  subject  of  the  projected  usurpation.  Hastings  appeared 
immoveable  in  his  adherence  to  the  king;  and  Richard  there- 
fore resolved  on  his  death. 

In  order  to  carry  his  design  into  execution,  the  protector 
called  a  council  in  the  Tower,  under  the  pretext  of  comple- 
ting the  arrangements  for  the  king's  coronation. 
A  D  148"'.  "^^  '^'"^  o'clock  in  the  morning,  he  came  thither 
with  a  cheerful  countenance,  saluting  the  members 
with  the  greatest  affability,  and  with  the  appearance  of  unu- 
sual good  humour  :  then  going  out,  he  desired  that  his  absence 
might  not  interrupt  their  deliberations.  In  about  an  hour  he 
returned,  with  an  entire  alteration  in  his  looks,  knitting  his 
brows,  biting  his  lips,  and  shewing  every  sign  of  an  inward 
perturbation.  Remaining  some  time  without  speaking,  he 
at  length  expressed  himself  in  these  words  :  "  My  lords, 
*'  what  punishment  do  they  deserve  who  have  conspired  against 
*'  my  life.''  Lord  Hastings  replied,  "  Whoever  is  guilty  of 
"  such  a  crime  ought  to  be  punished  as  a  traitor."  After  a 
short  pause,  the  protector,  with  a  stern  countenance,  unbut- 
toned his  left  sleeve,  and  shewed  the  council  his  arm,  which 
was  dried  and  withered,  saying  with  extreme  emotion,  "  See 
"  what  that  sorceress  the  queen,  my  sister-in-law,  and  Shore's 
*•  wife,  have  done  by  their  witchcraft.     They  have  reduced 


EDWARD   V.  449 

*'  my  arm  aa  you  see,  and  my  whole  body  would  have  been  in 
"  the  same  state,  if,  by  God's  mercy,  their  infamous  plot  had 
*'  not  been  discovered."  At  these  words  the  members  of  the 
council  were  struck  with  astonishment,  as  they  knew  that  his 
arm  had  been  long  in  that  state.  For  some  time  all  were  si- 
lent, till  lord  Hastings  said,  that  *•'  if  they  had  committed  such 
"  a  crime  they  deserved  punishment.''  The  protector  then 
raising  his  voice,  cried  "  What,  dost  thou  answer  me  with  ifs  ? 
"  I  tell  thee  that  they  have  conspired  my  death ;  and  that 
"  thou,  traitor,  art  the  accomplice  of  their  crime."  He  then 
struck  the  table  twice  with  his  hand,  and  the  room  was  in- 
etantly  filled  with  armed  men.  As  soon  as  they  were  entered, 
the  protector  turning  to  lord  Hastings,  said,  "  I  arrest  thee 
*'  for  high  treason."  "  Who,  me,  my  lord,"  answered  Has- 
tings. *'  Yes,  thee,  traitor,"  replied  the  protector,  and  imme- 
diately ordered  the  soldiers  to  take  him  into  custody.* 

The  council  room  was  now  filled  with  tumult ;  and,  although 
no  rescue  was  attempted,  the  soldiers  caused  a  bustle,  as  if 
they  apprehended  some  danger.  One  of  them  was  very  near 
cleaving  the  head  of  lord  Stanley  with  his  battle-axe  ;  but 
that  nobleman  dexterously  avoided  the  blow  by  slipping  him- 
self under  the  table.  Lord  Stanley  was  one  of  the  firmest 
adherents  to  the  young  king  :  he  possessed  a  profound  pene- 
tration ;  and  the  duke  of  Gloucester,  knowing  that  he  had 
discovered  all  his  designs,  had,  in  all  probability,  given  or- 
ders to  kill  him,  as  it  were  by  accident,  amidst  the  confusion 
occasioned  by  this  affair.  But  this  scheme  having  failed,  Stan- 
ley was  arrested,  together  with  the  archbishop  of  York  and 
the  bishop  of  Ely.  As  ihese  two  prelates  were  zealously 
ittached  to  the  king,  and  possessed  great  influence  over  the 
people,  the  protector  resolved  to  secure  their  persons,  iu  order 
to  prevent  them  from  opposing  his  designs.  As  to  lord  Has- 
tings, he  would  scarcely  allow  him  time  to  make  his  confes- 
sion to  the  first  priest  that  could  be  procured,  swearing  that 
"  he  would  not  dine  till  he  saw  the  head  of  the  traitor  struck 
"  oftV  He  was  therefore  beheaded  on  a  log  that  was  found 
en  the  green  before  the  Tower   chapel,  as    the  time  fixed  by 

•  Rapin,  1.  p.  63). 

M  m  m 


450  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

the  protector  was  too  short  for  erecting  a  scaffoltl.  It  may 
not  be  amiss  to  remark,  that  this  nobleman  died  on  the  same 
day,  and  at  the  same  hour,  in  ^vhich  the  lords  in  Pontefract 
castle  were  cxecnted.  He  had  greatly  contributed  to  their 
destruction;  but  nhile  he  promoted  that  act  of  injustice,  he 
was  far  from  apprehending  that  he  himself  was  so  soon  to 
perish  by  a  sentence  equally  unjust  and  tyrannical.  In  atten- 
tively observing  the  alternate  success  and  misfortunes  of  the 
wicked,  we  cannot  but  frequently  perceive  the  just  retribu- 
tions of  povidence. 

These  illegal  proceedings,  however,  required  some  justifi- 
cation before  the  great  tribunal  of  public  opinion.  A  proc- 
lamation was  accordingly  published  in  London  within  two 
hours  after  lord  Hastings  was  executed.  The  king,  in  whose 
name  it  was  issued,  was  made  to  say,  that  the  lord  Hastings 
Lad  formed  a  conspiracy  for  seizing  his  person,  and  murdering 
the  dukes  of  Gloucester  and  Buckingham,  and  that  to  prevent 
the  execution  of  his  nefarious  design,  he  had  been  obliged,  by 
the  advice  of  his  council,  to  inflict  immediate  punishment  on 
the  criminal.  A  series  of  other  charges  were  exhibited 
against  him,  relative  to  his  conduct  during  the  late  reign,  and 
the  proclamation  expatiated  on  every  particular  that  could 
tend  to  vilify  his  character,  and  lessen  the  esteem  in  which  he 
was  held  by  the  people.* 

The  celebrated  Jane  Shore,  the  concubine  of  the  late  king, 
was  in  too  obscure  a  station  to  endanger  the  protector  or  im- 
pede his  designs.  Yet  as  he  had  accused  her  of  being  the  ac- 
complice of  the  queen  and  lord  Hastings,  he  judged  it  expe- 
dient to  bring  her  to  triAl.  This  unhappy  woman,  whose  mis- 
fortunes have  been  commemorated  by  Shakespear's  muse,  as 
well  as  by  Moor's  historical  pen,  had  been  formerly  deluded 
from  her  husband,  a  goldsmith,  in  Lombard-street,  and  had 
lived  with  Edward  IV.  the  most  guiltless  mistress  in  his  lux- 
xirious  and  profligate  court.  Charitable,  humane,  and  gene- 
rous, she  always  interceded  for  the  distressed,  and  was  ever 
applied  to  as  a  mediator  for  mercy.  Her  intercession  in  favour 
of  the  unfortunate  was  seldom  rejected  by  Edward,  who  was 

*  Moor,  p.  492  to  4.95. 


EDWARD   V.  451 

not  less  delighted  with  the  charms  of  her  conversation  than 
with  her  beauty  ;  and  both  together  are  said  to  have  been  irre- 
sistable.  After  the  decease  of  that  monarch,  she  lived  in 
privacy;  and  a  person  of  so  inoffensive  a  character,  in  so 
humble  a  station,  could  not  give  the  protector  any  cause  of 
apprehension.  But  her  prosecution  seemed  necessary  to  pre- 
vent the  death  of  lord  Hastings  from  being  considered  as  an 
act  of  injustice;  and,  perhaps,  he  might  think,  that  by  pun- 
ishing lewdness,  he  should  impress  on  the  minds  of  the  people 
an  exalted  idea  of  his  own  religion  and  morals.  On  being 
examined  before  the  council  as  a  sorceress  and  an  accomplice 
of  lord  Hastings,  she  fully  exculpated  herself  of  these  char- 
ges. But  being  found  blameless  in  every  other  respect,  the 
protector  ordered  her  to  be  tried  for  adultery.  On  this  head 
her  guilt  was  too  notorious  to  be  denied,  and  she  was  con^ 
demned  by  the  ecclesiastical  court  to  do  penance  in  St.  Paul's 
church,  in  a  white  sheet,  with  a  wax  taper  in  her  hand,  before 
crowds  of  spectators.* 

The  late  executions  at  London  and  Pontefract,  without  any 
legal  process,  and  the  imjirisonment  of  the  archbishop  of  York, 
the  bishop  of  Ely,  and  the  lord  Stanley,  left  no  room  to  ques- 
tion the  protector's  intentions.  Every  one  saw  that  these 
measures  must  end  in  the  destruction  of  the  king  ;  but  suck 
Ivas  the  general  consternation,  that  few  people  dared  to  dis- 
cover their  thoughts.  Those  who  would  have  been  the  most 
able  to  oppose  the  protector,  were  dead  or  in  prison  ;  and  if 
there  were  any  yet  left  that  might  have  been  willing  to  check 
liis  ambition,  the  terrible  example  of  those  who  had  fallen 
the  victims  of  his  cruelty  w'as  sufficient  to  cause  them  to  act 
with  circumspection. 

The  kingdom  being  thrown  into  a  lethargic  apathy  by  the 
general  consternation,  Richard  laid  aside  the  mysterious  veil 
binder  w  hich  he  had  hitherto  concealed  his  designs,  and  open« 
ly  aspired  to  tlic  crown.  Terror  had  seized  the  great  men,  and 
from  that  quarter  he  had  no  apprehensions  of  meeting  with 
any  opposition.  But  one  difficulty  was  yet  to  be  surmounted  ; 
this  was  to  obtain  the  consent  of  the  Londoners  to  the  prcyec- 

•  Moor,  p.  496. 


453  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

ted  revolution.  Such  an  undertaking  required  some  political 
manoeuvre.  Individuals  may  be  easily  corrupted,  or  if  found 
incorruptablc,  may  he  removed  out  of  the  way  like  lord  Has- 
tings and  the  noblemen  executed  at  Pontefract.  But  to  direct 
the  public  mind  requires  other  methods,  which  crafty  states- 
men well  understand.  Of  all  kinds  of  political  manoeuvres, 
those  which  appear  to  be  connected  with  religion,  and  sanc- 
tioned by  its  authority,  are  the  most  efficacious.  "  Corruptio 
"  optimi  Jit  pessima,'''*  is  an  axiom  of  natural  philosophy 
which  may,  with  equal  propriety,  be  applied  to  ethics.  Re- 
ligion was  given  to  man  by  his  maker  for  the  best  of  all  pos- 
sible purposes  ;  but  it  has  too  often  been  converted  into  an  en- 
gine of  power  and  policy.  When,  indeed,  we  consider  the 
influence  w  hich  it  has  ever  had,  and  must  ever  have  over  the 
mind  of  man,  we  ought  not  to  wonder  that  crafty  profligates 
should  regard  an  ostensible  veneration  for  its  dictates  and  its 
forms,  as  the  most  effectual  means  of  deceiving  the  world. 
The  reports  of  the  illegitimacy  of  Edward  IV.  and  the  late 
duke  of  Clarence,  had  already  produced  a  considerable  degree 
of  agitation  among  the  people  ;  and  it  was  therefore  resolved 
that  these  rumours  should  be  supported  by  a  sermon  of  Dr. 
Shaw,  whose  eloquence  was  admired  by  the  whole  city. 

This  plan  being  formed,  the  doctor  ascended  the  pulpit  at 
St.  Paul's  cross,  and  preached  from  these  words  in  the  wis- 
dom of  Solomon,  "  Bastard  slips  shall  take  no  deep  root." 
He  began  his  sermon  with  shewing  the  blessings  which  heav- 
en usually  bestowed  on  a  legitimate  progeny,  and  the  calami- 
ties which  fall  on  the  offspring  of  adultery,  ransacking  both 
sacred  and  profane  history  for  examples  to  support  his  ar- 
gument. He  next  enlarged  on  the  noble  qualities  of  the  duke 
of  York,  who  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Wakefield,  and 
shewed  how  happy  England  might  have  been  under  a  sove- 
reign of  the  race  of  that  illustrious  prince.  He  then  hinted 
his  fears  that  the  reign  of  Edward  V.  would  be  fatal  to  the 
kingdom,  by  reason  of  his  spurious  descent,  and  laboured  to 
prove  that  neither  Edward  IV.  nor  the  late  duke  of  Clarence 
were  the  sons  of  tlie  great  duke  of  York,  asserting  that  the 

»  "  The  corruption  of  tlie  best  thing  renders  it  tlie  worst." 


HDWARD    V,  453 

contrary  coold  be  proved  by  the  officers  of  his  household,  who 
were  witnesses  of  the  scandalous  life  of  the  duchess  his  con- 
Sort.  From  thence  he  inferred  that  the  real  posterity  of  that 
prince,  the  illustrious  descendant  of  Edward  III.  was  not  to 
be  looked  for  in  the  offspring  of  Edward  IV.  or  the  duke  of 
Clarence,  and  that  their  race  would  infiiUibly  perish  :  because, 
said  he,  repeating  the  words  of  his  text,  "  Bastard  slips  shall 
take  no  deep  root.''  "  But  my  lord,  the  protector,''  continued 
he,  raising  his  voice,  "  that  noble  prince,  the  pattern  of  eve- 
ii  ry  virtue,  carries  in  his  countenance,  in  his  air,  in  his  car- 
*'  riage,  in  his  soul,  the  perfect  image  of  his  illustrious  fath- 
"  er."  At  these  words  it  was  designed  that  the  duke  of 
Gloucester  should  enter,  in  the  expectation  that  the  people, 
moved  by  the  eloquence  of  the  preacher,  would  salute  him 
king.  The  duke  delayed  his  coming  a  few  moments  too  long ; 
hut  as  soon  as  the  holy  sycophant  saw  him  appear,  he  re- 
peated the  same  words.  Instead,  however,  of  hearing  the 
cry  of  "  Long  live  king  Richard,"  as  both  the  duke  and  the 
preacher  expected,  they  could  readily  perceive,  from  the  sul- 
len silence  of  the  people,  that  the  tenor  of  the  sermon  did 
not  meet  the  public  approbation. 

But  the  protector  was  determined  to  carry  his  point,  and, 
indeed,  he  had  gone  too  far  to  recede.  The  lord  mayor  was 
ordered  to  convene  the  aldermen,  common  council,  and  prin- 
cipal citizens  ;  and  the  duke  of  Buckingham,  who  was  an 
eloquent  speaker,  undertook  to  harangue  the  assembly.  He 
expatiated  on  the  calamities  of  the  late  reign  and  the  illegiti- 
macy of  the  king:  he  recapitulated  the  heads  of  Dr.  Shaw's 
sermon,  and  added  a  variety  of  arguments  to  those  adduced 
by  that  preacher.  He  inveighed,  with  vehemence,  against  the 
cruelty,  avarice,  and  incontinence  of  Edward  IV.  and  ag- 
gravated his  vices  in  order  to  render  his  memory  odious.  lie 
intimated  to  the  assembly  that  the  lords  of  the  council  and  the 
commons  of  the  realm  had  declared  that  a  bastard  should  not 
sit  on  the  throne  of  England,  but  that  the  crown  should  be 
adjudged  to  the  duke  of  Gloucester.  He  expressed  his  ap- 
prehension that  the  magnanimous  protector  would  refuse  the 
offer,  but  hoped  that  all  the  people,  especially  the  citizens  of 
London,  uniting  with  one  accord,  might  prevail  on  him  to  nu- 


45i  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

dertake  the  burden  of  royalty,  and  concluded  by  desiring  lii« 
auditory  to  declare  freely  their  sentiments.  The  citizens^ 
surprised  at  this  unjust  proposal,  were  silent ;  and  the  duke, 
imagining  that  he  had  not  been  ivell  understood,  raised  his 
voice,  and  repeated  the  sense  of  his  harangue  in  other  words) 
with  a  gracefulness  and  eloquence  worthy  of  a  better  subject. 
But  the  people  still  remained  silent,  till  some  of  the  duke's 
servants,  who  had  slipped  in  among  the  crowd,  cried  out 
*'  Long  live  king  Richard."  The  cry  was  seconded  by  some 
of  the  citizens,  who  had  been  previously  bribed ;  and  the 
rabble,  collected  at  the  door,  following  their  example,  threw 
up  their  caps,  and  shouted  "  king  Richard,  king  Richard.'* 
Although  the  duke  of  Buckingham  perceived  that  these  ac- 
clamations came  from  the  mob  and  not  from  the  respectable 
citizens,  he  took  advantage  of  the  circumstance,  and  declaring 
liis  joy  at  seeing  so  unanimous  an  approbation  of  his  proposal) 
Le  requested  them  to  accompany  him  the  next  day  to  petition 
the  protector  to  accept  of  the  crown. 

On  the  following  day,  the  duke  of  Buckingham,  with  the 
mayor  and  aldermen,  and  many  other  persons  of  the  cabal, 
waited  on  the  protector,  with  an  offer  of  the  crown.  Rich- 
ard appeared  in  the  gallery,  between  two  bishops,  and,  with 
profound  hypocrisy,  pretended  to  be  totally  ignorant  of  the 
matter,  and  surprised  at  the  concourse.  When  he  was  infor- 
med that  they  came  to  offer  him  the  crown,  he  declined  accept- 
ing it,  alleging  his  respect  for  the  late  king,  his  brother,  and 
liis  tender  affection  for  the  children  under  his  care,  and  de- 
lelaring  that  with  him  these  considerations  outw^eighed  all  the 
royal  diadems  in  the  world.  The  dwke  of  Buckingham,  ap- 
parently dissatisfied  at  his  answer,  told  him  that  all  the  peo- 
ple, and  especially  the  citizens  of  London,  had  unanimously 
resolved  on  making  him  king,  and  that  in  ease  of  his  refu- 
sal, they  should  be  obliged  to  offer  the  crown  where  it  would 
meet  with  a  more  ready  acceptance.  On  this  representation 
of  the  resolution  of  the  people,  the  protector  graciously  con 
^descended  to  comply  with  their  request,  and  addressed  them 
in  these  terms  :  "  Since  I  see  the  whole  kingdom  resolved  not 
*'  to  suffer  Edward's  children  to  reign,  a  circumstance  which 
*'2rivf»' mo  extreme  coneern.  I  am   fu  11  v  convinced   fhat  thn 


EDWARD   V.  455 

"  crown  can  of  right  belong  only  to  me,  who  am  the  undoubted 
"  son  of  the  late  duke  of  York.  To  this  title  is  now  joined 
*'  the  free  election  of  the  lords  and  commons  of  the  realm, 
"  which,  of  all  titles,  I  shall  consider  as  the  chief  and  most 
"  eflfectual.  From  these  considerations,  I  graciously  receive 
*'  your  petition.  I  therefore,  from  this  moment,  take  upon 
*•  me  the  sovereignty  of  the  two  kingdoms  of  England  and 
"  France,  resolving  to  govern  and  defend  the  one,  and  by  the 
"  help  of  God  and  the  valour  of  my  people,  to  subdue   the 

"  other."  At  the  close  of  his  speech  was  heard  a 
^  ^^1433  general  cry  of  "Long  live  king  Richard  HI." 

Such  was  the  dark  and  mysterious  train  of  politi- 
cal machinations  by  which  Edward  V.  was,  after  a  reign  of 
only  two  months  and  twelve  days,  hurled  from  a  throne  to 
which  his  father  Edward  IV.  had  waded  through  oceans  of 
blood.  The  comedy  was  here  concluded  ;  but  it  was  soon  to 
be  succeeded  by  a  horrible  tragedy. 


456 


lUCHAHD  111. 


The  duke  of  Gloucester  having  in  so  extraordiuary  a  man- 
ner surmounted  all  tlie  obstacles  that  opposed  his 
A  *D^  1483.  ^J"'^'*^'"")  ^^'^s  proclaimed  king  by  the  name  of 
Richard  III.  but  he  deferred  his  coronation  till 
the  arrival  of  five  thousand  troops  from  the  north,  as  he  did 
not  entirely  confide  in  tJie  citizens  of  London.  In  the  mean 
■while  he  made  some  promotions,  and  conferred  some  titles  o^i 
persons  of  noble  descent.  lie  released  from  prison  the  arch- 
bishop of  York  and  lord  Stanley,  the  latter  of  whom  he  made 
lord  steward  of  his  household.  The  honour,  conferred  on 
this  nobleman,  however,  was  not  the  eft'ect  of  affection  or  con- 
fidence, but  was  rather  extorted  by  fear.  His  son,  tlie  lord 
Strange,  had  already  begun  to  levy  troops,  and  the  new  king 
judged  it  expedient  to  gain  the  father  in  order  to  prevent  the 
son  from  raising  commotions  that  might  endanger  his  recentr 
ly  acquired  throne.  He  gave  the  great  seal  to  the  bishop  of 
Lincoln,  one  of  his  creatures ;  but  the  bishop  of  Ely,  whom 
he  mortally  hated,  was  taken  out  of  the  Tower  and  commit- 
ted to  the  custody  of  the  duke  of  Buckingham,  who  sent  him 
to  the  castle  of  Brecknock,  in  Wales.  At  length  the  troops, 
expected  from  the  north,  being  arrived  at  London,  the  corona- 
tion of  the  king  and  queen  was  performedywith  great 
A  n  148'^  solemnity.  AH  the  peers  of  the  realm  took  care 
to  be  present  lest  their  absence  should  be  construed 
into  a  mark  of  disaffection. 

Richard  had  now  no  other  care  than  that  of  supporting 
himself  on  the  throne.  Circumstances,  indeed,  appeared  ex- 
tremely favourable  to  his  views.  The  Lancastrian  family 
was  quite  extinct  in  England.  Henry,  earl  of  Richmond, 
t!he  only  remaining  branch  of  th9,t  house  was  in  the  bauds  of 


RICHARD   III.  ^Sf 

the  duke  of  Bretagne,  who  received  a  pension  for  keeping 
liira  as  a  prisoner.  Margaret,  his  mother,  shew'ed  no  inclina- 
tion to  prosecute  her  claims ;  and  besides,  she  was  married  to 
lord  Stanley,  wliom  Richard  had  appointed  to  one  of  the  most 
considerable  oHices  at  court.  As  to  the  princes  and  princes- 
ses of  Portugal  and  Castile,  descended  from  Philippa  and 
Catharine  of  Lancaster,  daughters  of  John  of  Gaunt,  they 
were  too  remote  to  give  any  disturbance.  The  queen  dowa- 
ger and  her  five  daughters,  dared  not  to  stir  from  their  sanc- 
tuary. Edward  V.  and  his  brother,  the  duke  of  York,  were 
in  the  Tower,  where  Richard  had  placed  Sir  Robert  Brack- 
enbnry,  his  creature,  as  governor.  Of  the  Yorkists  attached 
to  the  fauiily  of  Kdward  IV.  some  were  already  dispatched, 
and  others  were  fled.  The  civil  wars  having  swept  away  great 
numbers  of  the  nobility,  and  entirely  destroyed  many  ancient 
families,  the  power  of  the  aristocracy,  which  used  to  be  so 
formidable  to  the  sovereign,  was  very  considerably  diminished  ; 
and  every  thing  seemed  to  promise  the  new  monarch  a  tranquil 
and  prosperous  reign* 

But  mistrust  and  apprehension  always  haunt  the  minds  of 
iKurpers  and  tyrants.  Richard  did  not  think  his  throne 
jfirmly  establislied,  so  long  as  his  two  nephews,  Edward  V. 
and  the  duko  of  York,  were  alive,  and  he  therefore  resolved 
on  their  destruction.  In  order  to  avoid  suspicion  by  absence, 
he  departed  from  London  to  make  a  progress  through  the 
kingdom,  under  the  pretext  of  reforming  certain  abuses  which 
were  found  to  be  detrimental  to  the  people.  From  Glouces- 
ter, he  dispatched  an  order  to  Brackenbury,  the  governor  of 
the  Tower,  to  murder  the  two  young  princes.  Although  the 
governor  was  entirely  the  creature  of  Richard,  yet  he  had 
virtue  enougli  to  refuse  the  horrid  commission,  and  submis- 
sively answered  that  he  could  not  imbrue  his  hands  in  their 
blood.  A  fit  instruaient,  however,  was  easily  found.  James 
Tyrrel  was  sent  by  the  king,  with  a  written  order,  empower- 
ing him  to  take  the  command  of  the  Tower  for  one  night  ; 
and  Brackenbury,  in  consequence,  delivered  to  him  the  keys. 
That  very  night,  while  all  were  asleep, Tyrrel,  with  two  oth- 
er assassins,  went  to  the  room  where  the  two  princes  lay,  and 
after  smothering  them  in  bed,  buried  them  under  the  staircase. 

N  n  11 


458  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

Notwithstanding  the  secrecy  witli  wliich  this  murder  was 
committed,  yet  as  neither  of  the  princes  were  ever  more  heard 
of  after  the  day  that  Tyrrel  entered  the  Tower,  the  public 
never  doubted  of  (heir  having  fallen  victims  to  the  cruel  pol- 
icy of  the  tyrant.  Vengeance  at  length  overtook  the  regi- 
cide :  he  was  executed  for  this  fact  in  the  succeeding  reign^ 
after  confessing  his  crime,  and  the  mode  of  its  prepetration.* 
Thus  ended  the  life  of  the  unfortunate  Edward  V.  it  had  not 
been  sufficiently  long  to  develope  his  character  ;  and  his  reign 
had  been  too  short  to  eftect  any  alteration  in  the  social  state 
of  the  kingdom. 

The  fears  of  the  tyrant  being  in  a  great  measure  removed 
by  the  death  of  his  nephews,  he  proceeded  to  York.  Sensible 
of  the  influence  of  pageantry  and  shew  on  the  minds  of  the 
people,  he  resolved  to  be  crowned  in  that  city  as  he  had  al- 
ready been  at  London  ;  and  the  ceremony  was  performed  with 
great  solemnity  in  the  cathedral.  He  also  endeavoured  to 
secure  the  clergy  in  his  interests  by  every  kind  of  indulgence, 
as  well  as  by  an  ostensible  veneration  and  zeal  for  religion. 
His  next  care  was  to  secure  his  usurpation  by  foreign  allian- 
ces. For  this  purpose  he  commenced  negociations  with  Cas- 
tile and  Portugal,  with  the  archduke  Maximilian,  who  gov- 
erned the  Netherlands  in  the  name  of  Philip,  his  son,  and 
with  France  and  Bretagne,  from  whence  he  apprehended  that 
domestic  revolt  might  derive  external  support.  In  all  these 
negociations,  he  succeeded  according  to  his  wish.  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  who  had  united  the  crowns  of  Castile  and  Ar- 
ragon,  having  no  other  object  in  view  than  the  conquest  of 
the  Moorish  kingdom  of  Grenada,  ^vere  far  from  desiring  to 
intermeddle  in  the  claims  of  the  houses  of  York  and  Lancas- 
ter, and  gladly  renewed  the  ancient  alliance  between  Castile 
and  England.  The  king  of  Portugal  adopted  with  equal 
facility  the  same  line  of  conduct.  Maximilian  was  unwil- 
ling  to    involve  himself   in  unnecessary    embarrassments.! 

*  Rapin,  vol.  1.  p  038. 

f  The  king  of  rortug-a1,  lsabc4la,  queen  of  Castile,  and  the  archduke 
IMaximiiian,  were  all  descendants  of  the  house  of  Lancaster  by  Catharine 
and  Philippa,  daughters  of  John  of  Gauntj  and  consequently  had  preten- 
sionstotlie  crown  of  Enirland. 


RICHARD    III.  *59 

Aud  France,  under  a  minority,  disturbed  by  intestine  divis- 
ions, was  not  in  a  state  to  give  the  new  king  of  England  any 
great  cause  of  apprehension.  In  short,  nothing  appeared  ca- 
pable of  shaking  the  blood-stained  throne  of  tlic  usurper. 

Divine  providence,  however,  had  decreed  that  lie  should 
not  long  wear  a  crown  obtained  by  treachery  and  murder. 
The  danger  by  which  he  was  first  menaced,  arose  from  a 
quarter  from  which  it  had  been  least  expected.  The  duke  of 
Buckingham,  who  had  been  the  principal  instrument  in  pla- 
cing him  on  the  throne,  retired  in  disgust,  and  resolved  to 
hurl  down  the  tyrant  whom  his  efforts  had  raised.  The 
cause  of  this  change  in  the  diike  has  not  been  ascertained  by 
historians.  It  has  generally  been  ascribed  to  Richard's  refu- 
sal to  grant  him  some  lands,  to  which  he  pretended  a  claim  ; 
but  this  appears  to  be  a  mistake,  and  an  eminent  writer  as- 
cribes the  conduct  of  the  duke  either  to  an  impulse  of  con- 
science, or  to  some  neglect  of  the  king  in  not  rewarding  him 
as  he  expected:*  the  latter  seems  rather  to  have  been  the  case: 
conscience  has  little  influence  on  men  of  his  character,  and 
ambitious  courtiers  seldom  think  any  recompense  sufficiently 
great  for  their  services. 

Whatever  was  the  motive  by  which  the  duke  of  Bucking- 
ham was  actuated,  he  formed  the  design  of  depriving  Rich- 
ard of  his  crown.  It  appears  to  have  been  at  first  his  desire 
and  intention  to  place  it  on  his  own  head;  but  considering 
that  such  an  attempt  would  be  opposed  by  all  the  adherents 
of  the  houses  both  of  York  and  Lancaster,  that  is  by  the 
whole  kingdom  which  was  divided  between  the  two  factions, 
he  altered  his  plan,  and  resolved  to  declare  for  Henry,  earl 
of  Richmond,  who  was  then  in  Bretagne.  In  concerting  with 
the  bishop  of  Ely  the  means  of  accomplishing  this  design, 
they  both  concluded  that  all  hope  of  success  ought  to  be  foun- 
ded on  the  marriage  of  the  earl  of  Richmond  with  the  prin- 
ces Elizabeth,  the  eldest  daughter  of  Edward  lY.  and  a  se- 
cret negociation  was  entered  into  with  the  dowager  queen  for 
that  purpose.  The  duke,  in  the  mean  while,  engaged  in  the 
plot  several  persons  of  great  credit  and  influence  in  Wales 

*  Vide  Dugdale's  Karon,  vol.  1.  p  168, 


460  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

aud  the  western  counties,  who  undertook  to  inlist  soldiers 
privately,  in  order  to  enable  him  to  bring  an  army  suddenly 
into  the  field.  These  arrangements  being  made,  the  countess 
of  Richmond  sent  two  expresses  by  diftcrent  routes,*  to  in- 
form her  son  of  the  project  formed  in  his  favour,  and  of  the 
measures  taken  for  carrying  it  into  execution.  These  ex- 
presses having  reached  Henry  within  an  hour  of  each  otlier, 
detailed  the  particulars  of  the  confederacy,  and  indicated  the 
place  that  was  thought  the  most  proper  for  his  landing. 

The  earl  of  Richmond  was  then  in  a  difficult  situation. 
Though  not  under  strict  confinement,  the  duke  of  Bretagne 
had  by  his  treaty  with  Edward  IV.  engaged  to  prevent  him 
from  leaving  his  dominions.  If  the  duke  should  disapprove  of 
the  enterprise,  he  might  make  him  close  prisoner,  and  a  pri- 
vate escape  could  not  answer  his  purpose,  as  unless  that  prince 
should  assist  him  with  money,  troops,  and  ships,  he  found  it 
impracticable  to  take  measures  requisite  for  accomplishing  his 
design.  While  difficulties  thus  presented  themselves  on  eve- 
ry side,  Henry  resolved  to  discover  the  secret  to  the  duke  of 
Bretagne,  and,  if  possible,  to  engage  him  in  the  confederacy. 
He  found  the  duke  more  ready  to  favour  his  views  than  he 
could  have  expected,  and  he  agreed,  on  certain  conditions,  to 
furnish  him  with  ships  and  troops.  Henry  being  thus  secure 
of  assistance  from  Bretagne,  sent  back  the  expresses  to  the 
countess,  his  mother,  and  the  duke  of  Buckingham,  reques- 
ting them  to  be  ready  with  their  forces  about  the  beginning  of 
October. 

The  conspirators  were  instantly  in  motion.  Every  one  re- 
paired to  the  post  assigned  him,  in  order  to  levy  troops  and 
organize  the  insurrection.  These  things,  however,  could  not 
be  transacted  so  secretly  as  to  be  concealed  from  the  know- 
ledge of  Richard,  who  was  then  at  York,  where  he  received 
intelligence  that  some  plot  was  certainly  in  agitation,  although 
the  authors  were  unknown.  The  king  immediately  suspected 
the  duke  of  Buckingham,  whom  he  considered  not  only  as 
a  dissatisfied  person,  but  as  the  only  lord  in  the  kingdom  that 
possessed  wealth,  credit,  and  talents,  sufficient  for  the  execu- 

•  One  from  Plymouth,  the  other  by  way  of  Kent  and  Calais. — Holling- 
shcd,  1400. 


RICHARD    111.  46i 

tioQ  of  any  great  project.  In  order  to  he  convinced  of  the 
matter,  Richard  sent  for  him  to  court;  but  the  duke  excused 
himself  on  the  pleJi  of  indisposition.  This  confirmed  the 
suspicions  of  the  king,  who,  in  order  to  be  more  fully  con- 
vinced, sent  him  positive  orders  to  repair  to  court,  declaring 
that  he  could  not  admit  of  any  excuse  or  delay.  The  duke, 
finding  dissimulation  of  no  farther  utility,  and  expecting  the 
speedy  arrival  of  the  earl  of  Richmond,  sent  the  king  an  open 
defiance,  and  immediately  collected  the  troops  which  he  and 
his  friends  had  privately  inlisted  in  Wales.  With  these  he 
hegan  his  march  towards  Salisbury,  Mhcrc  he  was  to  be 
joined  by  those  that  were  ready  to  lake  arms  in  the  counties 
of  Cornwall,  Somerset,  Devon,  and  Wills,  as  well  as  by  the 
earl  of  Richmond,  who  was  daily  cxpecled  to  arrive  from 
Bretagne. 

Richard  in  the  meanwhile,  having  assembled  his  forces  at 
Leicester,  put  himself  at  their  head,  resohing  to  give  battle 
to  his  enemies.  But  for  this  time  fortune  favoured  his  cause, 
and  rendered  his  preparations  unnecessary.  Buckingham 
having  advanced  towards  Gloucester,  where  he  intended  to 
pass  the  Severn,  found  that  river  so  greatly  swoln,  that  the 
country  on  both  sides  was  flooded,  and  great  damage  done  by 
the  waters.  The  inundation,  which  was  the  greatest  ever 
known  in  that  country,  lasted  ten  days,  during  which  time 
the  duke  could  neither  pass  the  river  nor  find  subsistence  for 
his  army.  And  the  Welsh  soldiers,  weary  of  suffering  the 
calamities  of  hunger,  as  well  as  of  being  exposed  to  the  heavy 
rains  and  other  hardships,  returned  home  in  spite  of  the  ear- 
nest intreaties  of  their  commander.  Seeing  himself  thus  de- 
serted by  his  army,  without  any  prospect  of  safety  except  in 
concealment,  the  duke  retired  to  the  house  of  a  man  named 
Bannister,  who  had  been  his  servant,  and  had  received  many 
favours  from  him  and  his  family.  But  the  consequences  veri- 
fied the  maxim,  that  there  is  no  friendship  among  the  wicked. 
The  duke  of  Buckingham  having  first  been  false  to  his  legit- 
imate sovereign,  and  afterwards  to  Richard,  (he  monarch 
whom  he  himself  had  set  up,  was  little  entitled  to  expect  fi- 
delity from  others.  A  reward  of  one  thousand  pounds  ster- 
ling, or  a  pension  of  a  hundred  per  ann.  was  promised  to  any 


463  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

one  that  should  deliver  up  the  duke  to  justice.*     Bannister, 

unable  to  resist  so  strong  a  temptation,  betrayed  his  master  to 

the  sherift'  of  Shropshire,  who  seized  the  duke  in  the  dress  of 

a  peasant,  and  conducted  him  to  Shrewsbury,  where  he  was 

beheaded  by  the  king's  orders,  witliout  any  trial. t 

AVhile  these  things  were  transacting  in  England,  the  earl 

of  Richmond  sailed  from  St.  Maloe,  witli  five  thou- 
Oct    12 
A  D   148''  sand  troops,  embarked  on  board  forty  ships,  which 

were  furnished  by  the  duke  of  Bretagne.     But  his 

fleet  being  dispersed  by  a  storm,  his  own  ship  alone  reached 

the  English  coast,  where  he  descried  some  troops,  who,  by 

signals,  encouraged  him  to  land.     Henry,  however,  having 

discovered  (hat  they  were  placed  there  by  Richard  for  the 

purpose  of  decoying  him  on  shore,  immediately  stood  out  to 

sea,  and  arrived  soon  after  in  Normandy. 

Richard  being  now  freed  from  the  danger  by  which  he  had 
been  menaced,  proceeded  to  extirpate  his  enemies.  Several 
persons  of  note  had  fled  into  Bretagne :  others  were  seized 
and  sacrificed  to  his  vengeance,  among  whom  was  Sir  Thom- 
as St.  Leger,  his  brother-in-law;  and,  in  order  to  expedite 
these  sanguinary  measures,  he  gave  to  Sir  Ralph  Ashton  an 
unlinnted  power  to  condemn  and  execute  on  the  spot  such  as 
were  by  him  deemed  guilty  of  treason,  or  even  suspected  of 
that  crime, I  By  virtue  of  this  commission,  Ashton  Ment  into 
the  western  counties,  where  he  signalized  his  zeal  for  the  in- 
terest of  Richard  by  a  number  of  bloody  executions. 

Thus  passed  the  first  six  months  of  the  reign  of  Richard 
111.  The  authority  of  parliament  was  still  wanting  to  give 
a  sanction  to  his  injustice  and  tyranny.  But  in  these  times 
of  general  profligacy  that  was  easily  procured.  The  junc- 
ture, indeed,  Avas  favourable.  The  duke  of  Buckingham's 
conspiracy  being  apparently  crushed  by  the  death  of  that 
nobleman  and  the  retreat  of  the  earl  of  Richmond,  there  was 
not  a  person  in  the  kingdom  that  dared  to  resist  the  royal 

*  Several  others  were  proscribed  as  well  as  the  duke  of  Buckingham. 
Vide  Rvmer's  Feed.  Tom.  12-  p.  204. 
I  Rapin,  1.  p.  641.    Hollingshed,  p.  1403. 
^  Vide  Rymcr's  Fad.  Tom.  12.  p.  205. 


RICHARD   III.  4.63 

aulhority.  In  this  moment  of  his  higliest  prosperity,  Rich- 
ard summoned  a  parliament,  which  approved  all 
A  1)  1484-  '*'^  proceedings,  declared  the  children  of  Edward 
IV.  illegitimate,  passed  an  act  of  attainder  against 
the  earl  of  Richmond  and  all  his  adherents,  and  on  the 
whole  appeared  as  much  disposed  to  slavery  as  the  king  was 
to  tyranny.  The  destruction  of  his  rival,  however,  was  still 
wanting  to  complete  his  security.  To  eflcct  this,  he  sent  au 
embassy  to  the  duke  of  Bretagne,  seemingly  on  public  busi- 
ness, but  in  reality  to  treat  with  Landais,  the  prime  minister 
of  that  prince,  in  order  to  induce  him  to  deliver  up  ihe  carl 
of  Richmond.  The  duke  at  that  time  labouring  under  an  in- 
disposition which  rendered  him  incapable  of  governing,  Lan- 
dais exercised  without  control  the  sovereign  authority  ;  and 
that  unprincipled  minister  being  bribed  by  Richard,  had  the 
baseness  to  agree  to  the  proposal.  But  the  earl,  having 
timely  notice,  fled  into  France,  and  had  only  just  time  to  pass 
the  frontier  before  he  was  overtaken  by  his  pursuers.*  The 
duke  was  greatly  incensed  at  the  conduct  of  his  minister, 
and  generously  permitted  the  English  malcontents  who  had 
taken  refuge  in  Bretagne  to  follow  the  earl  into  France. 

Richard  being  thus  bafUed  in  his  design  of  seizing  the  per- 
son of  his  rival,  redoubled  his  precautions  for  frustrating  the 
attempts  which  he  might  yet  be  enabled  to  make.  He  kjiew 
that  he  was  not  beloved  by  his  subjects,  and  considering  hi« 
power  as  precarious,  he  grew  every  day  more  suspicious  and 
cruel.  Lord  Stanley  being  the  husband  of  the  countess  of 
Richmond,  was  one  of  the  chief  objects  of  his  suspicion; 
and,  in  order  to  secure  his  fidelity,  Richard  obliged  him  to 
deliver  up  his  son  as  an  hostage.  His  spies,  who  were  placed 
in  every  part  of  the  country,  informed  him  of  certain  move- 
ments among  the  people  which  indicate«l  some  mischief;  but 
all  their  vigilance  could  not  discover  the  particulars  of  the 
plot,  nor  who  were  the  principal  persons  concerned.     At 

*  The  preservation  of  the  earl  of  Richmond  was  almost  miraculous, 
'the  duke  of  Bretagne  had  once  been  prevailed  on  to  deliver  him  and 
the  earl  of  Pembroke  into  the  hands  of  the  ambassadors  of  Edward  lY. 
but  repenting  of  his  compliance,  sent  for  them  back  at  the  moment  they 
wer?  nUcring  the  vessel  that  was  to  carry  them  to  England. — Hall  p  2TT- 


464^  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

length  he  found  lliat  the  projects  in  favour  of  the  earl  of 
Richmond,  were  fonnded  on  his  intended  marriage  with  the 
daughter  of  Edward  IV.  and  heiress  of  the  house  of  Lancas- 
ter. This  discovery  led  him  to  perceive  that  the  Yorkists 
and  the  Lancastrians  were  about  forming  an  union,  which 
could  not  but  end  in  the  subversion  of  his  throne.  The  only 
expedient  tliat  Richard  could  devise  for  rendering  this  pro- 
ject abortive,  was  to  espouse  the  princess,  his  niece,  to  prevent 
her  marriage  with  his  enemy.  But  one  great  obstacle  stood 
in  his  way,  which  he  found  means  to  remove.  He  had  al- 
ready a  wife,  the  widow  of  the  prince  of  Wales,  whom  he 
himself  Itad  cruelly  butchered  after  the  battle  of  Tewksbury. 
Allured  by  ambition,  she  had  given  her  hand  to  the  murderer 
of  her  husband  ;  but  her  ingratitude  to  the  deceased  prince 
was  punished  hy  the  inbumanity  of  him  whom  she  had  sub- 
stituted in  his  place.  Ricliard  is  said  to  have  treated  her 
with  so  much  contempt,  that  she  died  of  grief,  according  to 
his  desire  ;  but  this  is  one  of  the  secret  articles  in  the  black 
catalogue  of  political  crimes,  of  which  historians  are  unable 
to  give  any  authentic  account.  It  is  certain  that  the  death 
of  the  queen  happened  at  the  critical  juncture,  which  exactly 
coincided  with  the  king's  expectation  and  desire. 

Richard,  with  his  usual  hypocrisy,  endeavoured  to  demon- 
strate an  extraordinary  sorrow  for  his  loss,  and  ordered  the 
obsequies  of  his  queen  to  be  performed  with  great  pomp  and 
solemnity.  His  feigned  grief,  however,  had  not  the  desired 
effect  in  deceiving  tlie  people,  Avho  accused  him  of  murdering 
his  queen,  as  he  had  murdered  his  nephews.  But  whatever 
was  his  guilt  in  this  respect,  it  did  not  procure  him  the  advan- 
tages whiah  he  expected.  Previously  to  the  death  of  his 
eoasort,  he  had  carried  on  a  negociation  with  the  queen  dow- 
ager, who  had  agreed  to  the  projected  marriage.  That  prin- 
cess was  weary  of  being  confined  to  her  sanctuary  ;  and  since 
tlie  failure  of  the  duke  of  Buckingham's  conspiracy,  she  re- 
garded the  cause  of  the  earl  of  Richmond  as  hopeless.  Her 
rejection  of  Richard's  proposal  could  only  prepare  a  more 
rigorous  fate  for  herself  and  her  daughters;  but  lier  compli- 
ance promised  to  open  to  them  and  her  brothers  a  road  to 
riches  and  honours.     But  above  all.  the  kins;  being  left  child- 


RICHARD    III.  '    465 

less  by  the  death  of  his  son,  the  prince  of  AVales,  the  union 
proposed  afforded  to  the  queen  the  hope  of  seeing  the  croAvn 
transmitted  to  her  posterity.  From  these  considerations,  the 
widow  of  Edward  IV.  consented  to  marry  her  daughter  to 
the  murderer  of  lier  sons,  and  to  forget  all  the  injuries  which 
her  family  had  received  from  the  tyrant.  Historians  pretend 
that  tlie  young  princess  was  not  equally  compliant,  and  thai 
slie  treated  his  proposal  with  the  contempt  which  it  merited. 
This,  however,  is  uncertain,  as  it  is  highly  improbable  that, 
in  her  circumstances,  she  would  publish  to  the  world  her  aver- 
sion.* But  as  she  was  afterwards  married  to  Henry  VII.  the 
ttftaii*  could  scarcely  be  otherwise  related. 

The  assertions  of  historians  are  left  in  uncertainty  by  event* 
which  soon  put  an  end  to  the  project.  While  Richard  was 
endeavouring  to  strengthen  his  throne  by  a  marriage  with  his 
niece,  the  earl  of  Richmond  having,  by  earnest  solicitation, 
obtained  from  Charles  VHl.  king  of  France,  a  body  of  two 
thousand  men.  sailed  «ith  that  feeble  force  to  conquer  the 
kingdom  of  England.  Expecting  to  meet  with  assistance  in 
Wales,  he  steered  for  Milford  haven,  where  he  arrived  in 
safely,  and  was  joyfully  received  by  a  number  of 
j^  U  1485  'lis  friends.  From  this  place  he  immediately  be- 
gan his  march  towards  London  ;  but  as  he  could 
not  pass  the  Severn  without  being  in  pos^^ession  of  some  town 
on  that  river,  he  was  under  the  necessity  of  crossing  almost  all 
Wales,  in  order  to  reach  Shrewsbury,  where  he  was  assured 
he  should  be  readily  received.  Being  joined  by  several  of  his 
friends,  his  army  Mas  augmented  to  between  five  and  six  thou- 
sand men;  and  the  whole  country  supplying  him  liberally  with 
necessaries,  he  arrived  in  a  few  days  at  Shrewsbury,  where 
he  was  received  wiliiout  opposition.  Lord  Stanley  had  assu- 
red his  son-in-law,  that  he  would  assist  him  at  a  convenient 
opportunity  ;  but  as  his  own  son  was  an  hostage,  could  not 
openly  declare  in  his  favour.     Pretending,  therefore,  to  act 

•  Kapin  observes  that  every  disgraceful  story  of  the  princes  of  the 
liouse  of  York,  related  by  iiistorians  who  wrote  in  the  reigns  of  Henry 
VII.  and  Henry  Vlll  ought  not  to  be  implicitly  believed.  Rapin  1  p.  6l5 
and  627,  and  this  clreumstance  must,  from  its  nature,  be  involved  in  im- 
certainty. 

0  0  0 


466  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

for  the  king,  he  raised  a  body  of  five  thousand  men,  as  if 
for  his  service;  and  his  brother.  Sir  William  Stanley,  collec- 
ted two  thousand  under  the  same  pretext. 

The  iving,  in  the  mean  while,  assembled  his  forces  at  Not- 
tingham, where  he  heard  that  his  rival  was  directing  his 
inarch  towards  London,  and  that  his  army  daily  increased. 
Prpilently  judging^  that  at  so  important  a  crisis,  any  appear- 
ance of  timidity  or  hesitation,  on  his  part  would  be  fatal  to 
his  cause,  he  resolved  to  bring  the  affair  to  a  speedy  decis- 
ion by  a  battle.  The  earl  of  Richmond,  notwithstanding  the 
inferiority  of  his  force,  was  equally  desirous  to  engage,  as  he 
relied  on  being  joined  by  Lord  Stanley  and  his  brother  at  the 
last  crisis.  Having  advanced  as  far  as  Litchfield,  he  went 
privately  to  Stafford,  where  he  had  an  interview  with  Sir 
William  Sla.nley,  in  which  were  concerted  the  measures  that 
decided  the  contest.  The  king  and  the  earl  of  Richmond 
continuing  to  advance,  the  twa  hostile  armies  met  about  three 
miles  from  Bosworth,  in  Leicestershire,  a  place  rendered  fa- 
mous by  the  battle  which  finally  decided  the  quarrel  between 
the  two  contending  houses  of  York  and  Lancaster. 

Richard  drew  up  his  army,  consisting  of  between  twelve 
and  thirteen  thousand  men,  in  order  of  battle.  He  gave  the 
command  of  the  vanguard  to  the  duke  of  Norfolk,  and  led 
the  main  body  himself,  with  the  crown  on  his  head,  apparent- 
ly to  encourage  his  soldiers,  by  reminding  them  that  they 
fought  for  their  king.  The  earl  of  Richmond's  army  amoun- 
ted to  only  five  thousand  me».  5t  was  drawn  up  in  two  lines, 
of  which  the  earl  of  Oxford  commanded  the  first,  and  the 
earl  of  Richmond  himself  the  second.  "While  the  two  rivals 
were  thus  preparing  for  battle.  Lord  Stanley  and  his  brother, 
who  had  just  arrived,  the  former  from  Atherstone,  and  the 
latter  from  Stafford,  posted  themselves  opposite  against  each 
other,  fronting  the  space  between  the  two  armies.  This  posi- 
tion strengthened  the  suspicion  which  Richard  had  conceived 
of  Lord  Stanley's  fidelity.  But,  in  order  to  be  more  fully  con- 
vinced, he  sent  him  positive  orders  to  join  the  line.  Lord 
Stanley  returned  for  answer,  that  he  should  join  him  as  soon 
as  he  could  see  it  convenient.  This  ambiguous  answer  having 
fully  convinced  Richard  of  the  justness  of  his  suspicions,  he 
gave  orders  for  putting  the  son  of  that  nobleman  to  dealL 


RICHARD    III.  467 

But  his  generals  represented  the  action  as  too  rash,  and  ad- 
vised him  rather  to  wait  the  issue,  especially  as  in  the  pres- 
ent circumstances  the  death  of  the  young  lord  could  not  pro- 
cure him  any  advantage. 

The  battle  commenced  with  a  shower  of  arrows, 
\  IX  1485  Jif'er  which  the  royal  array  moved  forwards  to  en- 
gage in  close  fight.  At  this  moment,  lord  Stanley 
joined  the  earl  of  Richmond.  Richard  spurred  up  his  horse 
into  the  thickest  of  the  battle,  while  the  earl,  on  his  part, 
quitting  his  station  in  (he  second  line,  postc<l  himself  in  the 
front,  in  order  to  encourage  his  troops  by  his  presence.  Rich- 
ard being  desirous  of  ending  the  dispute  by  one  blow,  rushed 
furiously  to  attack  his  rival.  In  an  instant  he  slew  Sir  Wil- 
liam Brandon,  the  earl's  standard  bearer.  Sir  John  Cheney, 
having  taken  Brandon's  place,  was,  in  opposing  the  furious 
cftbrts  of  the  king,  thrown  to  the  ground.  The  earl  of  Rich- 
mond, without  advancing,  stood  firm  to  receive  the  attack  ; 
but  a  crowd  of  his  soldiers,  interposing,  prevented  a  personal 
combat  between  the  two  rivals.  At  the  same  moment.  Sir  W. 
Stanley  following  the  example  of  his  brother,  joined  the  first 
line  of  the  earl  of  Richmond,  which  was  beginning  to  give 
way,  but  being  tlius  seasonably  reinforced,  vigorously  repuls- 
ed the  king's  troops.  This  unexpected  turn,  at  so  critical  a 
moment,  decided  the  contest.  Richard,  perceiving  his  a'-my 
every  where  yielding  or  flying,  and  finding  that  all  was  lost, 
rushed  into  the  midst  of  his  enemies,  and  soon  fell  covered 
with  wounds.  Thus  perished  the  usurper,  at  about  thirty-three 
or  thirty-four  years  of  age,  after  having  wore  no  more  than 
two  years  and  two  months  his  ensanguined  crown. 

The  battle  and  pursuit  lasted  only  two  hours  ;  and,  as  the 
greatest  part  of  the  king's  army  fled  without  fighting,  the 
carnage  was  not  very  considerable.  On  the  king's  side,  the 
number  of  slain  amounted  (0  about  two  thousand  men,  among 
whom  was  the  duke  of  Norfolk,  M'ho  fell  valiantly  fighting 
by  the  side  of  the  king,  besides  many  other  persons  of  dis- 
tinction. The  earl  of  Richmond  lost  not  above  a  hundred, 
of  whom  the  only  person  of  note  was  Sir  William  Brandon. 
Richard's  crown  being  found  on  (he  field  of  battle,  was 
brought  to  lord    Stanley,  who  immediately  placed  it  on  the 


468  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

head  of  the  earl  of  Richmond,  and  saluted  him  king.  The 
body  of  Richard  being  found  among  the  slain,  and  covered 
with  blood  and  dirt,  was  in  that  condition  thrown  across  a 
horse,  and  carried  to  Leicester,  where,  after  lying  two  days 
exposed  to  public  view,  it  was  buried  without  ceremony  in 
St.  Mary's  church,  belonging  to  a  monastery  of  grey  friars 
in  that  city. 

Richard  was  deformed  in  shape,  being  crook-backed,  and 
having  his  left  arm  dried  and  withered.  If  we  may  credit 
historians,  the  deformity  of  his  soul  exceeded  even  that  of 
of  his  body.  But  it  must  be  observed,  that  those  who 
wrote  in  the  succeeding  reigns  of  Henry  VII.  and  Henry 
VIII.  have  betrayed  a  studied  design  of  painting  his  char- 
acter in  the  blackest  colours.  His  radical  vice  was  a  bound- 
less ambition,  which  led  him  to  crimes  of  the  deepest  dye ; 
and  the  generality  of  historians  have  laboured  to  prove 
that  their  enormity  was  not  diminished  by  a  contrast  with 
any  good  actions  or  qualities.  His  usurpation  of  the  crown, 
and  his  murder  of  his  nephews,  are  deeds,  which  although 
far  from  being  unexampled,  are  shocking  to  humanity. 
But  lord  Verulam,  the  first  English  historian,  who  ap- 
pears to  have  been  solicitous  to  do  justice  to  the  character  of 
this  monarch,  says,  that  he  possessed  great  abilities  both  for 
war  and  government.  It  is  evident  from  the  history  of  his 
reign,  that  liis  judgment  was  solid  and  his  penetration  acute. 
His  measures,  however  criminal,  were  almost  always  judi- 
ciously planned  ;  and,  on  several  occasions,  but  especially  in 
the  battle  in  which  he  was  slain,  he  displayed  an  extraordina- 
ry valour.  He  was  also  a  good  legislator,  and  caused  justice 
to  be  impartially  administered  to  all  his  subjects,  without  dis- 
tinction. From  his  care  to  check  immorality,  and  to  promote 
sobriety  and  virtue,  as  proved  by  his  circular  letters  to  the 
bishops,  it  appears  that  he  possessed  many  of  the  essential 
qualifications  of  a  good  king.  The  unprincipled  and  cruel 
manner  in  which  he  obtained  and  endeavoured  to  preserve  his 
crown,  is  that  alone  which  drew  upon  him  the  detestation  of 
his  cotemporaries,  and  exposed  his  name  to  the  reprobation 
of  posterity.  While  any  sentiments  of  justice,  religion,  or 
humanity  exist  upon  earth,  a  conduct  like  his  can  never 


RICHARD    III.  469 

meet  with  tbe  approbation  of  any  people.  The  disaffection 
of  the  English  to  the  government  of  Richard,  was  the  only 
basis  on  which  the  earl  of  Richmond  could  found  any  liope 
of  success.  Had  he  not  been  well  informed  of  the  state  of 
the  public  mind,  it  must  have  been  the  very  lieight  of  mad- 
ness to  attempt  the  conquest  of  England  with  so  slender  a 
band  as  two  thousand  foreigners.  But  the  event  clearly  prov- 
ed how  greatly  the  English  abhorred  the  yoke  of  the  usur- 
per. His  short  and  turbnient  reign,  tilled  with  plots  and  con- 
spiracies, could  not  operate  any  great  change  in  the  state  of 
the  nation.  But  the  character  and  the  crimes  of  Richard  III. 
have  furnished  an  ample  subject  to  the  tragic  poet,  as  well  as 
to  the  historian. 


470 


HENRY  VII. 


On  the  bloody  field  of  Bosworth,  wliere  the  death  of  king 
Richard  ternunatcd  the  fatal  contest  between  the  two  roses,* 
Ibe  earl  of  liiclunond,  as  soon  as  the  battle  was  ended,  caused 
•"  TeJ^rawi'' to  be  sung,  and  all  his  troops  falling  on  their 
knees,  returned  thanks  to  God  for  the  victory.  No  sooner 
Avas  tills  solemn  act  of  thanksgiving  performed,  than  the  wliole 
army  made  the  air  resound  with  the  cry  of  "  Long  live  king 
Henry.''  Thus,  Henry  acquired  the  crown  by  a  kind  of  mil- 
itary election.  His  hereditary  claim,  indeed,  was  extremely 
disputable.  The  crown  had  been  alternately  adjudged  by  the 
parliament  to  each  of  the  contending  houses  ;  but  the  house 
i)f  York  was  the  elder  branch ;  and  Henry  was  descended 
from  a  bastard  branch  of  the  house  of  Lancaster.  The 
grand  object  of  his  policy  was  to  unite  the  claims  of  the  two 
houses,  by  espousing  the  princess  Elizabeth,  eldest  daughter 
of  Edward  IV.  but  lest  he  should  seem  to  found  his  preten- 
sions on  that  alliance,  he  resolved  to  postpone  the  marriage 
till  his  own  title  should  be  confirmed  by  parliament.  But  he 
did  wot  wait   the   decision  of  that   assembly  to  authorise  his 

coronation,  which  was  performed  with  great  solem- 
\  n    T4P';  "'*y  '^y  *^'^^  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  who  made 

no  inquiry  into  his  title  ;  and  the  same  day,  Henry 
instituted  a  body  guard  of  fifty  archers,  covering,  with  an 
ajipearance  of  grandeur  and  majesty,  a  precaution  which  he 
deemed  necessary  for  his  security.! 

TIte  parliament  being  soon  after  assembled,  confirmed  the 
title  of  the  new  king,  and  settled  the  succession  upon  his  pos- 


*  The  aims  of  the  house  of  York  was   a  red  rose,  those  of  the  hoUse 
i'b  Lancaster  a  white  rose. 

f  This  was  the  fiist  institution  of  the  body  guards  in  England. 


HENRY   VII.  471 

terlty.  Tlie  next  step  was  to  pass  acts  of  attaiinler  against. 
Richard  IIL  and  all  liis  principal  adherents,  some  of  whom 
had  been  killed  at  Bosworth,  and  others  executed  after  the 
battle.  The  confiscation  of  their  estates  brought  immense 
sums  into  the  cofters  of  the  new  king,  and  rendered  unneces- 
sary the  demand  of  a  subsidy.  Having  thus  enriched  him- 
self with  the  spoils  of  his  enemies,  he  proceeded  to  reward 
liis  friends,  and  took  every  measure  that  prudence  could  sug- 
gest, to  establish  himself  on  his  newly-acquired  throne.  The 
principal  of  these  was  his  marriage  with  the  princess  Eliza- 
beth, which  was  no  sooner  solemnized,  than  he  pnlilished  a 
general  pardon  to  all  who  had  borne  arms  for  Richard,  on 
condition  of  their  immediate  submission.  Some  of  (he  lords, 
however,  rejected  this  favourable  offer,  and  attempted  to  or- 
ganize a  revolt.  But  the  duke  of  Bedford  being  sent  to  op- 
pose the  iusnrgents,  lord  Lovel,  apprehensive  of  being  deser- 
ted by  his  troops,  made  his  escape  into  Flanders.  The  two- 
Staffords,  Humphrey  and  Thomas,  took  refuge  in  a  church, 
which  enjoying  no  peculiar  privileges,  was  not  regarded  as  a. 
sanctuary  sufficient  for  their  protection ;  and  being  dragged 
from  their  retreat,  the  elder  of  the  brothers  was  executed^ 
the  younger  received  a  pardon. 

One  rebellion  seemed  to  be  extinguished  only  to  give  rise 
to  another.  The  extreme  aversion  which  Henry  entertained 
for  the  house  of  York,  led  him  into  measures  which  can  hard- 
ly be  reconciled  with  the  maxims  of  a  judicious  policy. 
Those  who  had  called  him  into  the  kingdom  and  placed  hiR> 
on  the  throne,  had  expected  that  the  titles  of  tfje  two  houses? 
being  united  by  his  marriage  with  Elizabeth,  there  would  no 
longer  be  any  distinction  between  ihe  Yorkists  and  the  Lan- 
castrians, but  that  all  might  equally  aspire  to  the  royal  fa- 
vour. These  hopes  were  further  corroborated  by  the  birth  o? 
a  prince,  named  Arthur,  in  whose  person  were  united  the  li- 
tigious claims  ©f  both  houses.  But  it  was  seen  with  surprise 
aaid  concern  that  the  king  still  regarded  the  house  of  York 
as  a  rival,  and  that  his  jealousy  even  reached  the  queen, 
whose  coronation  he  deferred,  lest  he  should  seem  to  rcigu 
hy  her  right.  Such  a  conduct  could  not  fail  of  exasperating 
the  Yorkists,  who  were  far  more  numerous  than  the  Lansai- 


47^  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

trians  ;  aud  to  this  cause  historians  have  referred  most  of  the 
plots  and  conspiracies  that  perplexed  his  reign.* 

But  historians  are  not  always  acquainted  with  the  causes 
of  events,  and  the  motives  u  hich  actuate  the  conduct  of  kings. 
After  the  multiplied  revolutions  which  had  alternatelv  eleva- 
ted and  depressed  the  two  houses,  Henry  might  probably 
think  that  he  could  not  be  too  mistrustful.  It  might  have 
been  expected  that  the  nation,  long  agitated  by  civil  wars, 
would  have  eagerly  grasped  the  blessings  of  peace ;  but  the 
people  were  grov»'n  so  turbulent,  that  no  king  nor  government 
could  give  satisfaction,  and  their  discontents  were  artfully 
fomented  by  persons  who  expected  to  derive  advantage  from 
the  commotions  of  the  state. 

One  male  heir  of  the  house  of  York  yet  remained. 
This  was  the  earl  of  Warwick,  son  of  the  late 
duke  of  Clarence,  and  nephew  of  Edward  IV.  He  was  only 
fifteen  years  of  age,  three  of  which  had  been  spent  in  prison.f 
The  name  of  this  harmless  and  unhappy  boy  was  made  an 
instrument  to  deceive  an  ignorant  people.  A  priest  of  Ox- 
ford, named  Richard  Simon,  trained  up  Lambert  Simnel,  a 
haker's  son,  to  personate  the  young  earl  of  Warwick,  whom 
he  greatly  resembled  in  person  and  countenance.  This  youth 
was  taught  to  talk  with  propriety  of  the  court  of  Edward 
IV.  and  of  the  lords  and  ladies  by  w  hich  it  was  frequented ; 
and  his  knowledge  of  all  these  particulars  excited  a  suspicion 
that  the  priest  had  not  been  his  only  instructor.  The  come- 
i\y  being  arranged,  it  was  resolved  to  act  the  first  part  in  Ire- 
.land,  wliere  the  imposture  could  not  be  so  readily  discovered 
as  in  England  ;  and  its  successful  commencement  shews  that 
the  conspirators  had  judiciously  taken  their  measures.  A 
report  being  previously  spread  that  the  earl  of  Warwick  had 
escaped  out  of  the  Tower,  Simnel  no  sooner  appeared  in  Ire- 
land than  he  was  received  with  universal  applause.  The 
deputy  governor,  the  earl  of  Kildare,  and  his  brother  the 
iehancellor,  both  of  whom  appear  to   have  been  in  the  plot. 

*  Vide  Rapin,  1.  p.  656  and  657- 

t  He  had  been  imprisoned  by  Kichai'd  III  and  wis  still  kept  in  cm- 
Snement  bv  Henrv, 


HENRY   VII.  473 

xcktto^ledged  Iiiin  as  their  sovereign ;  and  the  pretended  earl 
■ftf  Warwick  was  proclaimed  in  Dublin,  king  of  Enghiudand 
iord  of  Ireland,  by  the  name  of  Edward  VI. 

The  news  of  so  uncxpeetcd  an  event  gave  Henry  no  small 
<Iegree  of  uneasiness.  It  wat  evident  that  the  plot  was  deep- 
ly laid  ;  and  its  execution  appeared  so  far  to  be  skilfully 
conducted.  His  suspicions  chiefly  fell  on  the  queen  dowager, 
his  mother-in-law,  whom  he  knew  to  be  extremely  intriguing, 
as  well  as  liigbiy  oftendcd,  because  her  daughter  had  not  been 
crowned.  He  therefore  imagined  that  she  was  at  the  bottom 
of  the  aftair,  and  consequently  ordered  her  to  be  confined  in 
the  nunnery  of  Bermondsey,  and  her  estate  to  be  seized  for 
his  use.  But,  in  order  to  wipe  ofi'  the  aspersion  of  treasoa 
from  or.e  to  whom  he  was  so  nearly  allied,  he  pretended  that 
«he  was  punished  for  delivering  up  her  daughter  to  Richard 
III.  This  frivolous  pretext,  so  contrary  to  that  prudent  pol- 
icy by  which  the  measures  of  Henry  were  generally  charac- 
terized, only  served  to  increase  the  number  of  his  enemies. 
The  people  abhorred  his  ingratitude  towards  a  person  who 
had  been  one  of  tlie  chief  instruments  in  placing  him  on  the 
throne ;  and  this  treatment  of  the  queen  dowager,  for  the 
-alleged  crime  of  not  having  been  able  or  willing  to  resist  the 
tyranny  ef  the  late  king,  struck  terror  into  the  whole  body  of 
the  nobility.  Most  of  the  great  families  in  the  kingdom 
might  be  considered  as  guilty  of  assisting  Richard,  or  of  not 
having  sufficiently  opposed  him,  and  every  one  was  afraid  of 
being  called  to  account  for  crimes  which  had  been  supposed 
to  be  buried  in  oblivion. 

The  next  care  of  Henry  Mas  to  undeceive  the  people  iii 
regard  to  the  impostor,  who  was  attempting  to  wrest  the  scep- 
tre from  his  hand.  For  this  purpose,  he  caused  the  earl  of 
Warwick  to  be  shewn  in  public.  The  unfortunate  youth  was 
■conducted  in  solemn  procession  from  the  Tower  to  St.  Paul'sj 
where  he  was  made  to  converse  with  those  who  best  kneVfr 
his  person,  and  where  the  people,  who  M'ere  assembled  in. 
crowds,  were  allowed  to  vieAv  him  with  the  greatest  attention. 
The  earl  was  then  re-conducted  to  the  Tower,  and  the  peo- 
ple were  convinced.  But  the  case  was  different  in  Ireland. 
'J'hcre  it  \>  as  maintained  and  universally  believed, that  theper- 
ppp 


47'l»  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAN^D. 

!ion  shewn  in  London  was  an  impostor,  and  tliat  the  true  cart 
was  at  Dublin.  The  king,  however,  took  every  measure  that 
prudence  could  suggest :  he  proclaimed  a  general  pardon  in 
all  who  should  quit  the  rebels  :  he  promised  great  rewards 
to  those  who  should  discover  the  secrets  of  the  plot,  and 
gave  orders  for  guarding  the  ports,  and  preventing  the  mal- 
contents of  England  from  passing  over  to  join  those  of  Ire- 
land. 

Events  now  began  to  make  it  appear  that  the  conspiracy 
had  been  long  ago  planned  in  England,  and  that  one  single 
priest  had  not  alone  formed  the  project.  As  soon  as  the  im- 
postor was  proclaimed  in  Ireland,  the  earl  of  Lincoln  em- 
barked for  Flanders,  to  concert  with  the  duchess  dowager  of 
Burgundy  the  means  of  accomplishing  this  difficult  under- 
taking. Since  the  death  of  Charles,  duke  of  Burgundy, 
Margaret  of  York,  his  widow,  sister  of  Edward  IV.  and 
Richard  III.  lived  in  Flanders,  where  her  dower  was  assign- 
ed. She  had  seen,  with  extreme  concern,  the  revolution 
which  had  raised  the  house  of  Lancaster  to  the  English 
throne,  and  resolved  to  use  every  means  to  prevent  its  estab- 
lishment. Whether  she  had  any  concern  in  Simnel's  plot, 
before  the  earl  of  Lincoln's  arrival,  is  not  known  ;  but  it  is 
certain  that  she  endeavoured  to  promote  its  success.  Hav- 
ing^  consulted  with  the  earl,  lord  Lovell,  and  some  other  Eng- 
lish fugitives,  she  agreed  to  furnish  them  with  20Q0  German 
troops,  under  Martin  Swart,  an  officer  of  distinguished  repu- 
tation. In  the  beginning  of  May,  the  two  Eng- 
lish  lords,  with  their  German  auxiliaries,  arrived 
at  Dublin,  where  the  coronation  of  the  counterfeit  king  was 
soon  after  solemnly  performed,  in  presence  of  the  earl  oi" 
Kildare,  the  lord  chancellor,  and  the  rest  of  the  great  officers* 

After  the  c&ronation  of  Simnel,  a  council  was  called  to 
consult  on  the  measures  that  were  next  to  be  taken.  The 
principal  question  was,  whether  they  sliould  stand  on  the  de- 
fensive in  Ireland,  or  attack  Henry  in  England,  where  they 
expected  to  meet  with  a  great  numl>er  of  friends.  As  the  ob- 
ject of  the  conspirators  was  to  dethrone  the  king,  and  the 
Irish  and  Germans  hoped  to  acquire  fortunes  in  England,  it 
was  resolved  to  carry  their  arms  across  the  channel ;  and  the 


HENRY   VII.  47^ 

«arl  of  Lincoln  was  appointed  commander  in  chief  of  their 
forces.  Soon  after  they  were  landed  in  Lancashire,  Sir 
Thomas  Broughton  joined  them  witli  a  small  body  of  Eng- 
lish. The  earl  of  Lincoln  then  began  his  march  towards 
York,  in  the  expectation  of  being  joined  by  great  numbers 
of  the  English  ;  but  except  those  whom  Broughton  had 
brought,  not  a  man  took  arms  in  his  favour.  The  rebel 
general  finding  himself  thus  disappointed,  resolved  to  come 
to  action  as  soon  as  possible,  lest  his  army,  which  was 
no  more  than  eight  thousand  strong,  should  diminish  instead 
of  increase.  Changing,  therefore,  his  route,  he  marched  to- 
wards Newark,  iu  hopes  of  making  himself  master  of  that 
place  before  the  arrival  of  the  royal  army. 

Henry,  on  the  first  intelligence  of  the  arrival  of  the  earl 
of  Lincoln  with  his  German  forces  in  Ireland,  had  assembled 
his  forces  at  Coventry,  and  waited  iu  that  central  position 
the  further  mnvcmonts  of  the  rebels.  On  hearing  of  their 
landing  in  Lancashire,  and  of  their  march  towards  York,  he 
put  his  array  in  motion,  and  advanced  to  Nottingham,  where 
he  held  a  council  of  war.  As  he  had  not  collected  above 
six  thousand  men,  several  of  his  officers  advised  him  to  de- 
cline an  engagement  till  the  arrival  of  some  troops  that  were 
daily  expected.  Henry,  however,  was  extremely  desirous  of 
speedily  crushing  the  rebellion,  and  considering  delay  as  dan- 
gerous, deemed  it  expedient  to  give  battle  to  the  earl  of  Lin- 
coln, before  he  should  receive  any  accession  of  strength.  His 
own  army  being  two  days  afterwards  nearly  doubled  by  the 
arrival  of  the  earl  of  Shrewsbury,  lord  Strange,  and  a  great 
number  of  knights  and  gentlemen,*  with  between  five  and  six 
thousand  troops,  he  resolved  to  intercept  the  enemy,  and 
bring  him  immediately  to  action.  In  this  view,  he  marched 
with  great  expedition,  and  posted  himself  on  the  road  by 
Mhich  the  rebels  m ere  to  approach  Newark.  On  tlie  same 
day,  the  earl  of  Lincoln  advanced  to  the  village  of  Stoke, 
where  he  encamped   on  the  declivity  of  a  hill,  and  the  next 

morning  the  two  armies  drew  up  in  order  of  battle. 
^"d  1487  '^'''*^  narrow  extent  of  the  field  greatly  diminished 

the  advantage  which  the  king  might  have  derived 

•  Lord  Bacon,  p.  5S7- 


476  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

from  his  great  superiority  in  numbers,  and  obliged  him  ia 
draw  up  his  array  in  three  lines,  the  first  of  Mliicli,  consist- 
ing of  his  best  troops,  sustained  all  the  efforts  of  the  enemy. 
The  contest  was  extremely  obstinate.  The  earls  of  Lincoln 
and  Kildare,  and  the  German  general  v.  ere  slain  on  the  field  ; 
and  most  of  the  Germans  being  either  killed  or  wounded,  the 
Irish  were  obliged  to  seek  safety  in  flight.  No  less  than  four 
thousand  of  the  rebels,  and  half  of  the  king's  first  line,  are  said 
to  have  perished  in  this  sanguinary  conHiet.  The  impostor 
Simnel,  and  the  priest  his  instructor,  were  made  prisoners- 
Henry,  either  through  generosity  or  policy,  gave  Simnel  his 
life,  and  conferred  on  him  the  office  of  turnspit  in  his  kitch- 
en ;  and  some  time  after,  he  was  preferred  to  the  office  of 
falconer,  which  he  enjoyed  till  his  death.  The  priest  was 
committed  to  prison,  and  heard  of  no  more.  As  for  lord  Lov- 
el,  his  fate  was  unknown.  Some  say  that  he  was  killed,  oth- 
ers that  he  was  drowned  in  swimming  the  Trent,  and  some 
even  have  affirmed  that  he  spent  the  residue  of  his  life  as  a 
hermit.  But  it  is  certain  that  he  was  never  heard  of  after 
the  battle. 

This  affair  being  ended,  the  next  care  of  Henry  was  to  bring 
to  trial  those  who  were  accused  of  holding  intelligence  with  the 
rebels.  But  on  this,  as  on  other  occasions,  his  conduct  Avas  ac- 
tuated by  avarice  rather  than  by  vengeance ;  and,  as  his  princi- 
pal aim  was  to  fill  his  coffers,  he  spared  the  lives  of  the  guilty, 
but  punished  them  severely  by  pectuiiary  fines.  Perceiving  at 
length  that  his  enmity  to  the  house  of  York,  and  his  injurious 
treatment  to  the  queen,  in  not  permitting  her  to  be  crowned, 
were  the  main  springs  of  the  national  discontent,  he  resolved, 
against  his  inclination,  to  do  her  justice,  in  order  to  prevent 
future  troubles.  Having  visited  Lincoln  and  York,  and  set- 
tled all  his  affairs  in  the  north,  he  returned  to  London,  where 
Le  made  a  triumphant  entry,  and  the  next  day  went  in  solemn 
procession  to  St.  Paul's,  where  "  Te  Deuni'^  was  sung,  in 
thanksgiving  for  his  victory  over  the  rebels.     The  coronation 

of  the  queen   was  soon  after   performed  with  the 
Nov.  25, 
A.  D    1487.  usual  solemnities  ;  but,   after  being  so  long  delay- 
ed, it  was  considered  as  a  measure  originating  in 
fear,  and  adopted  with  regret. 


HENRY    VII.  477 

From  this  period,  the  kingdom  enjoyed,  during  the  space 
of  six  years,  a  degree  of  iutcrnal  tranquillity  to  which  it  had 
seldom  been  accustomed  ;  and  the  king  was  chiefly  occupied  in 
negociations  with  the  different  powers  of  Europe,  exhibiting 
an  intricate  series  of  political  intrigue  and  diplomatic  finesse.* 
In  all  these  transactions,  the  character  of  Jlenry  appears  in 
its  distinguishing  dress  of  avarice  and  circumspection.  He 
pretended  to  assist  the  duke  of  Brctagne  against  the  French 
monarch  :  but  his  only  aim  was  to  obtain  money  from  the 
parliament,  after  which  he  no  longer  thouglit  of  supporting 
his  ally.  But  his  grand  expedient  for  filling  his  coffers,  was 
to  make  preparations  for  the  conquest  of  France.  He  was 
far  from  entertaining  a  thought  of  engaging  in  such  an  enter- 
prise ;  but  he  knew  tliat  tliis  scheme  for  raising  money  would 
be  promoted  by  the  folly  of  the  nation.  To  give  an  ostensi- 
ble appearance  to  his  plan,  he  entered  into  a  strict  alliance 
with  JMaximilian,  king  of  the  Romans,  and  with  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  king  and  queen  of  Arragon  and  Castile,  all  of 
■whom  professed  their  readiness  to  join  him  in  subjugating 
France.  Ferdinand  only  wanted  to  intimidate  Charles  VIII. 
in  order  to  procure  a  restitution  of  the  Roussillon.  Maxi- 
milian threatened  to  carry  fire  and  sword  into  the  heart  of 
France,  but  was  far  from  being  able  to  execute  his  menaces. 
And  Henry,  whose  only  aim  was  to  obtain  moisey  from  his 
subjects,  knew  that  the  defection  of  his  allies  would  afford 
him  a  plausible  pretext  for  abandoning  his  military  projects. 
He,  however,  prepared  for  war  with  great  ostentation.  Hav- 
ing assembled  the  parliament,  he  communicated  to 
A.  D.  1492.  ,    7,    ,  ,•       I  ,         ■      r       4  .  1  •       - 

both  houses  Ins    <leterminatjon  to   exert  his  utmost 

endeavours  for  the  recovery  of  the  crown  of  France,  which 
he  called  the  lawful  inhciitanee  of  his  ancestors.  He  re- 
minded them  of  the  glorious  battles  of  Cressey,  Poictiers, 
and  Agincourt,  in  each  of  which  a  small  number  of  troops 
had  vanquished  the  strongest  armies  of  France.  The  jiarlia- 
ment  took  fire  as  the  king  had  expected,  and  granted  him  a 
very  considerable  sum,  which  was  levied  on  the  rich  by  way 
of  benevolence,  of  which  upwards  of  96S0/.  were  paid  by 

*  Vide  Eapin,  1.  bcok  14. 


478  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

the  city  of  London.*  Wild  schemes  of  war  and  conquest 
are  always  promoted  by  the  madness  of  nations.  But  Henry 
was  too  crafty  for  the  parliament  and  the  people,  and  never 
intended  to  squander  his  money  iu  hazardous  enterprises. 

Amidst  the  preparations  for  war,  Charles  sent  his  ambas- 
sadors to  London,  and  Henry  sent  others  to  Paris.  All  that 
was  transacted  in  these  negociations  remained  a  profound 
secret ;  but  it  is  extremely  probable  that  the  terms  of  peace 
were  adjusted  before  the  commencement  of  the  war.  But  it 
was  necessary  to  save  appearances  ;  and  after  a  long  delay, 
Henry  embarked  late  in  the  season  for  Calais,  where  his  whole 

army  beine:  assembled,  amounted  to  no  more  than 
Oct.  2  . 

A  D   m'92  twenty -five  thousand  infantry  and  sixteen  hundred 

cavalry,  a  force  extremely  inadequate  to  the  con- 
quest of  France,  which  at  this  time  was  not  rent  with  fac- 
tions as  it  was  when  invaded  by  Henry  V.  but  entii'ely  united, 
and  able  to  resist  any  attack. 

Henry  was  scarcely  arrived  at  Calais  before  his  ambassadors, 
v.'ho  had  been  sent  to  the  king  of  the  Romans,  returned  with 
the  intelligence,  that  Maximilian  was  wholly  unprepared  for 
entering  France  with  an  army.  Letters  arrived  at  the  same 
time  from  Spain,  importing  that  Ferdinand  had  concluded  a 
treaty  of  peace  with  the  French  monarch.!  Henry  knew  all 
this  before,  but  had  so  ordered  the  business,  that  all  these  ad- 
vices should  arrive  at  such  a  moment,  as  to  furnish  a  plausi- 
ble pretext  for  the  peace  which  he  intended  to  make.|  He 
seemed,  however,  to  be  greatly  surprised,  and  immediately 
entered  into  a  negociation.  In  order  to  save  appearances, 
lie  invested  Boulogne ;  but  had  only  been  eight  days  before 
lliat  piaee,  when  a  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded.  The 
terms  were  exactly  such  as  the  king  of  England  desired  :  the 
king  of  France  was  to  pay  him   the  arrears  of  the  annual 

*  Stowe,  p.  474. 

I  Cliarles  VIII.  restored  to  Spain,  Cordaigne,  and  Rousillon,  without 
clemanding-  the  300,000  crowns  for  which  these  provinces  had  been  mort- 
gaged to  Louis  XI.     Presid.  Henault,  Ab.  Chron.  An.  1493. 

7  This  account  froni  Hapin  is  contradicted  by  M.  Le  Pres.  Henault,  who 
places  the  treaty  between  Charles  and  Ferdinand  in  the  following  year. 
Vide  Hen,  ubi  supra. 


HENRY  vir.  4)^9 

pension  granted  by  Louis  XI.  to  Edward  IV.  amounting  to  a 
hundred  and  twenty -five  thousand  crowns,  besides  other  debt* 
which  amounted  to  six  hundred  and  twenty  thousand. 

Charles  was  punctual  in  paying  the  money  according  to 
agreement ;  and,  in  imitation  of  Louis  XI.  assigned  conside- 
ral)le  pensions  to  Henry's  principal  counccllors.*  Thus  the 
king  of  England  terminated  the  farce  according  to  his  wish. 
He  frightened  the  French  monarch  into  the  payment  of  his 
debts  :  he  completely  duped  the  English  parliament  and  the 
%vhoIe  nation,  and  filled  his  coft'ers  with  the  money  both  of  his 
enemies  and  his  subjects. 

Henry  had  now  every  reason  to  expect  a  tranquil  reign. 
He  was  at  peace  with  all  his  neighbours  ;  and  his  sub- 
jects shewed  no  disposition  to  revolt.  There  was  not  a  prince 
of  the  house  of  York  that  was  in  a  condition  to  assert  the 
claims  of  his  family,!  nor  any  lord  of  that  party  that  appear- 
ed to  possess  credit  snflicient  to  excite  any  commotions.  And 
in  the  seven  years  and  a  half  that  he  had  sat  on  the  throne, 
lie  had  accumulated  such  large  sums  of  money  as  none  of  his 
predecessors,  since  William  the  Conqueror,  had  ever  posses- 
sed. But  while  he  seemed  to  be  in  the  meridian  of  his  pros- 
perity, a  storm  was  gathering  in  his  political  horizon,  which 
threatened  (he  subversion  of  his  throne. 

Within  less  than  a  year  after  Henry's  accession,  a  report 
had  been  spread  that  Richard,  duke  of  York,  second  son  of 
Edward  IV.  had  escaped  the  cruelty  of  his  uncle  Richard 
III.  and  was  still  alive.  As  the  people  are  always  ready  to 
listen  to  marvelous  tales,  the  rumour  was  rapidly  propagated, 
and  obtained  no  small  degree  of  credit.  On  tliis  basis,  the 
duchess  dowager  of  Burgundy  laid  the  plan  of  a  eojispiracy 
for  wresting  the  crown  of  England  from  the  house  of  Lan- 
caster. Though  the  affair  of  Simnel  had  failed,  she  attribu- 
ted its  ill  success  to  mismanagement  in  the  execution,  ralhey 
than  to  any  defect  in  the  plan  ;  and  she  resolved  on  a  second 
experiment.     After  a  diligent  search,  she  found  a  youth  who 

*  Bacon,  p.  605. 

f  The  earl  of  Warwick,  the  only  male  heir  of  the  house  of  York,  \va» 
a  prisoner  in  the  Tower. 


4:80  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

seemed  perfectly  suitable  to  her  purpose.  His  name  was 
Perkiu  Warbcck,  son  of  a  Jewish  convert  of  Tournay,  who 
had  lived  a  long  time  in  London.  He  was  about  the  same  age 
as  the  duke  of  York,  and  appeared  to  possess  all  the  quali- 
ties requisite  for  representing  the  person  of  that  prince.  H© 
had  spent  part  of  his  time  among  his  relations  at  Antwerp, 
and  in  otlier  cities  of  Flanders;  and  having  been  partly  edu- 
cated in  London,  he  spoke  the  English  language  with  elegance 
and  fluency. 

This  young  man  being  selected  by  the  duchess  of  Burgun- 
dy to  act  a  conspicuous  part  on  the  public  theatre,  was  pri- 
vately brought  to  her  court,  where  she  carefully  instructed 
liim  with  respect  to  every  circumstance  relating  to  the  per- 
son whom  he  was  to  represent.  By  often  describing  the  per- 
sons of  Edward  IV.  and  his  queen,  of  Edward  V.  their  eldest 
son,  the  princesses  their  daughters,  and  other  distinguished 
personages,  and  by  relating  to  him  a  variety  of  anecdotes,  she 
taught  him  to  discourse  very  pertinently  of  the  court  of  his 
pretended  father,  as  also  of  his  residing  in  the  sanctuary  with 
the  queen,  and  of  the  manner  in  which  he  was  drawn  from 
thence  by  the  contrivance  of  Richard  HI.  But  above  all, 
she  was  careful  to  employ  all  her  ingenuity  in  framing  a 
probable  relation  of  his  escape  from  the  assassins  who  mur- 
dered Edward  V.  in  the  Tower,  and  impressing  it  on  his 
memory  by  fx-equent  repetitions.  She  also  taught  him  to  as- 
sume the  air  and  manner  of  a  Prince  :  and  Perkin  profited 
so  well  by  her  instructions,  that  he  seemed  to  have  lived  in  a 
court  from  his  infancy. 

When  the  duchess  found  her  pupil  qualified  to  be  brought 
into  action,  she  sent  him  under  the  care  of  an  English  lady  to 
Portugal,*  where  he  remained  unknown  for  the  space  of  a 
year.  This  was  done  with  a  view  to  the  better  concealment 
of  her  plan  ;  for  she  apprehended  that  if  he  made  his  first 
appearance  in  the  Netherlands,  the  whole  would  be  regarded 
as  a  plot  of  her  own  contrivance.  At  length,  in  1492,  when 
the  war  between  England  and  France  appeared  unavoidable, 
she  coiHidered  it  as  a  tit  opportunity  for  carrying  her  scheme 

*  Biicoii,  p.  606. 


HENRY   VH.  *481 

into  execution,  and  sent  orders  to  Pcrkin  to  repair  immedi- 
ately to  Ireland,  where  she  had  taken  measures  with  her  cor- 
respondents for  his  reception.  On  his  arrival  at  Cork,  lie 
assumed  the  title  of  duke  of  York,  in  which  he  was  counte- 
nanced by  the  mayor.  The  French  monarch  hearing  that  the 
duke  of  York  was  in  Ireland,  invited  him  to  Paris,  promising 
him  protection  and  assistance.  Whatever  opinion  Charles 
VIII.  might  have  of  this  pretender,  he  gave  him  an  honour- 
able reception  ;  hut  when  he  began  to  negociate  a  peace  with 
England,  he  judged  it  requisite  to  dismiss  him,  les>t  his  resi- 
dence at  the  court  of  France  should  prove  an  obstacle  to  the 
conclusion  of  the  treaty. 

On  quitting  Paris,  Perkin  retired  into  Flanders  to  the 
duchess  of  Burgundy,  taking  care  not  to  discover  that  he  had 
ever  seen  that  princess  before.  At  the  first  interview  Mar- 
garet and  her  pupil  acted  their  parts  with  admirable  policy. 
She  treated  him  very  roughly,  and  pretended  to  be  surprised 
that,  in  her  presence,  he  should  dare  to  call  himself  the  duke 
of  York,  adding  that  having  been  once  imposed  on  by  a  coun- 
terfeit earl  of  Warwick,  she  should  be  more  upon  her  guard, 
and  that  it  would  not  be  easy  to  deceive  her  a  second  time. 
In  fine  she  advised  him  to  retire  lest  he  should  meet  with  the 
punishment  due  to  his  presumption.  Perkin,  not  in  the  least 
disconcerted,  replied,  that  she  was  certainly  right  in  not  giv- 
ing too  easy  credit  to  a  stranger,  but  still  persisted  in  aftirm- 
ing  that  he  was  the  duke  of  York,  her  nephew.  The  duch- 
ess, feigning  a  desire  of  convicting  him  of  imposture  before 
lier  whole  court,  asked  him  a  number  of  questions,  to  which 
she  had  formerly  taught  him  to  make  pertinent  answers.  Ac- 
cordingly he  replied  in  so  natural  and  unembarrassed  a  man- 
ner that  the  duchess  seemed  astonished  and  confounded  ;  and 
pretending  that  she  could  not  resist  such  evident  proofs,  she 
owned  him  for  her  nephew,  the  duke  of  York,  and  assigned 
hira  a  guard  for  his  person.*  The  duchess  and  her  pupil 
having  acted  their  parts  in  this  farce  with  such  exquisite  skill, 
the  whole  court  was  fully  persuaded  that  Perkin  was  the  real 
duke  of  York,  and  the  report, being  rapidly  propagated  through 
the  Netherlands,  soon  spread  itself  throughout  Europe. 
*  Rapln  1.  p  673. 


'iSZ  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

As  soon  as  the  news  was  brought  into  England  tliat  tli«* 
duke  of  York  was  in  Flamlers,  and  acknowledged  by  the 
duchess  of  Burgundy,  it  caused  an  uncommon  agitation  in  the 
kingdom.  The  story  was  credited  by  infinite  numbers  of 
people  ;  and  all  those  who  were  disalisfied  with  the  king  or 
greedy  of  novelty,  with  all  men  of  desperate  fortunes,  desired 
a  change  of  government.  The  covetous  temper  of  the  king 
liad  alienated  from  his  interests  several  who  had  shown  the 
strongest  attachment  to  his  person  and  to  the  house  of  Lan- 
caster. The  lord  chamberlain,  Sir  William  Stanley,  who,^ 
with  his  brother,  had  so  greatly  contributed  to  Henry's  victory 
at  Bosvvorth,  formed,  with  lord  Fitzvvalter,  Sir  Robert  Clif- 
ford, and  several  others,  a  conspiracy  to  subvert  his  tfcroue. 
Clifford  and  Barley,  another  of  the  conspirators,  went  into 
Flanders  to  concert  measures  with  the  duehess  of  Burgundy, 
who  deemed  it  a  favourable  omen  that  the  professed  enemies 
of  the  house  of  York  were  the  first  to  offer  their  service.  In 
the  mean  while  the  heads  of  the  conspiracy,  in  England, 
spared  no  pains  in  gaining  adherents  to  the  pretender. 

The  king  was  no  less  intent  on  devising  means  to  prevent 
the  impending  storm.  He  caused  the  ports  and  coasts  to  be 
strictly  guarded,  in  order  to  prevent  any  person  from  entering 
or  quitting  (he  kingdom  without  examination.*  But  above  all 
it  was  necessary  to  undeceive  the  people.  To  prove  that  the 
duke  of  York  was  not  living,  it  was  requisite  to  produce  the 
testimonies  of  those  who  had  put  him  to  death.  Four  per- 
sons only  had  been  concerned  in  the  murder.  These  were 
Sir  J.  Tyrrel,  John  Dighton,  Miles  Forest,  and  the  priest  who 
buried  the  two  princes.  As  the  priest  and  Forest  were  dead, 
there  remained  only  Tyrrel  and  Dighton.  These  two  were 
apprehended  by  the  king's  order,  and,  after  a  private  exami- 
nation, their  depositions  were  published,  and  made  to  agree  in 
every  particular  relating  to  the  murder  of  the  two  sons  of 
Edward  IV.  Tyrrel  was  executed,  but  Dighton  was  releas- 
ed, probably  for  the  purpose  of  being  ready  to  corroborate  his 
own  testimony.  These  proceedings,  however,  failed  of  pro- 
ducing the  effect  which  the  king  had  expected ;  for  a  confes- 
sion taken  at  a  private  examination,  and  published  by  him, 
whose  interest  it  was  to  make  it  appear  to  his  advantage, 
*  Bacon  p.  60T. 


HENRY  VII.  4)83 

Vvas  far  from  being  regarded  as  a  proof  of  the  fact  which  he 
wished  the  world  to  lielieve.  Henry  finding  this  method  in- 
sulfieieiit  to  sway  the  public  opinion,  ransacked  all  the  re- 
sources of  his  pc.Iicy  to  discover  who  this  impostor  was  that 
personated  the  duke  of  York.  For  this  purpose  he  employ- 
ed several  persons  who  repaired  to  the  pretended  duke  under 
colour  of  offering  him  their  service.  These  spies  had  in- 
structions to  trace  the  origin  of  the  impostor  from  his  birth 
to  the  lime  that  he  came  to  the  duchess  uf  Burgundy,  to  dis- 
cover his  correspondents  in  England,  and  to  endeavour,  by 
every  possible  means  to  gain  Sir  Robert  Clifford,  who  was 
supposed  to  know  all  the  secret.  In  order  to  procure  greater 
credit  to  these  spies  in  Flanders,  Henry  caused  the  sentence 
of  excommunication  to  be  pronounced  against  them  by  name 
as  rebels  and  traitors  every  Sunday  at  St.  Paul's.  From 
these  spies  he  had,  or  pretended  to  have,  perfect  information 
relative  to  the  birth  of  the  impostor  and  to  every  circumstance 
of  his  life.  This  information  was  immediately  divulged 
tliroughout  the  kingdom,  but  as  the  particulars  were  published 
by  the  king,  (lie  principal  party  concerned,  his  account  ob- 
tained little  credit. 

Henry,  however,  having,  by  means  of  his  emissaries,  gain- 
ed Sir  Robert  Clifford,  procured  exact  information  of  the  plot 
that  was  formed  in  England,  and  of  the  persons  concerned. 
Resolving  to  crush  the  mischief  in  embryo,  he  caused  to  be 
arrested  in  one  day,  and  almost  at  the  same  instant.  Lord 
Fitzwalter,  Sir  Simon  Montfort,  Sir  Robert  Ratcliffe,  and 
Sir  Williara  D'Aubeney,  who  were  all  convicted  of  high 
treason,  and  executed  on  the  scaffold.  Henry  also  took  care 
for  the  preservation  of  Ireland;*  and,  in  order  to  gain  the 
affections  of  the  Irish,  he  granted  a  pardon  to  the  earls  of 
Desmond  and  Kildare,  with  all  the  other  adherents  of  the 
pretended  duke  of  York.  But  if  Ireland  experienced  the 
lenity  of  the  king,  England  felt  the  weight  of  his  oppressive 
liand  ;  and,  by  numerous  forfeitures,  he  brought  large  sums  of 
money  into  his  treasury.  Sir  Robert  Cliftbrd,  returning  from 
Flanders,  impeached  the  lord  chamberlain.  Sir  ^Villiam  Stan- 
ley, of  high  treason,  in  holding  a  correspondence  with  the 
pretended  duke  of  York  and  the  du(5hess  of  Burgundy.  Static 
•  Sir  J.  Ware,  c.  10. 


484  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

ley  being  tried  and  condemned,  every  one  supposed  that  Henry 
would  pardon  a  nobleman,  who  had  so  greatly  contributed  to 
place  him  on  the  throne-  But  his  immense  riches,  which 
promised  a  plentiful  confiscation,  extinguished  in  the  mind  of 
the  king  every  sentiment  of  mercy  and  gratitude ;  and  the 
person  to  whom  he  Mas  in  a  great  measure  in- 
AD  1495  '^^'^^^^  ^^^  ^'^  crown,  suftered  death  on  the  scaf- 
fold.* 

The  duchess  of  Burgundy  could  not  think  to  relinquish  her 
hopes  of  deriving  some  advantage  from  the  theatrical  king, 
whom  she  had  taken  so  great  pains  to  create.  She  therefore 
resolved  to  send  Perkm  into  England  to  sound  the  aft'eetions 
of  the  people,  without  depending  any  longer  on  the  aid  of  the 
great  men,  who,  finding  themselves  narrowly  watched  by  the 
king,  were  become  extremely  cautious.  He  accordingly  made 
his  appearance  on  the  coast  of  Kent ;  but  his  reception  was 
sufiieient  to  extinguish  his  hopes  of  success  in  that  quarter. 
The  people  rising  in  arms,  invited  him,  by  signals,  to  land ; 
but  Perkin,  suspecting  some  artifice,  sent  only  a  few  men  on 
shore,  who  being  attacked,  were  all  killed  except  about  a 
hundred  and  fifty,  who  being  taken  prisoners,  were  hanged 
by  the  king's  order.  His  next  attempt  was  in  Ireland  ;  but 
the  state  of  affairs  in  that  country  was  changed.  Perkin, 
therefore,  not  finding  the  people  inclined  to  countenance  his 
design,  set  sail  for  Scotland,  where  it  appears  that  he  m  as  as- 
sured of  a  favourable  reception. 

On  his  arrival  at  Edi»)burgh,  he  announced  himself  as  the 
duke  of  York,  and  demanded  an  audience  of  the  king.  James 
IV.  affecting  an  extreme  surprise,  gave  him  a  formal  recep- 
tion in  the  presence  of  the  whole  court.  The  adventurer 
made  a  long  and  impressive  speech,  recounting  the  particu-. 
lars  of  his  pretended  escape  from  the  cruelty  of  Richard  III. 
and  imploring  the  aid  of  the  Scottish  monarch  in  expelling  the 
English  usurper,  adding,  that  he  should  never  omit  any  op- 
portunity of  demonstrating  his  gratitude. 

James  appeared  to  be  moved  with  Perkin's  recital  of  his  ad- 
ventures and  misfortunes,  and  told  him  that  whoever  he  was, 
he  should  not  repent  of  putting  himself  into  his  hands.  Short- 
ly after,  he  publicly  acknowledged  him  as  duke  of  York,  and 
*  Bacon,  p.  610. 


HENRY    VII.  4S5 

gave  him  ia  marriage  Catharine  Gordon,  daughter  of  the  earl 
of  Huntley,  one  of  the  most  beautiful  and  most  accomplished 
ladies  in  Scotland.     But  James  did  not  limit   his   generosity 
to  these  favours  :  he  also   undertook   to  place   him    on   the 
throne  of  England.    The  Scottish  king,  in  company  with  the 
Flemish  adventurer,  having  entered  England  with  an  army, 
the  pretended  duke  of  York  issued  a  proclamation,  in  which 
Henry  was  stigmatized  with  the  opprobrious  names  of  usurp- 
er, tyrant,  and  murderer  ;  and  liberal  rewards  were  promised 
to  all  who  should  assist  the  lawful  heir  in  expelling  him  from 
the  throne.     This  proclamation,  however,  proved  inefllectHal, 
as  none  of  the  English  joined  the  standard  of  the  pretender. 
The  king  of  Scotland,  therefore,  unwilling  to  retire  without 
reaping  some  fruits  from  his  expedition,   ravaged  Northum- 
berland, and  obtained  a  considerable  booty.     On  this  occasiouj 
Perkin  made  use  of  an  excellent  artifice  to  make  himself  ap- 
pear to  be  the  real  son  of  Edward  IV.  he  affected  an  extreme 
concern  for  the  calamities  of  the  English,  and  conjured  the 
Scottish  monarch  to  spare  his  miserable  subjects.     The  ap- 
proach of  an  English  army  obliged  James  to  relire  into  his 
own  kingdom,  as  he  was  unwilling  to  expose  his  plunder  t» 
the  hazard  of  a  battle.     This  invasion,  at  a  time  when  a 
truce  subsisted  between  the  two  kingdoms,  afforded  Henry  an 
excellent  pretext  for  demanding  money  of  the  parliament,  in 
order  to  prosecute  the  war  against  Scotland,  and   a  subsidy 
was  accordingly  granted.     But  the  king  being  desirous  of 
peace,  entered  info  a  negociation  with  James,  at  the  same 
time  that  he  caused  the  subsidy  for  carrying  on  the   war  to 
he  levied  with  the  greatest  rigour.     The  eommissionei-s  ap- 
pointed for  that  piirposc  proceeded  to  the  different  counties ; 
hut  in  Cornwall  they  met  with  an  unexpected  opposition.  The 
people,  headed  by  Thomas  Flammock,  a  lawyer,  and  Michael 
Joseph,  a  farrier,  took  arms,  in  order  to  carry  a  petition  to 
the  king,  praying  him  to  desist  from  the  tax,  and  (o  dismiss 
liis  evil  counsellors.  At  Wells  they  were  joined  by  lord  Aud- 
ley,  a  restless  and  discontented  nobleman,  whom  they  joyfully 
received  as   their  general.      Audley   led  fheni  throtigh  the 
southern  counties  into  Kent,  and  at   last  they  eocaniped  on 
lilackheath. 


486  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

.   _  ^  The  kins:  seeine  the  insurffeuts  so  near  London. 

A.  D.  1497.  o  o  o  f 

resolved  to  march  against  thcin  without  delay ; 

and  as  he  was  greatly  superior  both  in  number  of  troops  and 
military  skill,  he  took  such  dispositions  as  left  little  to  haz- 
ard or  fortune.  Having  divided  his  army  into  three  bodies^ 
lie  ordered  lord  Oxford,  who  commanded  the  first,  to  take  a 
circuitous  route  behind  the  hills,  and  to  fall  on  tlieir  rear, 
while  the  second,  commanded  by  lord  D'Aubeney,  was  to 
charge  them  in  front.  The  king  himself  with  the  third  di- 
vision, or  body  of  reserve,  remained  in  St.  George's  Fields  to 
support  the  second  division,  or  to  secure  the  metropolis.  From 
the  unskilfulness  of  the  rebels,  the  plan  which  Henry  had 
formed  succeeded  according  to  his  wish.  Being  attacked 
both  in  front  and  rear,  they  were  easily  defeated.  Their  ar- 
my consisted  of  sixteen  thousand  men,*  of  whom  two  thous- 
and were  slain,  and  the  rest  surrendered  at  discretion.  Lord 
Audley  was  beheaded,  Flammock  and  Joseph  were  hanged 
and  quartered  :  the  rest  of  the  prisoners  were  given  to  the 
captors,  who  had  liberty  to  compound  with  them  as  thej 
pleased  for  their  ransom. 

While  Henry  was  menaced  by  this  insurrection,  the  Scot- 
tish king  seized  the  opportunity  of  making  another  incursion 
into  England ;  but  this  second  expedition  was  not  more  suc- 
cessful than  the  first.  The  earl  of  Surrey,  who  was  then  in 
Yorkshire  with  an  army,  not  only  obliged  him  to  retire,  but 
followed  him  into  Scotland.  Before  the  expiration  of  the 
year,  a  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded  between 
Henry  and  James,  in  consequence  of  which  the  lat- 
ter dismissed  the  pretended  duke  of  York ;  but  he  conveyed 
him  and  his  wife  into  Ireland. 

The  Cornish  rebels  having  compounded  with  their  captors, 
and  returned  to  their  respective  homes,  soon  began  to  re-as- 
semble ;  and  hearing  that  Perkin  Warbeek  was  in  Ireland, 
invited  him  to  come  among  them,  assuring  him  that  he  would 
meet  with  a  powerful  support.  The  pretender  being  without 
^^in}'  refuge  in  Ireland,  and  expecting  no  further  assistance 
from  Scotland,  France,  or  the  Netherlands,  gladly  accepted 
the  invitulion.  He  landed  at  Whitsand  bay,  with  a  hundred 
"  r.ucon,p.  619.     Ifppinsays  only  6000. — 1.  p.  6S0. 


HENRY   VII.  487 

and  and  twenty,  or  a  hundred  and  forty  men.*  He 
AD  14^8  *''^"  proceeded  to  Bodmin,  where  he  mustered 
about  three  thousand,  and  published  a  manifesto 
filled  M'ith  invectives  against  Henry,  an<l  magnificent  promises 
to  such  as  should  assist  in  dethroning  the  usurper.  After 
publishing  this  proclamation,  his  next  object  was  to  make 
himself  master  of  Exeter.  Finding  that  the  inhabitants 
were  not  to  be  intimidated  by  threats,  nor  allured  by  prom- 
ises, he  resolved  to  slorm  the  city.  As  he  was  destitute  of 
artillery,  he  could  adopt  no  other  mode  of  assault  than  sca- 
ling the  walls  ;  but  in  this  he  was  unsuccessful,  and  lost  two 
hundred  men  in  the  attempt. 

Henry  hearing  that  Perkin  was  before  Exeter,  immediately 
dispatched  lord  D'Aubeney  to  the  relief  of  that  place,  caus- 
ing at  the  same  time  a  report  to  be  spread,  that  he  himself 
was  about  to  follow  with  a  numerous  army.  Perkin,  on  re- 
ceiving intelligence  of  the  preparations  making  against  him, 
raised  the  seige  of  Exeter,  and  soon  after  losing  all  hope  of 
success  or  of  safety,  took  refuge  in  a  monastery.!  His  troops, 
who  were  about  six  thousand  in  number,  seeing  themselves 
abandoned  by  their  chief,  submitted  to  the  king's  mercy.  The 
wife  of  Perkin  was  then  brought  away  from  her  retreat  at 
St.  Michael's  Mount,  lest  if  she  was  pregnant  and  should 
escape,  her  offspring  might  prove  the  source  of  fresh  troubles. 
This  virtuous  lady  demonstrated  an  unbounded  affection  for 
her  husband  ;  and  her  modesty  and  engaging  address  made 
such  an  impression  on  the  king,  that  he  gave  her  a  gracious 
reception,  and  assigned  her  an  honourable  allowance,  which 
she  enjoyed  during  his  reign,  and  many  years  after  his  death. 

The  king  being  come  to  Exeter,  conferred  many  marks 
of  distinction  on  the  mayor  and  citizens.  He  then  proceeded 
to  punish  the  rebels  :  some  of  the  ringleaders  were  hanged  : 
to  the  rest,  M'ho  had  submitted  to  his  mercy,  he  granted  their 
lives,  but  imposed  on  them  such  heavy  fines  as  if  he  had  in- 
tended to  leave  them  to  starve  after  freeing  them  from  the 
gallows.  After  many  consultations  with  his  council,  in  regard 
to  the  pretended  duke  of  York,  it  was  determined  to  engage 
liim  by  an  offer  of  pardon  to  make   a  full  confession  of  his 

•Stowe,  p.  480.  Bacon,  p.  622.  Rapin  says  only  70.  Vol.  1.  p.  681. 

T  Bacon,  ibicL 


483  HISTORY  or  England, 

imposture.  Perkin,  seeing  himself  without  hope  after  so 
many  trials  and  so  narrowly  watched  as  to  preclude  a  possi- 
bility of  escape,  gladly  accepted  the  offer.  The  king  then 
ortlered  him  to  he  conducted  to  court,  but  although  he  seemed 
to  be  entirely  at  liberty  he  was  attended  by  persons  appointed 
(o  prevent  his  escape.  In  his  journey  to  London  he  was  ex- 
posed to  the  insults  and  derision  of  the  people,  which  he  bore 
with  great  magnanimity,  and  never  acted  the  prince  better 
tl'.an  on  this  trying  occasion. 

On  his  arrival  he  was  conducted,  on  horseback,  twice  through 
the  metropolis.  He  was  afterwards  privately  examined,  and 
his  confession  was  published,  giving  an  account  of  all  his 
actions,  and  the  places  where  he  had  lived  ever  since  his  in- 
fancy. But  the  world  was  surprised  to  find  no  particulars  of 
the  conspiracy,  nor  any  mention  of  its  authors,  not  even  of 
the  duchess  of  Burgundy.  This  mysterious  silence  confirmed 
many  in  the  opinion  that  Perkin  Warbeck  was  the  real  duke 
of  York.  It  was  strongly  suspected  that  the  king  had  dic- 
tated this  pretended  confession,  and  that  he  had  studiously 
avoided  the  mention  of  any  circumstances  relating  to  foreign 
princes,  lest  he  should  be  publicly  contradicted  by  persons 
who  would  not  have  for  him  the  same  regard  as  his  own  sub- 
jects. 

The  restless  adventurer  was  not  long  before  he  attempted 
to  make  his  escape.  He  first  took  the  road  for  Kent,  hoping 
to  find  some  vessel  to  carry  him  out  of  the  kingdom  ;  but  dis- 
covering that  orders  were  everywhere  sent  to  apprehend  him, 
lie  took  sanctuary  in  a  monastery  at  Shene,  now  Richmond, 
in  Surrey.  Having  again  surrendered  on  condition  that  his 
life  should  be  spared,  he  was  sent  to  the  Tower.  After  re- 
maining some  time  in  his  prison,  he  gained  four  servants  of 
Sir  J.  Digby,  lieutenant  of  the  Tower,  and  formed  the  design 
of  killing  their  master,  seizing  the  keys,  and  making  his 
escape,  together  with  the  young  earl  of  Warwick,  who  for 
the  sake  of  regaining  that  liberty  of  which  he  had  been  so 
long  and  so  unjustly  deprived,  readily  engaged  in  the  plot. 
Various  circumstances,  however,  excited  a  suspicion  that  this 
conspiracy  originated  from  Henry  himself,  who  had  artfully 
contrived  to  draw  them  into  a  snare.  All  the  reasons  alleged 
for  fixing  this  imputation  on  the  king  amount  to  no  more  than 


HENRY    VII.  489 

vague  cojijec(ure  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  the  afFaif  furnished 
him  with  a  plausible  pretext  for  freeing  himself  from  all  unea- 
siness on  the  suliject  of  tlie  pretended  duke  of  York  and  the 
earl  of  Warwick.  Both  of  them  were  condemned  and  exe- 
cuted. The  earl  of  Warwick  was  twenty-four 
years  of  age,  during  fifteen  of  which  he  had  been 
kept  a  close  prisoner.  This  unfortunate  prince  who  had  been 
so  long  debarred  from  all  communication  with  the  world,  that 
he  is  said  to  have  not  known  the  difference  between  a  goose 
and  a  hen,  was  the  last  male  of  (he  house  of  York,  which 
was  indeed  his  chief  crime  :  he  was  beheaded  on  Tower  Hill. 
Perkin  Warbeck  terminated  on  the  gallows  a  life  of  roman- 
tic adventure  :*  he  had  been  acknowledged  as  lawful  king  in 
Ireland,  Flanders,  France,  and  Scotland,  and  even  in  some 
parts  of  Etigland ;  nor  has  all  the  artifices  of  Henry  fully 
convinced  posterity  that  this  extraordinary  person  was  not  the 
real  duke  of  York. 

To  examine  the  pretensions  of  Pierkin  Warbeck  in  every 
point  of  view,  and  under  the  various  shades  of  probability, 
which  present  themselves  on  each  side  of  the  question,  w  ould 
require  a  long  disseitation.  It  suffices  here  to  remark,  that 
while  the  house  of  Lancaster,  or  rather  of  Tudor,  sat  on  the 
throne,  no  writer  thought  fit  to  affront  the  reigning  family,  by 
vindicating  the  claims  of  a  person  who  was  laid  in  the  grave 
and  had  left  no  representative.  All  the  historians  of  those 
times  have  re-echoed  the  same  story.  But  the  writers  of  the 
present  age,  in  which  the  same  interests  no  longer  exist, 
have  indulged  themselves  in  the  liberty  of  free  investigation. f 
In  glancing  at  the  probabilities  on  the  opposite  sides  of  the 
question,  the  reader  will  observe  that  every  thing  published 
by  the  king,  the  party  the  most  interested,  was  taken  from 
private  examinations,  and  falls,  in  many  respects,  extremelv 
short  of  that  kind  of  evidence  which  forces  conviction  on  the 
mind  of  an  impartial  inquirer.     On  the  other  hand  his  escape 

•  The  chief  authorities  for  the  history  of  Perkin  Warbeck,  as  here 
related,  are  Bacon,  p.  604  to  p.  627  ;  Hall  fol.  31  to  fol.  50  ;  HoUingshed 
p.  783,  See. 

I  A  recent  author,  of  considereble  abilities,  appears  to  be  dccidedlj- 
of  opinion  that  Perkin  Warbeck  was  the  real  duke  of  York.  Vide  Jonw 
Hist,  of  Brecknr>ck,  vol.  1.  cli.  7th. 

R  r  i; 


490  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

from  the  murderers  of  Edward  V.  is  not  very  probable,  if  we 
cousider  the  difficuity  of  the  attempt.  Or  had  this  escape 
been  really  aiTected,  why  was  the  duke  of  York  so  long  con- 
cealed when  in  the  duchess  of  Burgundy's  court,  and  the  ru- 
mour of  his  being  alive  propagated  in  so  dark  and  clandes- 
tine a  manner  ?  The  whole  aftair  is  extremely  mysterious ; 
and  wliether  this  adventurer  was  or  was  not  the  person  whose 
name  and  title  he  assumed,  is  one  of  those  historical  prob- 
lems which  can  never  obtain  a  solution. 

Henry,  being  wholly  freed  from  his  domestic  troubles  and 
apprehensions,  employed  the  remainder  of  his  reign  in  nego- 
eiating  alliances  with  foreign  powers,  in  filling  his  coffers, 
and  in  depressing  the  aristocracy.  While  he  thus  en- 
joyed external  and  internal  tranquillity,  the  Pope,  Alexander 
VI.  communicated  to  him  a  project  which  he  had  formed  for 
undertaking  a  croisade  against  the  Turks.  The  plan  pro- 
posed was  grand  and  extensive.  The  Bohemians,  Poles,  and 
Hungarians,  were  to  attack  the  Turks  in  Thrace,  the  French 
and  Spaniards  in  Greece,  and  the  Pope  himself,  with  the 
king  of  England,  the  Venetians,  and  the  other  states  and 
princes  of  Italy  were  to  combine  their  maritime  forces  and 
attack  Constantinople.  The  sovereign  pontiff,  although  not 
ignorant  that  the  ardour  of  the  princess  of  Europe  for  these 
romantic  wars  had  long  ago  subsided,  expressed  an  extraordi- 
nary desire  of  exciting  all  Christendom  to  this  pious  enterprise. 
But  the  character  of  Alexander  VI  which  was  well  known, 
authorised  a  strong  presumption  that,  on  this  occasion,  he  did 
not  act  solely  from  motives  of  religion  and  zeal  for  the  glory 
of  God.  On  the  contrary  it  was  easy  to  perceive  that  the 
great  design  of  the  croisade  was  to  fill  the  papal  treasury 
with  the  contributions  of  both  sovereigns  and  subjects.  The 
genius  of  Henry  was  far  from  being  favourable  to  romantic 
and  hazardous  undertakings ;  but  forseeing  that,  in  the  exist- 
ing state  of  Europe,  this  project  would  meet  with  such  obsta- 
cles as  would  never  permit  it  to  be  carried  into  execution,  he 
considered  the  proposal  as  affording  him  an  opportunity  of 
shewing  his  zeal  for  religion,  and  accordingly  answered  the 
Pope's  nuncio  that  no  prince,  in  Christendom,  would  be  more 
desirous  than  himself  of  promoting  this  affair  for  the  glory  of 
God  and  the  good  of  the  church  5  but  at  the  same  time  he 


HENRY   VII.  49i 

clogged  his  offers  of  service  with  so  inauy  conditions  that  it 
was  easy  to  discover  his  intention.  The  Pope  readily  per- 
ceived the  drift  of  his  answer,  and  finding  thr^t  expeditions  of 
this  kind  were  no  longer  in  unison  with  the  politics  of  Europe 
and  the  spirit  of  the  times,  abandoned  his  project. 

Among  the  treaties  with  foreign  powers,  by  which  Henry 
endeavoured  to  establish  his  throne  and  secure  it  to  his  pos- 
terity, are  those  which  stipulated  the  marriage  of  prince 
Arthur,  his  eldest  son,  M'ith  Catherine  of  Arragon,  daughter 
of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  and  that  of  Margaret,  his  eldest 
daughter,  Avith  James  IV.  king  of  Scotland.  Arthur  dying 
within  less  than  two  years,  Henry  was  obliged,  by  treaty,  to 
restore  a  hundred  thousand  crowns  already  received  as  half  of 
her  portion,  and  if  she  remit  ined  in  England  to  give  her  one 
third  of  the  principality  of  Wales,  as  also  of  the  duchy  of 
Cornwall,  and  earldom  of  Chester.*  Henry  could  not  in- 
fringe these  engagements  without  coming  to  a  rupture  with 
Ferdinand,  and  such  a  measure  was  inconsistent  with  his  in- 
terests, as  the  deference  shewn  him  by  the  other  princes  of 
Europe,  and  especially  by  the  king  of  France,  was,  in  a  great 
measure,  owing  to  his  strict  alliance  with  the  Spanish  mon- 
arch. He  therefore  devised  an  expedient  for  preserving  the 
friendship  of  Ferdinand  without  refunding  the  money,  and 
even  to  procure  the  other  half  of  Catherine's  portion  that  re- 
mained unpaid.  This  was  to  marry  that  princess  to  his  son 
Henry,  now  the  presumptive  heir  to  the  crown.  The  king  of 
of  Spain  agreed  to  the  proposal :  The  Pope  granted  a  dispen- 
sation ;  and  the  prince  of  Wales  was  married  to  his  brother's 
widow,  a  transaction  which  gave  rise  to  events  of  great  impor- 
tance in  the  following  reign.  The  marriage  of  Margaret,  with 
the  Scottish  monarch,  was  ultimately  productive  of  effects 
highly  beneficial  to  posterity,  as  it  proved  the  means  of  unit- 
ing the  two  crowns  of  England  and  Scotland.! 

•  Rym.  fed.  torn.  13.  p   84. 

f  One  of  Henry's  counsellors  having'  represented  to  him  that  tliis  mar- 
riag'e  might  eveiitually  give  to  England  a  Scotch  sovereign,  the  king  re- 
plied, that  should  this  be  the  case,  the  weakest  would  follow  the  strong- 
est :  that  Scotland  would  be  annexed  to  England,  not  England  to  Scot- 
land.    Rapin  1.  p.  685.    This  vcmark  has  been  verificdi 


4^S  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

Henry  was  now  in  the  zenith  of  his  prosperity.  Every 
thing  had  succeeded  according  to  his  desire.  His  whole  study 
was  now  to  accumulate  wealth;  and  the  affair  of  Perkin  War- 
beck  was  a  plentiful  fountain  that  was  not  yet  exhausted. 
Commissioners  were  appointed  to  make  a  strict  inquiry  after 
all  who  had  abetted  or  refused  to  oppose  the  late  rebellions. 
All  fhose  who  were  found  guilty  were  punished  by  heavy 
finas,  which  were  rigorously  exacted.  Two  of  his  principal 
instruments  in  this  affair,  were  Sir  Richard  Empson  and  Ed- 
mund Dudley,  the  former  a  man  of  family,  the  latter  a  sieve- 
maker's  son.*  These  two  ministers  appear  to  have  executed 
their  commission,  not  only  with  extreme  rigour,  but  with  the 
most  oppressive  injustice,  by  which  they  drew  on  themselves 
the  popular  odium,  and  cast  a  gloomy  shade  over  the  closing 
reign  of  their  sovereign. 

While  his  agents  were  using  every  method  of  extorting 
money  from  the  people,  the  king,  after  frequent  attacks  of 
the  gout,  was  seized  with  a  disorder  of  the  lungs,  which  an- 
nounced his  approaching  dissolution.  He  prepared  for  death 
"by  acts  of  generosity  of  which  he  would  never  have  thought 
while  any  prospect  of  life  remained  :  he  granted  a  general 
pardon,  and  liberated,  at  his  own  expense,  all  prisoners  that 
were  eonfiDed  for  debts  under  40s.  in  the  metropolis  and  its 
vicinity.  After  these  preparations  for  his  entrance 
A  d"i509.  "^^**  eternity,  Henry  died  at  Richmond,  in  the  53d 
year  of  his  age,  and  the  twenty-fourth  of  his  reign. 

The  character  of  Henry  VH.  like  that  of  most  other  prin- 
ces and  statesmen,  has  been  variously  estimated  ;  and  his  vi- 
ces as  well  as  his  virtues  appear  to  have  been  exaggerated. 
Historians  condemn  his  insatiable  avarice,  while  they  extol 
his  prudence.  During  the  whole  period  of  his  reign,  he  is 
said  to  have  had  only  two  objects  in  view  :  the  first  was  to 
preserve  a  crown  acquired  by  an  extraordinary  stroke  of  good 
fortune,  the  second  to  accumulate  money,  The  successive 
revolutions  which  had  taken  place  since  the  death  of  Edward 
ID.  rendered  him  sensible  that  the  throne  of  England  was  a 
precarious  tenure  ;  and  he  observed  tliat  the  want  of  money 
was  one  great  cause  of  the  troubles  and  misfortunes  of  his 
predecessors.  These  consideration  seem  to  have  actuated  al! 
•Bacon  p.  629, 


HENTIY    Vn.  493 

Lis  measures.  It  has  been  observed,  that  although  he  saved 
the  lives  of  many  whose  crimes  were  tleserving  of  death,  he 
never  was  known  to  exercise  an  act  of  grace  in  regard  to  fines 
and  confiscations.  On  this  subject  he  was  always  inflexible. 
Among  his  numerous  plans  for  depressing  the  aristocracy,  he 
had  procured  several  acts  of  parliament,  which  forbade,  un- 
der severe  penalties,  the  giving  of  liveries  to  any  but  menial 
servants,  and  this  law  he  enforced  with  the  greatest  rigour. 
On  a  visit  to  the  earl  of  Oxford,  who  had  rendered  him  both 
in  war  and  peace  the  most  eminent  services,  he  was  entertain- 
ed in  the  most  splendid  manner.  When  Henry  was  about  to 
depart,  he  saw  a  great  number  of  men  dressed  in  very  rich 
liveries,  and  ranged  so  as  to  form  a  lane  through  which  he 
was  to  pass.  If  the  earl  had  forgotten  the  law,  it  was  re- 
membered by  the  king  :  "  What  !  my  lord  of  Oxford,"  said 
he,  "  are  these  fine  gentlemen  all  your  menial  servants." 
The  earl  replied  that  he  did  not  keep  so  many  domestics  j 
hut  that  they  were  his  retainers,  who  came  to  do  him  honour 
on  extraordinary  occasions.  "  My  lord,"  said  the  king,  "  I 
*'  thank  you  for  your  good  cheer  ;  but  I  must  not  sufter  my 
"  laws  to  be  broken  :  my  attorney-general  must  talk  with  you." 
Lord  Verulam,  the  historian  of  Henry's  reign,  informs  us 
that  the  earl  of  Oxford  was  obliged  to  atone  for  this  trespass 
by  paying  a  fine  of  fifteen  hundred  marks. 

This  monarch  has,  indeed,  been  taxed  with  extreme  sever- 
ity ;  but  although  a  great  part  of  his  reign  was  disturbed  by 
plots,  treasons,  and  insurrections,  it  Mas  marked  with  few 
executions.  Fines  and  confiscations  were  more  congenial  to 
Henry's  disposition  than  capital  punishments.  And  it  must 
be  ol)served  that  in  his  reign  scarcely  any  person  suftcred  for 
treason,  that  would  not  in  the  present  age  have  met  with  the 
same  treatment.  If,  therefore,  he  was  somewhat  too  greedy 
of  the  money,  he  was  sparing  of  the  blood  of  his  subjects. 
He  was  both  from  inclination  and  policy  a  lover  of  peace, 
and  usually  expressed  his  idea  of  its  value,  by  saying  that 
"  when  Christ  came  into  the  world  peace  was  sung,  and  when 
*'  he  went  out  of  the  world,  peace  was  bequeathed."  In  re- 
gard to  his  military  talents,  they  were  never  put  to  a  fair 
trial.  His  victory  at  Bosworth  was  owing  to  the  desertion  of 
Richard's  troops,  rather  than  to  his  own  martial   abilities  ; 


494<  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

and  in  tlie  battles  of  Stoke  and  Blackheath,  he  had  a  great 
superiority  of  numbers,  besides  the  advantage  of  having 
troops  better  armed  and  disciplined  than  those  of  the  rebels. 
It  does  not  appear  that  he  was  deficient  cither  in  courage  or 
skill ;  for  when  Jiis  crown  and  his  life  were  at  slake,  he  faced 
the  danger  with  a  dauntless  composure,  although  not  without 
taking  every  possible  precaution. 

His  religious  and  moral  character  appears  extremely  ambig- 
uous. He  politicall}'  professed  an  implicit  submission  to  the 
Pope,  and  the  greatest  veneration  for  tlie  clergy ;  but  he 
never  snftered  them  to  direct  his  conduct.  He  was  constant 
in  the  exercises  of  religion ;  but  in  the  sham  excommunica- 
tion of  his  own  spies,  as  well  as  in  some  other  instances,  he 
made  no  scruple  of  prostituting  the  ordinances  of  the  church 
to  tbe  views  of  his  policy.  He  was  a  strict  observer  of  jus- 
tice, where  his  own  interest  was  not  concerned  ;  but  his  ava- 
rice often  made  him  unjust.  The  fear  of  losing  his  crown, 
induced  him  to  consider  as  lawful  every  means  that  could  tend 
to  its  preservation ;  and  the  death  of  the  innocent  earl  of 
Warwick  will  ever  be  a  stain  on  his  memory.  As  a  skil- 
ful legislator  and  a  refined  politician,  his  name  stands  con- 
spicuous in  history,  and  his  prudence  has  procured  him 
the  title  of  the  English  Solomon.  His  constant  aim  wais 
to  depress  the  nobility,  and  to  exalt  and  humanize  the  people. 
To  the  restless  ambition  of  the  former,  and  the  servile  depen- 
dence of  the  latter,  all  the  troubles  of  the  preceding  reigns 
nilght  be  traced  ;  and  Henry  had  not  failed  to  make  the  ob- 
servation. Every  baron  had  a  number  of  subjects,  over 
•whom  he  exercised  an  absolute  power,  and  upon  every  occa- 
sion could  influence  numbers  to  join  him  in  a  revolt  against 
the  sovereign.  Henry  considered,  that  to  give  these  petty 
monarclis  the  power  of  selling  their  estates,  would  be  a  sure 
means  of  weakening  their  interests.  It  has  already  been 
observed,  that  the  croisades  and  the  increase  of  luxury,  had 
long  ago  introduced  the  alienation  of  landed  property,  till  in 
the  reign  of  Edward  I.  the  law  of  entails  was  devised,  in 
order  to  put  a  stop  to  the  practice.  Henry  procured  an  act 
of  parliament,  Avhich  granted  to  the  nobility  a  power  of  alien- 
ating their  possessions.  This  law  was  extremely  pleasing  to 
tbe  common?,  and  not  disagreeable  to  the  noblesj  as  it  affordjed 


HENRY   VII.  495 

ttiem  an  immediate  resource  for  supplying  the  dcmamls  of 
prodigality.  The  blow  reached  their  posterity  alone,  and 
their  views  were  not  so  extensive  as  to  foresee  remote  conse- 
quences. 

But  the  greatest  efforts  of  this  monarch  were  directed  to 
<he  advancement  of  commerce,  because  this  naturally  tended 
to  introduce  a  spirit  of  liberty  among  the  people,  and  disen- 
gaged them  from  their  dependence  on  the  nobility.  His  avarice 
and  extreme  caution,  however,  in  refusing  to  uicurtlie  trifling 
expense  of  equipping  Columbus  for  the  search  of  a  new 
worhl,  caused  him  to  lose  the  most  glorious  opportunity  of 
immortalizing  his  name,  and  extending  t!ic  navigation  and 
trade  of  his  kingdom  that  any  monarch  could  ever  enjoy.  He 
endeavoured  to  atone  for  his  error  by  sending  out  Hebastiaw 
Cabot  on  a  similar  expedition  ;  but  it  was  then  too  late,  and 
the  favourable  opportunity  was  for  ever  lost.*  IJut  narrow 
views  of  commercial  affairs  were  not  peculiar  to  Henry  : 
they  were  common  to  all  the  princes  and  states  of  that  age. 
The  vast  projects  and  magnificent  views  of  Columbus  were 
treated  with  contempt,  or  at  least  with  neglect,  in  other  coun- 
tries as  well  as  in  England  ;  and  it  was  only  after  eight  years 
of  solicitations,  seconded  by  the  exertion  of  public  spirited 
individuals,  that  he  obtained  the  patronage  of  queen  Isabella 
in  Spain. t 

The  reign  of  Henry  VII.  was,  on  the  whole,  extremely  ben- 
eficial to  England,  and  produced  one  of  the  most  important 

*The  question  might  here  be  proposed  :  What  would  iiave  been  the 
consequences  had  tlie  Englisli,  instead  of  the  Spaniar  s,  discovered  and 
conquered  Mexico,  Peru  ?  Sec.  It  may  be  objected  that  the  possession  of 
the  American  mines  has  been  followed  by  the  decline  of  industry  and  the' 
decrease  of  population  in  Spain,  and  that  tlic  same  effects  might  have 
been  produced  in  England.  But  the  subsequent  circumstances  of  thcs<5' 
two  kingdoms  have  been  extremely  different,  and  tlie  question,  consid- 
ered in  all  its  bearings,  might  furnish  matter  for  a  curious  and  interesting 
dissertation.  Here  it  sufiiccs  to  observe  that  when  America  was  con- 
quered, Spain  was  sinking-  into  despotism  :  England  was  rising  to  libertw 
I'or  a  view  of  tlie  causes  which  prevented  Spain  from  dcrivir.g  such  ad- 
vantages as  might  have  been  expected,  vide  Hist,  of  Spain,  publislied  by 
Longman  .and  Co.  London,  1810. 

f  The  republic  of  Genoa  refused  to  patronize  the  enterprise  of  Cohun-- 
bus  ;  and  in  Portugal  he  was  undermined  by  an  interested  party.  >'idc 
Kobcrtson's  Hist.  Amcv.  vol.  1.  and  authorities  quoted. 


496  HISTORY  OF  ENGLANJD. 

revolutions  that  ever  took  place  in  any  country.  An  insolent 
and  factious  aristocracy  was  humbled  :  a  nation,  addicted  to 
tumult  and  convulsed  with  incessant  rebellions,  was  reduced 
to  civil  subordination.  These  effects,  however,  were  not  to 
be  ascribed  solely  to  the  prudence  and  patriotism  of  the  king  ; 
hut  in  part  to  the  circumstances  of  the  times.  The  sovereigns 
of  Europe  had  long  made  the  depression  of  the  nobles  and 
the  exaltation  of  the  people  one  of  the  great  objects  of  their 
policy ;  but  their  endeavours  had  often  been  attended  with 
little  success.  It  was  only  towards  the  close  of  the  fifteenth 
century  that  human  reason,  after  a  lethargy  of  ten  centuries, 
began  to  exert  itself  with  success  for  the  happiness  of  the 
species.  In  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.  the  statutes,  which  per- 
mitted the  alienation  of  estates,  prohibited  the  giving  of  liv- 
eries to  retainers,  &c.  gave  a  mortal  blow  to  the  feudal  system 
in  England ;  but  the  way  for  this  revolution  was  previously 
prepared  by  the  contest  between  the  houses  of  York  and  Lan- 
caster, in  which,  as  already  observed,  many  of  the  principal 
families  had  been  extirpated  by  battles  and  executions,  and 
the  rest  deprived  of  their  wealth  and  influence  by  fines  and 
confiscations.  The  civil  wars,  therefore,  had  contributed 
more  effectually  than  all  the  policy  of  Henry  to  the  depres- 
sion of  the  aristocratical  order.  The  subsequent  exten- 
sion of  commerce  excited  the  industry  and  increased  the 
wealth  and  consequently  the  influence  of  the  people:  while 
an  increasing  luxury  multiplied  the  wants  and  exhausted  the 
w  ealth  of  tbe  great  :  the  baronial  estates  were  gradually  dis- 
membered, and  a  considerable  part  of  them  dispersed  among 
the  commons,  and  the  baronial  power  was,  in  process  of  time, 
wholly  extinguished.  Various  circumstances,  therefore,  con- 
curred to  produce  one  great  effect.  It  must  be  allowed  that 
whatever  the  character  of  Henry  might  be  as  a  man,  he  was 
one  of  the  best  of  the  English  kings  ;  his  reign  if  not  the 
most  brilliant  was  the  most  beneficial  that  England  had  seen  ; 
and  it  must  be-regarded  as  the  era  in  which  was  laid  the  foun- 
dation of^^ilir  pi*^6flt  system  of  society. 
v\ 


EKD  OF  VOLUME  I. 


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